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EUROPEAN HISTORY 
AN OUTLINE OF ITS DEVELOPMENT 



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EUROPEAN HISTORY 



AN OUTLINE OF ITS 
DEVELOPMENT 



BY 



GEORGE BURTON ADAMS 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN YALE UNIVERSITY 



WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 
1899 

Ail rights reserved 



25219 



Copyright, 1899, 
By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. 



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- eNC COPY RECEIVED 




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NorfaooB 33k2S 

J. S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith 

Norwood Mass. U. S. A. 



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PREFACE 

It is my hope that this book, while it may be used in any 
way, will be found of especial value by the teacher who has 
escaped from the bondage of set text-book recitations, as 
fortunately most teachers of history have now done. 

In the preparation of the bibliographies and references I 
have had in mind both the needs of the teacher and of the 
pupil. Nothing adds so much to the interest of work in 
history as a more extensive knowledge of the subject on the 
teacher's part than the text-book gives, and an ability to fill 
it out and throw light upon it from various sources. The 
bibliographies give the names of many books not specifically 
referred to elsewhere. These are especially for the use of 
the teacher, and the intention has been to mention in each 
case the two or three best books. In the construction of 
the text also, while it has been my purpose to state as 
clearly as possible all the important facts, I have endeavored 
to make a text which would readily serve as the foundation 
for considerable expansion by both teacher and pupils. It 
will be noticed, possibly, that the stock historical anecdotes 
are lacking. These, if used at all, will have much more 
force and point coming from the teacher than if they stand 
in the text to be read and reread and repeated to the weari- 
ness of the bright pupil. 

The specific references, while they may be of use to the 
teacher himself, are especially intended to be used with due 
judgment in the assignment of outside reading to the pupil 
and as the basis of reports to the class. At the close of each 



vi Preface 

chapter two or three topics of especially assigned readings 
are given, but these are intended to serve as specimens 
rather than to furnish a complete list. The teacher can 
construct as many others as desired on the basis of the 
marginal topics and references. In the selection of the 
books, to which the specific references are made, I have 
been governed by the readiness with which the books can 
be procured. If a list of all those to which most frequent 
reference is made were drawn up, it would not exceed the 
limits of a good school library of European history. I 
believe that all the easily accessible sources in English have 
been referred to in most cases by specific references, and 
I have supplemented these by reference to two or three col- 
lections of sources in French and German which are readily 
obtainable and inexpensive. 

In the preparation of the text I have endeavored to give 
especial emphasis to the different periods of history, and at 
the same time to make clear the continuous movement. If 
any fairly good conception can be gained from the study of 
history of the steady march of humanity up to its present 
level, one of its richest and most fruitful results has been 
secured, and it is a wish of mine, though one perhaps not 
easily realized, that the teacher should be able to make his 
class see in each lesson, or at least in each of the minor 
epochs of history, how the movement advances a stage in 
the given bit of time. I hope that the summaries prefixed 
to the different parts may be of service in this direction. 
It will be noticed also that the traditional divisions of gen- 
eral history have not been exactly followed, and that in a 
number of cases new names have been given to the divisions 
made. These names have been selected with a view to 
bringing out prominently the unity and continuous advance 
of history. The traditional divisions are, however, made 
clear enough in the text so that any one who prefers can 
make use of them. 



Preface vii 

The book can readily be made the basis of a two-years 
course of study by a use of the references and assigned 
readings. If this is desired, I should advise a division at 
the end of Part IV, as the most logical and satisfactory, 
although it does not divide the text quite evenly. I hope 
the book may also be found to serve a good purpose in 
colleges as the " backbone book " of a wider course of 
study or as a book of review on the completion of such a 
course. 

I have received suggestions of value in the preparation 
of the book from a number of correspondents, but I am 
under especial obligation for such suggestions to Professors 
Lucy M. Salmon of Vassar College and Fred Morrow Fling 
of the University of Nebraska. 

It is impossible that in a book of this kind errors both 
of the pen and of the press, and even graver ones, should 
not have escaped attention. I shall be very grateful to 
those who will call my attention to any of these which they 
may notice. 

GEORGE BURTON ADAMS. 

December 29, 1898. 



CONTENTS 



PAGE 

A Brief List of Books of Reference of Value to the 

Teacher xxvii 



PART I 

PRIMITIVE EUROPE AND THE ORIENT 
Books for Reference and Further Reading ..... I 

I. The Earliest History i 

The Field of History — The Prehistoric Age — Succes- 
sion of Historic Races of Men. 

II. The Oriental Nations 7 

Egypt — Egyptian Civilization — Assyria and Baljylonia 
— The Hebrews — The Phoenicians — The Persian Empire. 

PART II 

THE GREEK PERIOD 

Books for Refer c7ice — Summary . . . . . -17 

I. The Early History 19 

Primitive Greek History — The Legendary Period — 
The Homeric Age — The Spartans — A Military Com- 
munism — A Ruling Minority — Athens — The Great Re- 
formers — Two Typical Greek Constitutions. 

II. The Struggle of Greece with Persia and its Results 29 
The Beginning of the Persian Wars — The First and 
Second Invasions — Xerxes' Invasion — Greek Leadership 
passes to Athens — Rise of the Athenian Empire — The 
Age of Pericles. 

ix 



: Contents 

PAGE 

III. The Peloponnesian War and its Results. . . 34 

The Beginning of the War — The Sicilian Expedition — 
The Last Period of the War, 413-404 B.C. — P'all of Athens 
— Supremacy of Sparta — The Invasion of Persia by Cyrus 
the Younger — A New Persian War — The Decline of 
Sparta. 

IV. The Rise of Macedonia and the Conquests of 

Alexander 42 

Philip's First Steps — The Sacred Wars — The Conquest 
of Greece — The Conquest of Asia — The Fate of Alexan- 
der's Empire — Its Influence on Civilization — The Greek 
World between the Age of Alexander and the Roman 
Conquest — The Period Intellectually — Condition of the 
Greek World at the Roman Conquest. 



PART III 

THE RISE OF THE ROMANS 

Books for Reference — Summary . . . . . -53 

I. Beginnings and Constitutional Changes ... 56 

The Relation of the Romans to the Greeks in History 

— The Geography and Peoples of Italy — The Pounding 

of Rome — The Period of the Kings — Early Changes in 

the Constitution — The Early Constitution of the Republic 

— Rome begins her Conquests — Struggle of the Plebeians 
for Rights — Debtors demand Less Severe Laws — Conflict 
for Equality in holding Office. 

II. The Struggle for Empire 66 

The First Samnite and Latin Wars — War with the 
Greeks — The Roman Colonial System — Rome and Car- 
thage, Rivals for Empire — The Importance of the Struggle 

— The First Punic War — Hannibal's Invasion of Italy — 
Rome's Fortunes at their Lowest — The War carried into 
Africa — Effect of the War upon Rome. 



Contents xi 

PAGE 

III. The Empire completed. Its Effect on Rome . . 79 

Ten Years of Rapid Expansion — ^The Close of Greek 
History — Abuses in Rome's Provincial Government — 
The Abuses affect Rome herself — Tiberius Gracchus — 
Caius Gracchus. 

IV. The Fall of the Republic 86 

No Patriotic Leadership in Rome — Jugurtha measures 
Rome's Corruption — The First German Invasion — Causes 
and Results of the Social War — The First Step towards a 
New Nation — The Army becomes a Political Power — 
Civil War and the " Proscriptions." 

V. The Beginning of the Cbsars 94 

The Rise of Pompey — Csesar and Cicero — The First 
Triumvirate — New Civil War — Monarchy a Necessity — 
Caesar's Measures — The Second Triumvirate. 



PART IV 

THE ROMAN WORLD-STATE WITH ITS FALL 

AND ITS REVIVAL 

Books for Reference — Summary ...... loi 

I. The Empire and its Decline 105 

Character of the Early Empire — Constitutional Forms 

— Economic and Literary Character of the Age — Provin- 
cial Administration — Augustus and the Germans — The 
Period of the Julian House — From Tiberius to Nero — 
The Flavian Dynasty — Growth of the Imperial Constitu- 
tion — Five Good Emperors — The Roman Law — Dis- 
orders of the Third Century — Reforms of Diocletian 

— Constantine the Great. 

II. The Establishment of Christianity .... 120 
Books for Reference and Further Reading . . . . .120 
Christianity at the Death of Christ — Becomes a World 
Religion — Causes of Roman Persecution — Beginnings of 
Church Government — Christianity recognized by the State. 



xii Contents 

PAGE 

III. The Last Age of Rome 126 

Character of the Fourth Century — Causes of the Fall of 
Rome — From Slavery to Serfdom — Attacks upon the 
Frontiers — Characteristics of the Germans — The Third 
and Fourth Centuries — The Goths cross the Danube — 
Theodosius the Great — Invasions of Alaric — Breaking of —^ 
the Rhine Frontier — Rome's German Defender Sacrificed 

— Invasion of the Huns — End of the Western Empire. 

IV. The Founding of the German States . . . 137 

A Second Period of German Conquests — Founder of 
the Frankish Empire — Arian versus Catholic — Clovis 
adopted the Catholic Faith — The Last Years of Clovis' 
Reign — The Ostrogoths conquer Italy — The Character 
of Theodoric's Rule — Growth of the Frankish Power — 
Decay of the Merovingian House — The Roman Empire 
of the East — The Reign of Justinian — Justinian's Work 
for Civilization — The Invasion of the Lombards — The 
Saxons in Britain — The Saxon States — No Roman Ele- 
ments in the Saxon States. 

V. The Franks, the Arabs, and the Papacy . . . 152 

The Second Frankish Dynasty — The First Carolingians 

— Their Power Established — The Government Strength- 
ened — Arabia before Mohammed — Mohammed and his 
Religion — A Religion of Conquest — Conquests of the 
First Century — The Revolution of 750 — Arabian Science 

— Coming in of the Turks — The Frankish Empire Restored 

— Lombards threaten the Pope's Independence — The 
Franks protect the Pope. 

VI. The Empire revived. Charlemagne .... 164 

Books for Reference and Further Reading . . . . .164 

The Way prepared for a Great Empire — Conquest of 
Italy — Of the Saxons — Charlemagne's Other Conquests 

— Revival of the Roman Empire — The Missi Doininici — 
Charlemagne's Schools — • Charlemagne's Place in History. .- 



Contents xiii 

PART V 

THE FORMATION OF THE NATIONS 

PAGE 

Books for Reference — Summary 173 

I. The Breaking up of Charlemagne's Empire . -175 
Causes of Division — Economic Condition — Louis I. the 
Pious — The Treaty of Verdun — End of the United Em- 
pire — New Barbarian Invasions — The Northmen — RoUo 
in Normandy and the Danes in England — ^^Ifred the 
Great — The Second Danish Invasion. 

II. The Feudal System 185 

The Conditions which gave rise to Feudalism — Forms 
of the Feudal System — The Feudal System in France — 
Feudal Rights and Obligations — The Serf Class — Gradual 
Improvement in the Condition of the Serf. 

HI. The Rise of the New Nations 192 

General Conditions — The Beginning in Germany — 
The Saxon Kings — The Empire revived by Otto I. — 
Effect of the Revival — The Beginning in France — Kings 
of Little Power — Norman Conquest of England. 

IV. Empire and Papacy . 199 

The Papacy during the Tenth Century — The Reforms of 
Cluny — Power of the Empire under Henry III. — The 
Beginning of the Conflict — Its Results — The Third Ger- 
man Dynasty, the Hohenstaufen — Danger to the Papacy 
— The Cities of Northern Italy — Guelf and Ghibelline — 
The Papacy at its Highest Point of Power. 

V. The Crusades 209 

Books for Reference and Further Reading ..... 209 

Place of the Crusades in History — Motives of the Cru- 
saders — The Beginning of the First Crusade — Results of 
the First Crusade — The Second and Third Crusades — 
The Later Crusades. 



f 



{ 

xiv Contents 

PAGE 

VI. The Changes which followed the Crusades . .217 
The Direct Results of the Crusades — The Rise of the 
Third Estate — The Third Estate on the Side of Strong 
Government — Effect of the Increased Use of Money — 
Fall of the Feudal System — Changes affecting the Serf 
Class — Institutions of the Cities. 

VII. The Formation of the French Nation . . . 224 
General Conditions in France — Two Great Difficulties 
— The Work of Louis VI. — France threatened by the 
Angevin Empire — The First Great Advance — The Growth 
of the King's Power — The Salic Law — The First Period 
of the Great Struggle with England — The King of Eng- 
land becomes King of France — Joan of Arc — The Final 
Triumph of France — Louis XI. and Charles the Bold. 

VIII. England 236 

Books for Reference and Further Heading ..... 236 
General Character of English History — Period of the 
Norman Kings — Henry II. Abroad and at Home — Eng- 
land and Ireland — Henry's Two Sons — The Greatest of 
the Angevin Kings — The Hundred Years' War — The 
House of Lancaster — The Wars of the Roses. 

IX. The Other States of Europe 247 

The Situation in Germany and Italy — The Foundation 
of Austria — A Period of Many Dynasties — The Hussite 
War — The Rise of Other German States — Italy — Spain 
— The Rise of the Ottoman Empire. 



PART VI 
RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 

Books for Reference — Summary . , , . . -257 
I. The Revival of Learning 259 

A Transitional Epoch — The Meaning of Renaissance 
— The Place of the Middle Ages in History — Learning 
in the Middle Ages — Mediaeval Revivals — The Age of 



Conte7its XV 



Scholasticism — The Founding of the Universities — The 
Renaissance comes First in Italy — The Beginning in the 
Age of Petrarch — The Revival of Greek — Scientilic 
Method Recovered — The Invention of Printing and its 
Results — The Renaissance South and North of the Alps 
— Erasmus. 

II. The Immediate Results of the Revival . . . 273 

Advance in Knowledge — The Commercial Situation of 
the Fifteenth Century — Portuguese Discoveries — Colum- 
bus and his Discoveries — The Economic Results — The 
First Great Step in Physical Science — The End of the 
Renaissance — Art and Literature. 



283 



III. Revolution atiemited in the Government of the 

Church 

The Papacy at Avignon — The Great Schism — The 
Demand for Reform — Wycliffe's Attempt at Reformation 

— Huss and the Hussites — The Council of Constance — 
The Council fails to reform Government or Conduct. 

IV. The Political Changes of the Age .... 290 

Politics become International — The Condition of 
France — The Creation of Spain — Results of Ferdinand's 
Policy — England — Germany — Italy — France begins 
the Struggle — The First Invasion of Italy— A New French 
Claim on Italy — Rapid Changes in the Italian Situation 

— The Dominions of Charles V. — The Imperial Election 
and its Results — France still seeks Dominion in Italy. 

V. The Reformation of Luther 303 

Luther's Theological Beliefs — Indulgences — Luther 
posts his Theses — Luther gradually led to Open Rebel- 
lion — The Protestant Position in Regard to Authority — 
The Diet of Worms — Events in Italy — The Treaty of 
Madrid — Enforcement of the Edict Delayed — Peace 
between France and Charles V. — The " Protestants " and 
their Strength— The Great Peasant War — The First 
Attack of the Turks — The Diet and "Confession" of 
Augsburg — The Emperor's Plans again Postponed. 



\ 



xvi Contejits 

PAGE 

VI. The Later Age of the Reformation . . . -317 

The Reformation in the North of Europe — Henry VIII. 
takes the Place of the Pope — England becomes Protestant 

— Calvinism — The Reformation in France and Holland 

— The Counter Reformation — TheSociety of Jesus. 



PART VII 

THE STRUGGLE OF THE NATIONS FOR SUPREMACY 

AND EXPANSION 

Summary ........... 325 

I. The Age of Religious Wars 328 

The General Character of the Age — The Schmalkaldic 
War — Abdication of Charles V. — The Power and Char- 
acter of Philip II. — Philip and Mary of England — Eng- 
land again Protestant — The Netherlands under the 
Hapsburgs — The Beginning of Resistance to Philip — 
The Independence of the United Netherlands^ — ^ England 
— Mary Queen of Scots — The Invincible Armada — Rise 
of the Puritan Party — Opposing Parties in France — 
Huguenot Civil Wars — The First of the Bourbons — 
Foreign Plans of Henry IV. — Beginning of the Thirty 
Years' War — The Bohemian Period of the War — The 
Danish Period — Sweden and France — Richelieu cen- 
tralizes France — Richelieu and the Thirty Years' War — 
Gustavus Adolphus in Germany — The Death of Gustavus 
and Wallenstein — The French Period of the War — The 
Peace of Westphalia — The Empire Destroyed — The Other 
States of Europe in the Peace — The Sufferings of Ger- 
many — A New Era in English History — The Stuarts and 
the Puritans — The Reign of James I. — Charles I. and 
Parliament — Civil War Begun — The Great Rebellion 
and the Commonwealth. 

II. France tries to dominate Europe .... 365 

The Hapsburgs in 1660 — England and Holland — The 
Situation in France — Character of Louis XIV. — Colbert 



Contents xvii 



PAGE 



and the Finances — Colbert's Economic Measures — Pre- 
paring to annex Spain — Louis XIV. 's First War — Louis 
prepares to punish Holland — War against Holland — The 
Period of the " Reunions " — Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes — Resources of France Declining — Charles IL in 
England — The Revolution of 1688 — The War of the 
League of Augsburg — The Question of the Spanish Suc- 
cession — The Partition Treaties — France annexes Spain 

— The War of the Spanish Succession — The War goes 
against Louis — The Peace of Utrecht — The Rise of Eng- 
land — The Beginning of Louis XV. 's Reign — The End 
of the Stuart Dynasty. 

III. The Rise of Russia and Prussia .... 386 

The Position of Sweden — The Early History of Russia 

— Russia in the Seventeenth Century — Peter the Great — 
Russia against Sweden — The Fall of Charles XH. — The 
First Promotion of the HohenzoUern — Chief Steps in the 
Making of Prussia — The Father of Frederick the Great 

— The Pragmatic Sanction of Charles VI. — The War of 
the Austrian Succession (1740-1748) — Maria Theresa 
determined to punish Frederick — France abandons her 
Hereditary Enmity — The Seven Years' War (1756-1763) 

— Prussia a Great Power — Catherine II. of Russia (1762- 
1796) — The Condition of Poland — The First Partition of 
Poland — Further Russian Advance — The Rise of the 
Eastern Question — Poland at last Destroyed — A Revolu- 
tion in the Political Situation of Europe. 

IV. The Struggle for Colonial Empire .... 40& 

Books for Reference and Further Reading . . . . . 406 

The Dawn of the Age of World Politics — The First 
Modern Colonial Powers — Spain's World Power Threat- 
ened — The Rise of the Dutch Republic — The Beginning 
of the English Empire — The First English Colonies — 
The Thirteen Colonies — Conflict between England and 
Holland — The Power of Holland broken by France — 
The Beginning of Rivalry with France — The Advantages 



\ 



xviii Contents 



of the English — Colonial Wars — The Situation in India 

— King George's War — The Interval of Nominal Peace — 
The Great Colonial War (i 756-1 763) — Its Ultimate Con- 
sequences — The English Ministry determines to tax the 
Colonies — Compromise not Possible — The War of the 
Revolution — The English Empire apparently broken up 

— The Revenge of France more Apparent than Real. 

V. The French Revolution and Napoleon . . . 427 

The Intellectual Leadership of France — The Deists — 
Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau — Abuses existing in 
France — Financial Condition of France — Attempts at 
Reform — The Danger of calling together the Estates 
General— The Struggle for One Chamber — The Struggle 
with the King — The King completely Overcome — Revo- 
lution Completed — The Rise of Opposing Parties — Finan- 
cial Difficulties still Continue — Paper Money based on 
Land — The Republic Proclaimed — The Beginning of a 
Long War — The First Step towards the Republic — The 
King Executed — War against all Europe — The Reign of 
Terror, followed by Reorganization and Success — The 
Work of the Convention — Bonaparte forces Austria to 
make Peace — Revolution within the Revolution — Bona- 
parte in Egypt — A Strong Government — Bonaparte turns 
the Tide of War — The Interval of Peace — The War 
Renewed — Napoleon stretches his Power too Far— The 
Beginning of the End — The First Restoration — The 
Charter of 1814 — The Congress of Vienna — The "Hun- 
dred Days" — The Second Restoration and the Congress 
of Vienna — Results of the Revolution in Europe at Large. 

VI. Europe since 1815 452 

Books for Reference and Further Reading ..... 452 

The Nineteenth Century an Age of Transition — Three 
Lines of Great Political Changes — The Absolutist Reac- 
tion — Revolutionary Movements — The Monroe Doctrine 

— Further Reaction and a New Revolution in France — 
The Consequences of the Revolution in France — Prepara- 
tion for Another Revolution — The Revolution of 1848 — 
The Second Republic — Revolution in Austria and Italy 



Contents xix 

PAGE 

— Unsuccessful Attempts in Germany — The Suppression 
of the Revolution — The Second Empire established by 
Napoleon III. — Free Government indirectly Secured — 
The Congress of Vienna and the Idea of Nationality — 
The Independence of Greece — Attempts following the 
Two French Revolutions — The Spirit of Nationality grow- 
ing Stronger — The Policy of Cavour — United Italy — 
WiUiam I. and Bismarck — The Army made Ready — The 
New Prussia's P'irst War — The Seven Weeks' War — The 
Results of the War for Germany — Results of the War for 
Austria-^ The Franco-Prussian War desired by Both Gov- 
ernments — The Pretext found for War^ — -The Course of 
the War — The Empire of Germany — Alsace-Lorraine 
and Rome- — -The Third Republic in France — Results of 
the Period in Europe at Large — The Eastern Question — 
Rise of Egypt under Mehemet Ali — Preliminaries of the 
Crimean War — The Crimean War (1854-1856) — Russia 
again attacks Turkey, 1877 — The Treaty of Berlin, 1878 

— Later History of the Balkan States — Later Phases of the 
Eastern Question — The Greek and Turkish War. 



VII. Anglo-Saxon Expansion and rnii Growth of World 

Politics 487 

Europe no longer the Stage of History — The Occupa- 
tion of the World — Australia the First Step — Its Early 
History — A New English Nation — England in the Wars 
of the French Revolution — Napoleon's Attempt at Colo- 
nial Empire— The Expansion of the United States — The 
English Empire in the Napoleonic Period — The Expan- 
sion of Canada — The Struggle for Self-government — 
Canada opens the Way — A Great Change in English 
Methods of Colonial Government — A Second Great An- 
nexation by the United States — Gold in California and 
Australia — A Theory of Imperial Dissolution — The 
Imperial Federation Movement — Expansion of English 
Dominion in India — Russian Expansion in Asia — The 
Results in Asia — The Occupation of Africa — The Eng- 
lish Occupation of Egypt — The Insurrection of the Mahdi 
— The Anglo-Saxon Race in the World. 



XX Co7itents 



VIII. The Growth of the English and American Con- 
stitutions . . . . . . . .510 

Books for Reference and Furl/ier Reading . . . . .510 

Importance of the History of our Institutions — The 
Absolutism of the First Norman Kings — Our First Con- 
stitutional Document — The Beginning of our Judicial 
Institutions — The Magna Charta — The Right of Civil 
War — The Right of Insurrection Applied — The Idea of a 
Limited Monarchy — Origin of Representative Institutions 

— The First Case of Town Representation — Progress in 
the Thirteenth Century — The King recognizes the Right 
of Parliament to control Taxation — Parliament takes a 
New Step — Another Most Important Right Gained — A 
Third Great Gain of Parliament's — The Exclusive Right 
to Legislate — Rise of the House of Commons — Summary 
of Results — First Dangerous Attack on the Constitution 

— The Deposition of Edward II., 1327 — Right of Parlia- 
ment to control Succession — The Progress of the Four- 
teenth Century — The Yorkist Period — Peculiar Character 
of the Tudor Period — Constitutional Change in the 
Position of the Church — Character of the Stuart Period 

— Reasons for the Attitude of the Kings — The Reli- 
gious Parties — Slow Advance towards War — The Second 
Great Constitutional Document — Period of Rule without 
Parliament — Concessions of King Charles — The King 
determines to Resist — The Constitutional Character of the 
Commonwealth — The Later Stuarts — The Revolution of 
1688 — Results of the Revolution — Constitutional Ques- 
tions in the Colonies — Progress in the Eighteenth Century 
in England — The Constitution of the United States — 
Tendency towards Democracy — Anglo-Saxon Institutions 
in Other States — The Common Work of England and 
America. 

IX. Scientific and Economic Advance since the 

Renaissance 544 

Books for Reference and Further Reading ..... 544 

The Close of the Renaissance — The Great Age of 
English Literature — Of Scientific Work — The Law of 



Contents xxi 

PAGE 

Gravitation — The Idea of the Reign of Law — The Eng- 
hsh Deists — Leaders of French Thought in England — 
The Benevolent Despots — Character of Eighteenth Cen- 
tury Science — Advances in Science — A New Science — 
The Age of Machinery Begins — Its Effect on Manufactur- 
ing — On Labor — The Final Effect — Political Results — 
The Accumulation of Wealth — Nineteenth Century Sci- 
ence — Advances in Pure Science. 

List of Abbreviations used in referring to the Various 

Authorities Quoted ....... 559 

Each chapter is followed by a list of Topics — Topics for As- 
signed Studies — and frequently by a list of Important Dates for 
Review. 



xxu 



Contents 



LIST OF MAPS AND TABLES 



The World as known to Eratosthenes and Strabo, from about 



200 B.C. to 20 A.D 


Frontispiece 




PAGE 


Greece at the Beginning of the Peloponnesian War 


. facing 34 


Empire of Alexander the Great .... 


48 


Italy before the Roman Conquest 


56 


Roman Empire 


between iio-iii 


Europe about 525 


• 143 


Charlemagne's Empire ..... 


between 1 68- 169 


Europe about 1200 


. " 226-227 


The Crusades ....... 


. 212, 213 


Europe about 1560 


between 334-335 



The Baltic Lands at the Beginning of the Eighteenth Century . 387 
Europe about 1740 ...... between 392-393 

Central Europe about 181 2 showing Battle-fields from 1792 

between 446-447 



The Capetian Kings of France 235 

The Kings of England, 1066-1485 246 

The Genealogy of the Emperor Charles V. . . . . . 302 

The Kings of England, Tudors, Stuarts, and Hanoverians . . 363 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Egina 



Rock-cut Figures at Aba-Simbul 

Fragment of the Rosetta Stone 

Nebuchadnezzar . . - . 

Section of the Black Obelisk of Shalmanezar 

Darius and Attendants 

Necropolis of Darius near Persepolis 

Altar on the Acropolis, Pergamos 

The Acropolis restored, Athens . 

Coin of Elis, with Figure of Zeus 

Pericles ..... 

Greek Women decorating an Altar 

The Parthenon as at Present 

Plato 

Pediment — Temple of Minerva, 
Aristotle .... 

Theatre of Dionysius . 

Temple of Edfu, Time of the Ptolemies 

Mask of the Otricoli Zeus, Naples 

An Old Roman School 

Roman Lictors ..... 

Ruins of the Aqueducts, Rome 

A Quadriga ..... 

Roman Trireme, with Boarding Bridge 
Rostra ...... 

The Circus Maximus, Rome 
Roman Chariot — a Triumph 
A Gladiatorial Combat 
A Ballista, Time of Caesar 



PAGE 

5 

9 

lo 

12 

14 
16 

23 
25 
28 

32 

33 
37 
39 
41 
44 
47 
49 
5° 
56 
60 
62 

65 
71 
74 
75 
77 
82 

84 



xxiv Illustrations 

PAGE 

The Coliseum 89 

The Roman Forum, restored . . . . . . -91 

Caesar's Bridge 93 

Julius Csesar .......... 95 

Cleopatra, with her Cartouche ....... 97 

A Street in Pompeii 105 

Pretorian Guards . 106 

A Cameo — Portraits of Claudius, Agrippina the Younger, Livia, 

and Tiberius 109 

Arch of Trajan . . . . . . . . . .112 

Marcus Aurelius 114 

Constantine the Great 118 

Christian Sarcophagus, with Labarum 123 

German Bodyguard, Column of Marcus Aurelius . . . .128 
German Settlement, Time of Tacitus . . . . . .130 

German Weapons 136 

St. Sophia, Constantinople ....,.,. 147 

Fragment from the Digest of Justinian 151 

The Kaaba at Mecca . . . . . . . -154 

Tomb of the Caliphs at Cairo . . . . . . -159 

Charlemagne , 167 

Signature of Charlemagne 1 70 

The Cathedral at Worms 179 

Edinburgh Castle 187 

Milan Cathedral . ..,...,.. 200 
Harbor of Palermo ........ 205 

Papal Keys ........... 207 

Bird's-eye View of Rhodes 211 

Knight Templar . . . . . . . . . -215 

Saracenic Arms .......... 216 

Grand Canal, Venice 219 

A Hanseatic Ship 222 

Notre Dame, Paris 227 

Canterbury Cathedral ......... 230 



Ilhistrations 










XXV 


PAGE 


Tower of London . , 241 


The Great Seal of England .... 










243 


Carving from a Moslem Screen . 










253 


St. John's College, Oxford . 










264 


Dante Alighieri ..... 










266 


Gutenberg's Press .... 










268 


Armor of Columbus . . , , 










274 


Columbus 










276 


Cortes ...,.,, 










278 


Lorenzo Magnifico .... 










280 


The Duomo, Florence .... 










294 


The Emperor Charles V. , . . 










299 


Luther 










303 


Bridge and Castle of S. Angelo, Rome 










309 


Ignatius Loyola ..... 










322 


Cannon of the Sixteenth Century 










Z2^ 


Philip II 










332 


William the Silent ... 










337 


Queen Elizabeth ..... 










339 


Soldier of the Thirty Years' War . 










345 


Gustavus Adolphus .... 










348 


Richelieu ...... 










350 


Swedish Leather Cannon 










352 


Holyrood Palace „ . , . 










356 


Charles I. of England 










359 


Cromwell ...... 










360 


Louis XIV. ..,.., 










368 


Louis de Bourbon, 'he Great: Conde . 










372 


Colbert . 










375 


Gobelin Tapestry, Time of Louis XIV. 










• 379 


A North View of Gibraltar 










382 


Peter the Great ..... 










• 389 


Gigantic Grenadier of Frederick William I. 






• 394 


Stone Bridge at Prague 










. 396 



XX vi Illustrations 



PAGE 



Frederick the Great .401 

The Mosque at Delhi 410 

William Penn 411 

Champlain ........... 414 

Dupleix . . . . . . . . . . .417 

The Declaration of Independence. Facsimile (reduced) of the 

first lines of Jefferson's original draft ..... 423 

George Washington ....... facing 422 

Versailles ........... 429 

Marie Antoinette .......... 430 

Taking of the Bastille ......... 434 

Facsimile of an Assignat (reduced) ...... 437 

Lazare Carnot .......... 442 

The Three Consuls ......... 444 

Napoleon 445 

Lafayette 456 

Pope Pius IX. 460 

Count Cavour .......... 466 

Germania. Niderwald Monument ...... 474 

M. Thiers ........... 477 

Sebastopol ........... 480 

The Congress at Berlin 483 

Bird's-eye View of Melbourne, Australia ..... 489 

Durban, Natal .......... 494 

Sutter's Mill. Where gold was first discovered in California . 499 

Khartum ........... 506 

Benjamin Franklin ....... facing 546 

The Cotton Gin .......... 552 



A BRIEF LIST OF BOOKS OF REFERENCE OF 
VALUE TO THE TEACHER 

In French. — Lavisse et Rambaud, Histoire Generale du IV Siecle 
h nos Jours. 12 vols. (144 francs.) Probably the best book of refer- 
ence and for obtaining more full knowledge than the ordinary text- 
book gives on Medieval and Modern history. Each epoch is treated 
by a specialist. — Rambaud, Histoire de la Civilisatioti Fraiifaise. 
2 vols. (Paris; Colin; 8 francs.) Deals chiefly with France from 
the beginning to the Revolution, but is of value for all Europe. 

In German. — Leopold von Ranke, Weltgeschichte. 9 Parts. (158 
marks.) Mainly political. — G. Weber, Lehrbuch der Weltgeschichte. 
2 vols. (18 marks.) Will be found very useful by the teacher, as it 
takes up many sides of history. 

In English. — George P. Fisher, Outlines of Universal History. 
(American Book Co.; ^2.40.) A very full single volume history. Has 
some of the characteristics of Weber. This book and the same 
author's History of the Christian Church (Scribner's ; $3.50) will 
form a satisfactory reference library of the smallest size. — Arthur 
Hassall, Editor, Periods of European History. 8 vols. By different 
authors. (Macmillan ; ^1.40 to ^1.75.) A very useful series covering 
the whole field of Medieval and Modern history. — The Story of the 
Nations Series (Putnam's ; $1.50) and the Epochs of History .Series 
(Longmans or Scribner's ; $1.00) approach the character of general 
histories in monographs. Volumes in each series will be mentioned 
in connection with the different periods. — J. N. Earned, History for 
Ready Reference. 5 vols. (Subscription. Nichols, Springfield, Mass.; 
;5525.oo.) A general history on the dictionary plan. It is especially use- 
ful because of the large number of unusual names and terms which are 
explained. — The American Historical Reviezv (^3.00) and the Eng- 
lish Historical Review (20 shil.) are the standard periodicals in Eng- 
lish. Teachers who can make use of French will probably find that 
the Revue Historique (Paris; Alcan; 33 francs) will keep them more 
nearly abreast of the new work in European history than any other sin- 
gle periodical. — Hassall, A Handbook of European History, 476-1871 
(Macmillan; ^2.25), and Ploetz, Epitome of Ancient, Mediaval, and 
Modern History (Houghton; ;^3.oo), are helpful manuals of chronology 

xxvii 



xxviii List of Books of Reference 

with genealogical and other tables. — Lorenz, Genealogisches Haiidbuch 
der Europiiischen Staatengeschichte. (7 marks.) Very good and full 
tables. — Gtorge, Genealogical Tables. (Clarendon; $3.00.) The best 
in English. In atlases, the teacher should have at hand something bet- 
ter than any English school historical atlas. — Droysen, Historischer 
Hand-atlas (Leipzig; 25 marks), and Schrader, Atlas de Geographie 
Historique (Paris; 35 francs), are both very good. — The Oxford His- 
torical Atlas, publishing in 30 parts (Clarendon ; ;^i.io each) is still 
better, but more expensive. 



§4] 



Succession of the Historic Races 



5 



Tartar nations, which have had so much to do with the 
history of Asia, and which may have a larger influence upon 
the future of the world than they have had upon its past. 

4. The Succession of the Historic Races. — The centre 
of the ancient world was the Mediterranean Sea. In lands 
bordering on it, or within easy reach of it, the earliest 




RocK-cuT Figures at Aba-Simbul 



civilizations of recorded history were formed. These were Recorded 

the Egyptian and the Assyrian in the valleys of the Nile and history be- 

the Euphrates. Their successor in dominion and civiliza- Mediterra- 

tion was the great empire of the Persians, but many valuable nean basin, 

additions were made to the common stock by some Oriental ^j^^ Oriental 

nations that did not found great empires, like the Phoeni- nations. 
cians and the Hebrews. From these Eastern nations the 



The Earliest History 



[§4 



The Greeks, line of our history passed to Europe and to the Greeks, 
who, borrowing some things from their predecessors, de- 
veloped one side of our civilization, the intellectual, to the 
highest point which it was destined to reach for many 

The Romans, centuries. The Romans followed the Greeks in time, and 
formed a great state w^hich brought together into a common 
union all the lands of the Mediterranean basin, but in one 
sense they were the partners of the Greeks, for they filled 
out a side of our civilization, the political, to which the 
other race had given httle attention. The heirs of the 

The Ger- ancient world were the Teutonic tribes who broke up the 

man peoples, vvestem half of the Roman Empire into the modern European 
nations, but in doing this they kept up something of the 
union which Rome had created, and so remained in close 
relations with one another. They gradually formed a new 

All mankind, uniform civilization on the foundation of the classic, and in 
recent times this has begun to be world wide and to bring 
into close relationship and under common influences all the 
inhabitants of the earth. 



CHAPTER II 



THE ORIENTAL NATIONS 



5- Egypt. — It was in Egypt that the first civihzed nation 
of history was formed. This was no doubt because the 
favoring chmate and the great fertihty of the Nile valley, 
renewed every year by the inundation of the country, made 
it very easy to pass from the barbarous or nomadic stage 
into a settled agricultural life, and this change very soon 
made necessary a strong government to protect a peaceful 
laboring population. How early a government of this kind 
was formed in Egypt we cannot say with certainty, but it 
was several thousand years before the Greeks became a 
civilized people. 

The history of Egypt is divided into dynasties, or families 
of kings, which serve the purpose of a chronology, since we 
have no date for the beginning of the history from which 
we can reckon. Of these dynasties there are about thirty, 
grouped into three or four larger groups. The first of these 
is of ten dynasties of kings who had their capital at Memphis 
in Lower Egypt, near the Mediterranean. The capital under 
the second group was changed to Thebes in Upper Egypt, 
far from the sea, and this group is divided into two, the 
first of which is called the Middle Empire, and the second 
the New Empire. With the last group the seat of the 
government returned to the Delta. 

The earliest king of whom we are told the name is Menes, 
who is said to have founded Memphis, and to have united 
Egypt under one rule. In the early period the fourth 
dynasty is especially famous, for they were the builders of 

7 



Why the 
earliest civili- 
zation arose 
in Egypt. 



The periods 
of Egyptian 
history. 
Rawlinson, 

Ancient 
Egypt (Na- 
tions). 



The first 
Egyptian 
king. 



8 



The Oriental Nations 



[§5 



The 
pyramids. 



The Middle 
Empire. 



The New 
Empire. 



Ebers, 

Uarda 
(novel). 



The age of 
decline. 



Connection 
with the 
Greeks. 



the great pyramids of Gizeh, intended to be the tombs of 
the kings. The largest of these was built by King Cheops, 
or Kufu. Not much is known of the later dynasties of this 
group, and when we begin to learn more of the history 
Thebes is the capital. 

The period of the highest civilization of ancient Egypt 
seems to have been that of the Middle Empire. It was a 
time of peace when great works of building and of internal 
improvement were undertaken. A king of the twelfth 
dynasty, Amenemhat III., transformed a great lake, called 
Moeris, or " the lake," into a basin to receive the waters of 
the Nile when too high, and to increase the inundation 
when it was not high enough. This period is closed by the 
invasion of the Hyksos, or Shepherd Kings, who ruled 
Egypt for about five hundred years. The New Empire is 
a period of great military glory and of conquests extending 
north almost or quite to the Euphrates, and south into the 
regions of the upper Nile under the great kings Thothmes I. 
and III. and Ramses II. and III. It was probably under 
the dynasty of the Ramses, the nineteenth, that the oppres- 
sion of the Hebrews occurred. 

Under the twentieth dynasty the power of Egypt began 
to decline, and the history of the last ten dynasties is filled 
with foreign invasions, and sometimes the country was ruled 
over by Assyrian or Persian kings who had conquered it. 
About the middle of the seventh century a native king 
restored the independence of Egypt and founded the twenty- 
sixth dynasty. This was Psammetichus I., who made his 
capital the city of Sais near the sea, because the support of 
his power was his Greek mercenaries. This dynasty lasted 
until the conquest of Egypt by the Persians, and is charac- 
terized by interest in commerce and by its close connection 
with the Greeks. It was through this connection that the 
Greeks learned many of the things the Egyptians had to teach 
them, especially in philosophy and science, although they 
had in even earlier times learned much from the same 
source. After the conquest of Egypt by the Persians it was 



§6] 



Egyptian Civilisation 



never again independent. It passed from the Persians to The end of 
Alexander, and then to the Romans. While it was a part Egyptian in- 
of the Roman Empire in the East, it was conquered by the j^^^^" ^^^^'^' 
Mohammedan Arabs, and afterwards by the Turks, who have Egyptian 
kept possession of it, at least in name, until the present time. P^^^cess 

6. Egyptian Civilization. — The Egyptians in nearly all -p^eg 
periods of their history seem to have been very fond of tian records, 
making written records, or 
of constructing permanent 
monuments of 
some 



Fragment of the Rosetta Stone 

Bearing the inscription by which the hieroglyphics were deciphered 



kind which would preserve their memory to after times. 
The result of this is that we have a great deal of informa- 
tion not only about their history, but also about their ideas 
and their ways of life. Their forms of writing, which they 
had developed from a primitive kind of picture writing, were 
deciphered many years ago by a French scholar, who had 
an inscription to study which had been engraved in three 
forms of writing, one of which was Greek, so that the mean- 
ing was easy to determine. 

The Egyptians were a very religious people, and the 
most characteristic features of their civilization, their won- 
derful buildings and monuments, their scientific knowledge, 
and their practice of embalming the dead, are all connected 
with their religion. They had a great many gods. Almost 



The reh'gion 
of Egypt. 



lO 



The Oriental Nations 



[§7 



The second 

civilization 

was in Asia. 

Ragozin, 

Assyria 

(Nations). 



The great 
period of 
Assyrian 
history. 



every place or operation of nature had its divinity, and as 
they believed in the frequent incarnation of the gods in the 
bodies of animals, many animals among them were held 
sacred. They had a very strong belief in the immortality 
of the soul, and in a last judgment in which the future 
destiny of the soul was determined by the character of the 
Hfe in this world. 

7. Assyria and Babylonia. — Probably it was some time 
after Egypt had become a highly civilized state that the 
lower valleys of the Tigris and the Euphrates, which present 
some of the same conditions favoring the formation of a 
settled community, became the seat 
of what we may call the second of 
the great states of ancient Oriental 
history, Assyria. Different king- 
doms follow one another in this 
region in a series whose chronol- 
ogy is very uncertain. The earli- 
est is a Chaldaean or old Babylonian 
kingdom, whose centre was towards 
the south, and which was contempo- 
rary with the earliest history of the Hebrews. Towards the 
end of the twelfth century b.c. there began to arise in the 
north the Assyrian kingdom proper. After a long struggle 
Babylonia was overcome and absorbed in Assyria. The great 
period of Assyrian history begins about the middle of the 
eighth century, and lasts for something more than a hundred 
years. The greatest kings are Sargon, who conquered the 
kingdom of Israel and carried the ten tribes into captivity, 
and Sennacherib, who defeated King Hezekiah and besieged 
Jerusalem. But the great period of Assyrian history was 
short. Her empire was too large for her resources, which 
were soon exhausted, and Assyria passed into a decline 
which was hastened by the rise, farther north, of a kingdom 
of the Medes, and to the south by the recovery of Babylonia. 
The new Babylonian kingdom was also short lived. It had 
its great period in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, who sacked 




Nebuchadnezzar 



§8] 



TJic Hcbrezvs 



II 



Jerusalem, and took the city of Tyre after a long siege. In 
the next reign the kingdom was swallowed up in the grow- 
ing empire of the Medes and Persians under Cyrus. 

The civilization of the Chaldgeans and Assyrians was very 
interesting and peculiar. They had a form of writing of 
their own which we call the cuneiform because of its wedge- 
shaped characters. In this they made very extensive 
records, historical, literary, and commercial. They wrote 
in soft clay tablets or bricks which were afterwards baked 
and so preserved. Large libraries of these have been 
found by the explorers in the ruins of their cities. Their 
buildings were extensive though not so grand or magnificent 
as those of the Egyptians, and they were often ornamented 
with interesting figures of huge winged beasts. In their 
literature we find stories corresponding in some ways with 
those recorded in the early chapters of Genesis, especially 
a story of the deluge. Their interest in the worship of the 
stars and their belief that they influenced the fate of men, 
led them to give much attention to the study of astronomy, 
and they laid the foundations of this science for other 
nations. 

8. The Hebrews. — Before the fall of Babylonia the in- 
dependent history of the Hebrews had come to an end. 
After the escape of the Hebrews from slavery in Egypt and 
their difficult conquest of the promised land, there followed 
a period in their history of local independence and separa- 
tion, almost of anarchy, the time of the Judges, who were 
their leaders in almost continuous warfare with the neigh- 
boring tribes. From this condition they emerged in the 
time of the prophet Samuel by the choice of a king, Saul, 
who united all the Hebrew tribes into a nation and secured 
their independence from their more dangerous neighbors. 
He was succeeded by David, the agreat soldier and poet- 
king, who so extended his kingdom that we may almost 
speak of a Hebrew empire. He made Jerusalem the 
capital of the monarchy. His son, Solomon, devoted him- 
self to the encouragement of commerce and to the adorn- 



The records 
and civiliza- 
tion of the 
Assyrians. 



Ward, The 
Master of the 
Magicians 
(novel ; 6th 
century B.C.). 



Early He- 
brew history. 



Itsperioii of 
greatness. 



Its decline. 



12 



The Oriental Nations 



\s 



ment of his capital rather than to war. He built the 
beautiful temple at Jerusalem, and was famed through all 
that part of Asia for his own wisdom and for the luxury of 
his court. These two reigns cover the whole period of 
Hebrew greatness. A great rebellion broke out on the 




A Section of the Black Obelisk of Shalmanezar 



refusal of Solomon's son, Rehoboam, to reduce the heavy 
taxes, and the ten tribes of the north set up an independent 
state, the kingdom of Israel. The age which followed is 
that of the great prophets, who are continually striving to 
hold the people to the worship of the true God. Then 
came very soon the conquest of the country by the Assyrians 
and the Babylonians. From these, what was left of the 
Hebrew state passed under the rule of the Persians, then 



§9] 



The P/uvniciaus 



13 



of the successors of Alexander the Great, and finally of the 
Romans, by whom the city of Jerusalem was almost destroyed. 

Of the ancient Oriental states none has had so profound 
an influence upon the history of the world as the Hebrew. 
The most beneficent of the world religions, the Christian, 
rests upon the foundation of their religious experience, and 
their sacred writings, even considered independently of the 
divine truth which they record, are the most valuable con- 
tribution ever made to the world's religious literature. 

9. The Phoenicians. — Along the seacoast of Palestine, 
shut in to a narrow strip of land by the mountains behind 
them, were the cities of the Phoenicians. Though they were 
really one people, Semitic in race, they never formed a 
state, but the separate cities remained independent like 
those of the Greeks. Their situation made them turn natu- 
rally to the sea, and they became the first of the world's 
great commercial powers. Sidon and Tyre are their greatest 
cities. In the first period of their history, before the rise of 
the Greeks, their ships visited all the coasts of the eastern 
Mediterranean and of the Black Sea, opening mines and 
founding trading-stations wherever they could. They rarely 
attempted to resist the great conquering nations of the 
continent, and submitted first to the Egyptians and then to 
the Persians, finding much profit in the commerce and 
carrying trade which was thus opened to them. In a later 
period they visited in the same way all parts of the western 
Mediterranean, and even ventured into the Atlantic. The 
greatest of their colonies was Carthage in northern Africa, 
which was destined to dispute for nearly a century the 
empire of the west with the Romans. In the arts and 
sciences the Phoenicians were the immediate instructors of 
the Greeks, and so of all the world. Our modern alphabets 
are probably all developed from the forms of the letters 
which they taught to the Greeks, and in shipbuilding and 
navigation, and many forms of manufacture, as well as in the 
fine arts, the Greeks, who were our teachers, learned from 
them. 



The religion 
of the He- 
brews and its 
results. 



The Phoeni- 
cians. 

Rawlinson, 

Phccnicia 

(Nations). 



Their com- 
merce, 



and colonies. 

Their 
services to 
civilization. 



14 



The Oriental Nations 



[§io 



Cyrus the 

Great. 

d. 529 B.C. 

Church, 

Stories of the 

East, Chaps. 

V.-VIII. 

Herodotus, 

Bk. I. 107 ff. 



Invasion of 
Europe. 



10. The Persian Empire. — All these Oriental states were 
finally swallowed up in the last and the greatest of them, 

the empire of the 
Persians, the first 
einpire established 
by any of the Aryan 
nations. Cyrus the 
Great, about the 
middle of the sixth 
century, was the 
founder of this 
empire, and con- 
quered almost the 
whole of western 
Asia. Cambyses, 
his son, added 
Egypt. Darius I. 
conquered the val- 
ley of the Indus in 
India, and crossed 
into Europe with a 
great army, with 
which he subdued 
Thrace, made 
Macedonia tribu- 
tary, and crossing 
the Danube in- 
vaded even mod- 
ern Russia. An- 
gered at the aid 
which the Athen- 
ians gave to the 
Greek cities of 
Asia Minor, which 
were in revolt 
against him, he began the great Persian wars of Greek 
history, and with the aid of the Phoenician fleet landed 




Darius and Attendants 



lO] 



TJie Persian Empire 



15 



Persian 

civilization. 



a force near Athens, where it was defeated in the battle 490 b.c. 
of Marathon. The reign of Darius I. is the highest point 
of the Persian Empire. Dedine began immediately ; and 
though the empire lasted for a century and a half, it 
made no further conquests, and fell easily on the attack of 
Alexander the Great towards the end of the fourth century. 
To the civilization of the world the Persians made no con- 
tributions in proportion to the size of their empire. They 
possessed the Aryan gift of political organization, and held 
their conquests under a firmer rule than had any of the 
earUer empires. Their government by satraps, or provin- 
cial governors, held to a strict accountability, has been often 
imitated in the East. Their great religious teacher was 
Zoroaster, and the fundamental idea of their religion was Zoroaster, 
the existence of two great and eternal powers, one of good Crawford, 
and the other of evil, continuously striving for the posses- fn'^g^.'^'-ii, 
sion of the universe in a never-ending conflict — an idea century b.c). 
which influenced the belief of philosophers in more than one 
period of later history. 



The history of these Oriental nations is rather preliminary Introductory 
to the history of our own civiHzation than a part of it. It is '^'story. 
its introduction. They taught the nations of Europe many 
things, but the main body of our civihzation is independent 
of theirs, and only slightly influenced by it. 



Topics 

What is the object of the study of history? The periods of history, 
and the reasons for these divisions. The sources of knowledge of pre- 
historic times, especially language. Why did the parent race divide 
into separate nations ? The three great races and their place in his- 
tory. Name in order the great races which have made our civilization. 
Circumstances which favored an early civilization in Egypt. Charac- 
teristics of the early, middle, and later periods of Egyptian history. 
The connection of Egypt with Greece. The records of the Egyptians. 
Their religion. The second of the great Oriental states. The records 
and the civilization of the Assyrians. Early Hebrew history. The 
great period of the Hebrew monarchy. Its quick decline. The He- 



i6 



TJie Oriental Nations 



[§io 



brew religion and religious literature. In what ways are we indebted 
to the Phcenicians? The first great Aryan empire. Its relations with 
Europe. Its civilization and religion. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The primitive weaver. Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive Culture, 

Chap. III. 
The houses of the primitive Indo-Europeans. Jevons' translation of 

Schrader, Chap. IX. 
Egyptian ideas of the future life. Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, 

pp. 182-200. 
The private life of an Assyrian. Maspero, Life in Ancient Egypt 

and Assyria, Chap. XII. 
Early Germanic weapons. Du Chaillu, I'/ie Viking Age, Vol. II., 

Chap. VI. 




Necropolis of Darius near Persepolis 



PART II 

THE GREEK PERIOD 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Gxoit, History of Greece. 12 vols. (Harper; ^18.00.) 

Cmim's, History of Greece. 5 vols. (Scribner's; ^10.00.) The stand- 
ard histories. Very full and supplementing one another in many 
ways. 

Holm, History of Greece. 4 vols. (Macmillan; $10.00.) To the 
completion of the Roman conquest. Translation from the Ger- 
man. The most recent detailed history in English. Very satis- 
factory on the political side, and with very full bibliographical 
references. 

Beloch, Griechisclie Geschichte. 2 vols. (Triibner; Strasburg; Marks 
16.50.) Very good on the economic history. 

Cox, History of Greece. (Harper; #1.25.) Probably the best one- 
volume history. 

Reber, History of Ancient Art. (Harper; #3.50.) Illustrated. All 
ancient art from Egypt to Rome. 

^lmvz.y, Classical Greek Literature. (Appleton; $1.50.) 

Mahaffy, History of Classical Greek Literature. 2 vols. (Macmillan; 
$4.50.) — Social LJfe in Greece. (Macmillan; $2.50.) — A Sur- 
vey of Greek Civilization. (Flood and Vincent; $1.00.) 

Bliimner, The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks. (Cassell; $2.00.) 
Nearly the whole of Greek literature, including the historians, has 

been translated into English, and may be read in the Bohn Library 

(Macmillan) or in Harper's Classical Library. 

Summary 

European history was opened by the Greeks. They were a 
small people, and the land they occupied was not large. But 
their natural gifts were so high and were so stimulated by the 
beauty of their climate and of the land and sea around them that 
they were able to make a contribution to the permanent civiliza- 
c 17 



1 8 The Early History 

tion of the world in literature, and art, and scientific thinking, 
which has never been surpassed by any of the greater nations 
that have followed them. Two leading divisions of the Greeks 
made their history, — the tribes of the lonians and of the Dorians. 
The Dorians were less attracted by literature and art, and more 
by a military life. Their leading state was Sparta. The lonians 
produced the greater part of Greek literature and philosophy, 
and Athens was their leading state. After a long period of 
more or less legendary history, the Greek race first came clearly 
forward on the stage of history in a life and death struggle to 
prevent the absorption of their land in a great Asiatic empire — 
the empire of Persia, which had already conquered the Asiatic 
Greeks. In the first attack of Persia the burden of the defence 
fell upon Athens, which gained the victory of Marathon. In the 
second, more of the Greek states were united, and the Spartans 
fought at Thermopylae, and the fleet, largely Athenian, gained 
the victory of Salamis, though Athens itself was taken and de- 
stroyed. The Persians abandoned the attack after this failure, 
and in the elTort of the Greeks during the next few years to drive 
their fleets and garrisons from the islands of tlie y^i^gean the 
Confederacy of Delos was organized which Athens gradually 
turned into an empire of her own over other Greeks. Then fol- 
lowed the greatest age of Athenian history — the age of Peri- 
cles, brilliant in art and opening a great literary period in the 
works of the tragic poets. But in the meantime jealousy be- 
tween Athens and Sparta had been increasing and they were 
now at the point of war. The great civil war of Greek history 
— the Peloponnesian War — lasted twenty-seven years and 
ended in the ruin of Athens. During its first period, gains and 
losses were about evenly balanced, but in the second the strength 
of Athens was exhausted by two great expeditions which she 
sent against the Dorian city of Syracuse in Sicily, which were 
both totally destroyed, and in the third, though she made a most 
heroic struggle, her last fleet was surprised and captured, and 
the city fell into the hands of the Spartans. The age which 
followed is the unhappy period of Greek history. The rule of 
Sparta was harsh and selfish. Revolts and civil strife were fre- 
quent. Athens recovered something of her power. Thebes 
rose to a brief supremacy. But Greece was not strong enough 
to prevent the interference of Persia in her domestic affairs and 
had to submit to her dictation. Toward the close of the period 
a half-Greek state — Macedonia in the north — suddenly rose to 
power, and under Philip conquered Greece and formed a military 



§ II] 



Primitive Greek History 



19 



union of the Greek states. Philip's son, Alexander the Great, 
led the whole force of Greece against the Persian Empire, and 
conquered for himself a still greater empire in Asia, Africa, 
and Europe. In Alexanders empire the language, literature, and 
science of Greece were made those of the whole Eastern world, 
and thus carried on into the permanent civilization of mankind, 
but in it also the history of Greece came to an end. 



CHAPTER I 



THE EARLY HISTORY 



II. Primitive Greek History. — Of the earliest history of 
the Greeks we know almost nothing. They were an offshoot 
of the Indo-European family, and must have separated from 
the parent stock while still in a primitive stage of advance- 
ment. At what date they entered their future home we 
have no means of determining, but it must have been at a 
time when Egypt was already highly civihzed, and very pos- 
sibly others of the Oriental nations as well. 

Nor can we tell the route by which the Greeks entered. 
We find the same race occupying in historic times both 
sides of the ^gean Sea and the islands between, but not 
the head of the sea to the same extent. This would seem 
to point to the fact that originally they passed down one 
shore or the other, and at a later time found their way 
across from island to island to the opposite side. 

If we can trust the facts which language seems to give us, 
they had only just begun to till the soil in a rudimentary 
way when they separated from the original race. The 
broken and even mountainous character of Greece, how- 
ever, would make it impossible to depend on flocks and 
herds for sustenance, and would force a more settled life 
and the development of agriculture. 

The numerous plains separated by barriers of hills that 
form the surface of the country made it easy, also, for the 



Later than 
the Oriental 
civilizations. 



The method 
of the Greek 

settlement. 



Develop- 
ment of 
agriculture 
follows. 

HoIm.Vol.L, 
Chap. L 



20 



TJie Early History 



[§I2 



The physical 
character of 
tlie land 
favored small 
states. 



Legendary 
history. 



Cox, Tales of 

Ancietit 

Greece. 



Earlier 
inhabitants 
of the land. 

Holm.Vol. I. 
Chap. VI. 



The three 
great tribes. 



race to separate, as population grew, into small groups be- 
tween whom would naturally soon grow up little differences of 
dialect and habits. As population became still more dense 
and permanent property increased, these groups of families, 
perhaps several of them together where communication was 
easy, began to form more definite political organizations, 
and so originated the later states of Greece. 

12. The Legendary Period. — When the Greeks came, at 
a much later time, to reason about their own earliest history, 
they built up a great literature of myths and legends con- 
cerning it in which gods and demi-gods had as large a 
place as men. In many cases no doubt a germ of actual 
tradition was at the beginning of these stories, but it is 
impossible for us now to separate the real from the 
imaginary. 

The Greeks always called themselves Hellenes, and their 
land Hellas. They tell us of a race which they seem to 
distinguish from themselves, called the Pelasgoi, and in 
some of the later Greek states we find a subject population 
in a semi-servile condition, as if it had been conquered by 
the Greeks when they entered the country, like the Helots 
in Lacedremonia. But we cannot now be quite sure who 
the Pelasgoi were, nor in what relation they stood to the 
first Greek settlers. 

The Greeks divided themselves into three great tribes, 
the Ionian, the Dorian, and the vEolian, a division which 
we can trace, at least in general lines, in differences of 
speech and in tribal characteristics, for the lonians are the 
most intellectual, the Dorians the most military, and the 
^olians the most primitive and undeveloped of the Greeks. 
The great age of Greek history is made up chiefly of the 
deeds and the rivalries of the lonians and the Dorians. 
Nearly all the great names belong to them. Almost the 
whole of Greek Uterature, science, and art is theirs, and 
indeed they are chiefly Ionian. And the sending forth of 
colonies, which were even more numerous and widely ex- 
tended than those of the Phoenicians, and took possession 



§§ i3>i4] 



The Spartans 



21 



of almost all the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, and even 
of the Black Sea, was mainly their work. 

13. The Homeric Age. — Of the events of Greek legen- 
dary history, the most interesting is that recorded in the 
Iliad of Homer, the ten years' siege of Troy by the allied 
Greek states. The events of the story we cannot be sure of, 
but we can draw from the Homeric poems a picture of the 
early civilization and governments of Greece which is all 
the .more trustworthy because it is unconscious, but which 
perhaps represents the states in different stages of advance- 
ment. The states of the Homeric Age were small. Each 
had at its head a king who was at once general, priest, and 
judge, but whose power in the state was limited or was 
coming to be limited, by a council, a kind of senate of 
elders or nobles, and by a general assembly of the free men, 
which had, however, very little power. This is a constitu- 
tion similar to that which we find in the early history of 
many of the Indo-European states. 

Another event about which many legends gathered, but 
which we feel sure must have been a real occurrence, is 
the migration of the Dorians. From the north of Greece 
they passed south, and conquering the Greeks who dwelt 
there in Homer's time, they became the ruling race in the 
Peloponnesus. 

During the great age of Greek history, the Ionic people 
of Athens and the Dorian Spartans are the leading and most 
interesting states. 

14. The Spartans. — The Spartans ascribed their peculiar 
social and political organization, which was the real source 
of their power, to a half historical, half legendary lawgiver, 
Lycurgus. Their institutions were so well adapted to their 
situation, a small ruling class keeping in subjugation a much 
larger conquered population, that they were probably the 
result of experience and growth, though very likely the 
process was assisted by the genius of some statesman who 
may well have been Lycurgus. 

In form the government of Sparta was a kingdom. It 



The siege 
of Troy. 



Church, The 

Story of the 

Iliad. 

Agnes M. 

Clarke, 

Familiar 

Studies in 

Homer. 

Fling, 

Studies, 

No. I. 

The early 
government. 



The Dorian 
migration. 



The two 
great states. 



Lycurgus, 
about 
850 B.C. 



22 



The Early History 



[§15 



A peculiar 
form of 
monarchy. 



The general 
constitution. 



A race of 
soldiers. 
Fling, 
Studies, 
No. 3. 

The story of 
the boy who 
had stolen 
the fox, in 
Plutarch's 
Life of 
Lycitrgits. 

Spartan 
fortitude. 



was a peculiar kingdom, however, from the fact that there 
were ahvays two kings. The Spartans accounted for this 
pecuharity by a tradition that in early times a king had left 
twin sons who were given equal authority and founded two 
lines of kings. It is more probably explained by some for- 
gotten fact of their primitive history, like the union of two 
tribes to form the state. 

The kings performed the same duties as the Homeric king, 
but their power was much less. The real government of the 
state was in the hands of the council of " elders," twenty-eight 
in number, elected by the public assembly. This was com- 
posed of all Spartans who had reached full age, thirty years, 
but it had no power except to sanction the acts of the coun- 
cil. In later times there were elected each year a body of five 
men, called ephors, or " overseers," whose business it was to 
look after the interests of the state, and especially to check 
any attempt on the part of the kings to become real rulers. 

15. A Military Communism. — The avowed object of the 
government was to make of the Spartans a race of soldiers. 
The work of selection was begun at birth, for only strong and 
well-formed children were allowed to live. At seven years 
of age the state assumed the training of the future soldier. 
He was made to be strong in body, skilful in the use of arms, 
and to endure pain without complaint. At twenty years the 
young man was admitted to the army, and from this time he 
lived almost as a soldier in camp, having his meals with his 
military mess. 

The training of the women was almost as severe as that of 
the men, and led naturally to that Spartan fortitude which 
made them rejoice over their relatives who had died with 
honor on the field, and sorrow over those who had survived 
disgracefully. Luxuries were forbidden and commerce dis- 
couraged in order to prevent the possible enervation of the 
race. The state was almost a communism. The interests 
of the individual were sacrificed to those of the state, or 
they were by the Spartan so identified with those of the 
state that he could not distinguish between. 



24 



TJie Early History 



[§§ 16-18 



The true 
Spartans few 
in number. 



The Periceci. 



The Helots. 



Spartan 
conquests, 



and military 
prestige. 



Earliest 
history. 



The 

Athenian 

constitution 

increasingly 

democratic. 



16. The Spartans, a Ruling Minority. — Institutions of this 
sort were practically forced upon the Spartans, for they were 
a small body ruling a much larger population. Sparta seems 
never to have had more than ten thousand citizens, and in 
later times the number was much smaller than this. Their 
siibjects were divided into two classes, each many times their 
own number. The Periceci were free men, though they had 
no political rights. Their position, however, was a good 
one. They served with the Spartans in war and might even 
become officers. On the other hand, the Helots were serfs 
attached to the soil. They were employed as light-armed 
troops, but the Spartans were constantly in fear of their in- 
surrection and watched with the greatest vigilance for any 
sign of insubordination, which was cruelly punished. 

If, as tradition said, these institutions were established 
when Sparta was still a small state, closely surrounded by 
neighbors as strong as herself, they soon had their effect in 
military successes, which in the course of two centuries re- 
sulted in the conquest of Messenia, and in another hundred 
years Sparta became the most powerful state in the Pelopon- 
nesus through the overthrow of the Arcadians and the Ar- 
gives. By this time also the Spartan heavy-armed infantry 
had acquired the reputation throughout Greece of an invinci- 
ble military force, and this reputation Sparta long maintained. 

17. Athens. — The legendary history of Athens ascribed 
the foundation of its greatness and of its supremacy in 
Attica to Theseus. Certainly at the beginning of historic 
times the country territory was ruled by the city, though ap- 
parently in primitive times it had formed many states. The 
early monarchy of the Homeric type had been abolished 
before this date, legend said, in recognition of the devotion 
of the last king, Codrus, who gave his life to win a battle. 

18. Constitutional Changes in Athens. — Through all the 
first centuries of its history, the constitution of Athens was 
constantly changing, and always towards a more democratic 
type. At first the changes were in favor of the aris- 
tocracy at the expense of the king, who was forced to give 



26 



The Eajiy History 



[§ 19 



Fling, 
Studies, 
No. 2. 
Brownson's 
Smith's 
History of 
Greece, 
Chap. V. 
Hohn, I., 
Chap. XXVI. 
Aristotle's 
Athenian 
Constitution, 
translation of 
Poste (Mac- 
millan). 
Changes in 
the councils. 



Early strife 

and 

the tyrannies. 



Draco, 

624 B.C. 



up first one and then another of his functions to elected 
officers. In 752 B.C., the term of the officers was made ten 
years. Later it was reduced to one year, and the number 
was made nine to whom the name of arcons was given. 
These offices were confined at first to the nobles, and only 
at a later time thrown open to all citizens. But these 
changes were accompanied with a gradual reduction of the 
powers of the arcons, and the powers taken from them were 
transferred to the council and the assembly. 

At the beginning the Athenian pubUc assembly, the Ec- 
clesia, had little real power, but the changes in the constitu- 
tion tended to enlarge its membership greatly and to give it 
a larger share in the direction of affairs. The original coun- 
cil, or senate, was the Areopagus, which when the aristocracy 
was supreme, had been the real governing body, but which 
was finally limited to a general censorship of religion and 
public policy. Its place as an active council, supervising 
the business of the assembly, was taken by a second senate 
called the Boule, established by Solon, or perhaps earlier by 
Draco, and composed at first of four hundred, and later of 
five hundred, members. 

The period of these constitutional changes, which ex- 
tended through several centuries, was characterized by 
much party strife, by the measures of celebrated reformers, 
and by the establishment or attempted establishment of 
tyrannies in the Greek sense ; that is, the arbitrary power of 
one man, founded and maintained in an illegal way, but 
not necessarily tyrannical in the modern sense. 

19. The Great Reformers. — Near the end of the seventh 
century Draco reduced to writing the unwritten laws of the 
state, which up to this time had been known to the nobles 
only. This made evident to all the cruel character of the 
old laws, and assisted in the process of change. Soon after 
the opening of the sixth century reforms were made under 
the leadership of Solon. These were partly economic in 
character. They favored the poorer classes in the state by 
making the laws in regard to debt less severe and by limit- 



§20] 



Tzvo Typical Greek Constitutions 



27 



ing the amount of land which one person could hold. For 
purposes of government, improving perhaps upon an earlier 
classification which had been made by Draco, he divided 
the citizens into four classes according to their wealth, giv- 
ing to the wealthiest class the most power and an exclusive 
right to the highest offices, but giving to the poorest class 
some slight voice in public affairs through membership in 
the Ecclesia. This was an arrangement not entirely satis- 
factory in itself, but it seems to have been a necessary step 
in the transformation of an aristocracy into a democracy. 

The reforms of Solon did not bring party strife to an 
end, however, and within a short time power was seized by 
Pisistratus, who made himself tyrant. His rule was a very 
enlightened one. The city was beautified, art and literature 
encouraged, and the foundations of the sea- power of the 
Athenians were laid. His sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, 
ruled with less prudence, and the tyranny was overthrown at 
the end of the sixth century. 

Soon after this event the reforms of Cleisthenes were car- 
ried through, and these completed the organization of the 
Athenian democracy. The practice of ostracism was also 
adopted at this time, by which any citizen whose growing 
power seemed dangerous could be banished by a simple vote 
of the assembly without assigning reasons. 

20. The Two Typical Greek Constitutions. — These two 
constitutions, the democratic of Athens, and the aristocratic 
of Sparta, may be regarded as types of the constitutions of 
all the Greek states. Each had its aristocratic and its demo- 
cratic party, and these were constantly striving with one 
another for supremacy, often with appeals to arms, or with 
secret plots leading to assassination and to massacre. In 
many of the states tyrants were able at some time or other 
to take advantage of the bitter party strife to establish their 
illegal power, which in some cases lasted for several genera- 
tions. When the time came of the rivalry of Athens and 
Sparta for the headship of Greece, the democratic party in 
each state looked naturally to Athens for support, and Sparta 



Solon, 
594 E.C. 
Plutarch's 
Life of Solon. 



Pisistratus, 
tyrant, 
560 li.C. 
Herodotus, 
1.59-64. 

510 B.C. 



The final 
reforms. 



Ostracism. 



Parties in the 
Greek cities. 



Their 
relation to 
Athens and 
Sparta. 



2^ 



The Early History 



sought to establish her control by putting the aristocracy in 
power wherever she could. 

Topics 

The migration and settlement of the Greeks. Their earhest civili- 
zation. Threefold division. The legendary age. Government in 
Homer. The two great Greek states. The peculiarities of Spartan 
government. Its military and communistic features. Why were these 
features necessary? Spartan conquests and military reputation. Early 
history of Athens. Its democratic tendency. Points of contrast be- 
tween Athens and Sparta. The code of Draco. The reforms of 
Solon and of Cleisthenes. What was a tyrant in the Greek sense? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Lycurgus and the Spartan government. Grote, Part II., Chap. VI. 
Holm, Vol. I., Chap. XV. Curtius, Book II., Chap. I. Plutarch's 
Life of Lycurgus. Fling, Studies, No. 3. 

The Greek tyrant. Grote, Part II., Chap. IX. Curtius, Book II., 
Chap. I. Mahaffy, Problems in Greek History, Chap. IV. 

The Greek colonies. Curtius, Vol. I., Book II., pp. 432-500. Holm, 
Vol. I., Chap. XXI. Grote, Vol. HI., Chap. XXII. Greek 
colonies and English colonies are compared in Freeman's lecture, 
Greater Greece and Greater Britain (Macmillan). 



l|r^ ,..,• i. I., o 1, , ' ■'' 



'' - \. r ' I l.h). 




Coin of Elis with Figure of Zeus 



CHAPTER II 

THE STRUGGLE OF GREECE WITH PERSIA AND ITS 

RESULTS 



21. The Beginning of the Persian Wars. — Hardly had 
the constitution of Athens assumed its democratic form 
when the state was called upon to take a foremost part in 
the desperate struggle of the European Greeks, to keep 
themselves from absorption in the great Oriental empire of 
the Persians which had been created by Cyrus and his suc- 
cessors. The independence of the Greek cities of Asia 
Minor had somewhat earlier been destroyed by the Lydian 
king, Croesus, but his kingdom was now annexed by the 
Persians, the Greek cities included. 

About the year 500 a revolt of the Ionian cities of Asia 
Minor occurred, and the x'Mhenians sent a force to aid them, 
either because of their relationship to them, or because they 
already feared an extension of the Persian control to Europe. 
The revolt was for a time successful. The Greeks burned 
Sardis, the Persian capital of the province, to the great anger 
of King Darius, but the Ionian cities were soon reduced, and 
the chief result was that Darius formed a fixed determination 
to chastise the Athenians for their presumption. 

22. The First and Second Invasions. — A first attempt 
at invasion through Thrace was a failure. A second was 
planned by sea to land in Attica. In the meantime many 
of the islands of the ^gean had been reduced by the 
Phoenician fleets in the service of Darius. In 490 a great 
Persian army was landed at Marathon on the east side of 
Attica. The Athenians had only about one man for ten of 

29 



Danger from 
Persia. 
A.J. Church, 
The Story of 
the Persian 
W 'ar, from 
Herodotus. 
Herodotus, 
Books 
VI.-IX. 
Cox, The 
Greeks and 
the Persians 
(Epochs). 
The Greeks 
of Asia 
Minor rebel. 



Herodotus, 

V. IDS. 



First inva- 
sion, 492 B.C. 



Struggle of Gi'eece zvitJi Persia 



[§23 



Battle of 
Marathon, 
490 B.C. 
Holm, II., 
Chap. II. 

Darius' 
death. 



The third 
invasion, 
480 V.X. 
Holm, II., 
Chap. IV. 
Thermopy- 
te, Herod- 
otus, VII. 
201-233 ; 
Grote,Vol.\'., 
Chap. XL; 
Curtius, \o\. 
II., pp. 306- 
311- 

The battle of 

Salamis, 

Herodotus, 

VIII. 70-95- 



Final victory 
of the 
Greeks, 
479 B.C. 



the Persians, for the httle state of Plateea only had sent its 
army to aid them. But the skilful tactics of Miltiades com- 
pletely defeated the enemy, and by a quick march across 
the land he reached Athens in time to protect it from the 
Persian fleet, which had sailed around the peninsula. 

Darius' anger was only increased by these failures, and he 
began great preparations for another invasion, but died 
before the time of vengeance came. His plans, however, 
were taken up by his son Xerxes. The Athenians on their 
side made equal preparations. Under the lead of Themis- 
tocles they turned the Peirseus into a fortified harbor, and 
built great fleets. Aristides opposed the plans of Themis- 
tocles from equally patriotic motives, but the Athenians 
decided in favor of the sea-power, and Aristides was 
ostracized. 

23. Xerxes' Invasion. — In the spring of 480 Xerxes 
began his invasion, passing through Thrace with an enor- 
mous army, while a great fleet accompanied him, sailing 
along the coast. At the pass of Thermopylae the first resist- 
ance was met. Here perished Leonidas, one of the Spartan 
kings, with 300 Spartans and a band of 700 Thespians, after 
a traitor had shown to the Persians a way to the rear of the 
pass. 

Central Greece was now open to Xerxes. Athens could 
not hope to defend herself. The citizens abandoned the 
city, which was destroyed by the Persians, while the Greek 
fleet took position in the bay of Salamis to defend the Pel- 
oponnesus. The naval battle which followed was a com- 
plete victory for the Greeks. Xerxes became alarmed for 
his own safety, and returned to Asia, comforting his con- 
science by leaving behind a picked army under his brother- 
in-law Mardonius to complete the conquest of Greece. 

The next spring this army was destroyed by the Greeks 
at the battle of Platsea. At the same time the Greek fleet • 
gained a great victory on the coast of Asia Minor at the 
battle of Mycal^. These victories secured the freedom of 
Greece. Xerxes never renewed the attempt at conquest. 



§§24,25] Rise of tJie AtJienian Empire 31 

Even the Greek cities of Asia were allowed to become free, 
and the Greek fleet gradually drove the Persians and the 
Phoenicians from the islands of the .^gean. 

24. Leadership in Greece passes to Athens. — - For a time Sparta loses 
after the first victories, the traditional headship of the *|^^ leader- 

■11- 1 snip. 

Spartans, which had been recognized durmg the war, was Thucydides, 
continued and the command of the fleet given to their king Bk. I. 
Pausanias. But his pride and ambition led him into trea- 
sonable correspondence with the Persians, and he was re- 
called to perish of hunger in the temple where he had taken 
sanctuary. 

This left the control of the fleet in the hands of Athens, Athens 
whose more energetic leadership was already recognized by leader, 
the Greeks. Under the command of Aristides the Just, 
whose character gave the Greek cities all confidence in the 
plans proposed by the Athenians, and of Cimon, the son of 
Miltiades, the work of liberation was completed. While it 
was going on, Athens formed a league for mutual defence 
with the cities of the islands and coasts of the ALgtdin., called 
the Confederacy of Delos. Of the forces of this league The Con- 
Athens had command, and the money collected for defence ^ederacy of 

Delos 

was administered by her. In the meantime, under the ^^^ jj_^_ 
direction of Themistocles, the walls of Athens were rebuilt 
in a better manner and the Peiraeus more strongly fortified 
than ever before, in spite of the opposition of Sparta. 
For some cause not made known to us Themistocles spent 
the last years of his life in exile. 

25. Rise of the Athenian Empire. — As the war with Persia The begin- 
died out, the character of the Confederacy of Delos changed. "!"§ of Athe- 

' -^ , , . nian empire. 

The allies ceased to make contributions of men and ships, 

but paid money instead. These moneys Athens appro- cox, The 

priated to her own use without rendering accounts to the Athenian 

... , . . r, ^ , i Umpire 

allies, while maintaining fleets strong enough to prevent / Epochs), 
successful opposition from any member of the Confederacy. 
This was the beginning of an Athenian empire, which might 
have grown into a united Greek nation had the course of 
Athens been liberal and wise. 



32 



Struggle of Greece with Persia 



[§26 



A most im- 
portant age 
in Greek 
history. 



The charac- 
ter of Athe- 
nian rule. 



The most 
brilliant age 
of Athenian 
history, 459- 
431 B.C. 



Abbott, 
Pericles 
(Heroes) ; 
Plutarch's 
Life of 
Pericles; 
Thucydides, 
II. 65. 



The period following the Persian wars must be regarded 
as the turning-point in Greek history, and to a considerable 
extent in that of Rome also, for had Rome been obliged to 
overcome a united Greek nation, the construction of her 
empire in the East would very likely have been impossible. 
It would certainly have been very difificult. But the Greeks 
seem to have been fatally incapable of holding others under 
a rule at once generous and firm. The policy of Athens 
was selfish and arrogant. Discontent was harshly sup- 
pressed. She even interfered in the local government of 
the cities in her own supposed interests, and took no pains 
to attach the allies to herself, while the rivalry of Sparta 
was becoming more open and signs of a coming struggle 
multiplied. 

26. The Age of Pericles. — At home this was the most 
brilliant age of Athenian his- 
tory. The government grew 
more democratic. Pericles 
shortly rose to long and com- 
manding influence over the 
policy of Athens as the leader 
of the people. The wealth 
which poured into the city was 
spent with liberal hand in its 
fortification and beautifying. 
The long walls were built to 
connect the city with the Pei- 
raeus. Athens was filled with 
beautiful buildings. Artists, like 
Phidias, produced their immor- 
tal works. The great literary 
age of Athens, so short in time 
but so entirely unsurpassed in 
product, began and was con- 
tinued with the works of the 
great tragic poets, ^schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. It 
was one of the most brilliant ages in the history of the world, 




Pericles 

(British Museum, London) 



§26] 



The Age of Pericles 



33 



but the struggle with Sparta was drawing nearer with every 
year, and Athens' unskilful management of her empire was 
preparing a disastrous result. 

Topics 

How did the war between the Greeks and the Persians begin? 
The battle of Marathon. The invasion of Xerxes. Battle of Ther- 
mopylae. The plans of Themistocles and their success in the battle 
of Salamis. Final defeat of the Persians. The confederacy of Delos. 
How did this lead to an Athenian empire? Why did Athens fail to 
form a Greek nation? Character of the age of Pericles. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The preparations of Xerxes. Grote, Vol. V., Chap. XXXVHI. 

Curtius, Vol. H., Book HI., Chap. I., pp. 275-280. Herodotus, 

VH. 20-25. 
The policy of Themistocles. Grote, Vol. V., Chap. XXXIX. Curtius, 

Vol. II., Book HI., Chap. I. Herodotus, VII. 143-144. 

Plutarch, Lives of Themistocles and Aristides. 
The founding of the Athenian empire. Grote, Vol. V., Chap. 

XLV. Curtius, Vol. II., Book HI., Chap. II. 




Greek Women decorating an Altar 



CHAPTER III 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR AND ITS RESULTS 



The occasion 
of the war. 



431 B.C. 



Character of 
the first 
period of the 
war. 

Pericles' ora- 
tion over the 
dead ; Thu- 
cydides, II. 
35-46; In- 
diana, No. I ; 
Thucydides" 
description 
ot the plague, 
II- 47-53- 
The death of 
Pericles, 
429 B.C. 
The rise of 
demagogues. 

Spartans 
forced to 
surrender, 
425 B.C. 



27. The Beginning of the War. — The great war between 
Athens and Sparta, for the headship of Greece, the Pelo- 
ponnesian War, began before the death of Pericles. Its 
immediate occasion was the defeat inflicted on Corinth by 
the Athenians in support of Corcyra, a colony of Corinth at 
war with the mother city. Other incidents, like a commer- 
cial decree of Athens against Megara, hastened the decision 
which was taken by a congress of the Spartan allies about 
the beginning of 431 B.C. 

When the war began, Athens had an overwhelming force 
on the sea, and Sparta on the land. It was thus difficult for 
either to strike a decisive blow. This fact gives its character 
to the first period of the war, which lasted ten years. Athens 
during the most of this time suffered more than Sparta. An 
army laid waste Attica every spring, and though it could not 
successfully attack Athens, the city, crowded with refugees, 
suffered severely from pestilence. In turn Athenian fleets 
ravaged the coasts of the Peloponnesus and inflicted what 
damage they could on Sparta and her allies. 

The death of Pericles was a great loss to Athens. No real 
statesman rose to take his place, and the democracy, growing 
constantly more selfish and passionate, began to listen with 
more favor to the demagogues who flattered its prejudices 
but could not lead in the adoption of any far-sighted policy. 

28. The Close of the First Period. — In the seventh year 
of the war, the Athenians gained a decided advantage. 
Pylus, a point on the north side of the bay now called Nav- 

34 



§29] 



The Sicilian Expedition 



35 



arino, was seized and fortified. A force of Spartans, who 
had landed on the island which closes the mouth of the 
bay, were then first blockaded, and finally defeated and 
forced to surrender. This act, so contrary to the Spartan 
reputation, made a profound impression throughout Greece. 

Athens could now have made peace on very favorable 
conditions had she been willing. It was a serious mistake 
that she did not do so. She was defeated the next year in 
the great battle of Delium in Breotia, and rebellion, sup- 
ported by the Spartans, destroyed her empire in Thrace. 
Then she was ready to end the war. In the spring of 421, 
the Peace of Nicias was concluded for fifty years. By its 
terms conquests were to be restored by both sides, as if 
things could be put where they were before the war. 

29. The Sicilian Expedition. — As this peace settled 
nothing, it was not likely to last out its fifty years. The 
second period of the war was not, however, in form a war 
between Athens and Sparta. Alcibiades, a young man of all 
brilliant and popular gifts but without character and of 
boundless ambition, persuaded the Athenians to send an 
expedition to Sicily at the invitation of the Egestseans. It 
was an attractive plan. A successful struggle with Syracuse, 
a Dorian colony and the ruling city of Sicily, would give the 
Athenians as rich an empire in the west as they had in the 
east, and make them masters of the whole Mediterranean 
Sea. 

It was determined to send a great fleet and army, with 
Alcibiades as one of the commanders. He was not destined, 
however, to reach Sicily. While yet on the way, he was 
summoned home to stand trial for acts of impiety and sacri- 
lege with which he was charged. He managed to escape, 
and for many years rendered valuable services to the ene- 
mies of Athens. 

Whether or not the expedition would have been successful 
if he had continued in command, cannot be s:'d, but cer- 
tainly it owed much of its failure to bad generalship. At first 
the Syracusans despaired of successful resistance. But the 



Athens' 
mistake. 



Peace of 

Nicias, 
421 B.C. 



Alcibiades. 



The expedi- 
tion to 
Syracuse, 
415 B.C. 

Holm, II. 
Chap. 
XXVII., 
Freeman, 

Sicily, 
Chap. VIII. 
(Nations). 

The loss of 
the Athenian 
fleets and 
armies. 
Thucydides, 
VII. 44-87. 



2)6 TJie Pelopojinesiaii War and its Results [§§ 3o> 3^ 



Athens near 
to ruin, but 
full of 
courage. 



Church, 
Callias : A 
Tale of the 
Fall of 
Athens 
(Novel). 
The plots of 
Alcibiades. 



He joins the 
Athenian 
fleet, 
411 H.C. 

The Athe- 
nians vote to 
break their 
own laws. 



Curfius, Vol. 
III., pp. 537- 
545- 



siege was pushed with httle energy. Through an incomplete 
and unguarded part of the siege hues, a Spartan force made 
its way into the city. From this time the tide ran steadily 
against the Athenians, and, though they sent another great 
expedition, staking almost their whole resources on the 
issue, in the end their splendid fleets and armies were 
totally destroyed, only a few stragglers from them all ever 
returning to Athens. 

30. The Last Period of the War, 413-404 B.C. — In the 
third period of the war, the ruin of Athens seemed always 
near at hand. The Spartans pushed the war with great 
vigor. Under the advice of Alcibiades, they took up a per- 
manent station in Attica. The allies of Athens began to 
revolt. The Persians sent their assistance to the Spartans. 
But still against such odds Athens showed a most deter- 
mined spirit and surprising resources. She soon had a 
large fleet on the sea, and made it evident that she could 
yet hold her own with Sparta. 

After a time Alcibiades, who had been obliged to flee 
from Sparta, persuaded the Persians to adopt a neutral 
policy, and began to make plans to get recalled to Athens. 
One result of his plots was an aristocratic revolution in the 
city by which the oligarchy of the Four Hundred was es- 
tablished in power, but the fleet refused to recognize them, 
and they ruled for only four months. The fleet, however, 
took the responsibility of recalling Alcibiades, and for three 
years the Athenians were almost constantly successful. 

31. Declining Respect for Law in Athens. — An incident 
of the year 406 shows how thoroughly the Athenians had 
learned from the demagogues ideas which are the destruc- 
tion of all self-government. At the battle of Arginusae little 
effort seems to have been made by the commanders to 
rescue from the disabled vessels the survivors or to secure 
the bodies of the dead for burial. This excited the anger 
of the people at home, and in a moment of passion they 
condemned all these ofificers, six in number, to death at a 
single vote. It was contrary to a fundamental law of the 



38 The Peloponnesiaii War and its Results [§§ 32? 33 



The last 
Athenian 
fleet 

destroyed, 
405 B.C. 



The walls of 
Athens 
destroyed, 
404 B.C. 



Spartan rule 
was severe. 



Sankey, The 
Spartan and 
Thebaii 
Supremacies 
(Epochs). 
Character of 
the ne.xt age. 



The Spartans 

establish 

oligarchies. 



State to condemn more than one man in a single vote, but 
they brushed aside the protest of Socrates and others on the 
principle that the people made the law and they have the 
right to violate it if they choose. 

32. Fall of Athens. — The next year the whole Athenian 
fleet, collected in the Hellespont, was surprised by the 
Spartans while in a defenceless condition, and of 180 ships 
only about a dozen escaped. This meant the fall of Athens. 
She could build no more fleets, and she could soon be starved 
into surrender when the importation of grain was cut off. 
Slowly the Spartan fleet drew near, taking possession on the 
way of the islands allied with Athens. There was no need 
of haste. The resources of Athens were exhausted. She 
stood as long a siege as possible, but famine compelled her 
to yield. 

The long walls and the fortifications of the Peirseus were 
destroyed to the flute playing and dancing of the Greeks, 
foolishly rejoicing at the overthrow of the only state which, 
had she remained powerful, could have saved Greece from 
her later misfortunes. The fall of Athens was really due, 
however, to her own lack of political skill and self-control ; 
for she shared, though to a somewhat less degree than 
others, these fatal defects of the Greek race. 

33. The Supremacy of Sparta. — The Peloponnesian War 
left Sparta supreme. Her hand was found, however, far 
heavier than that of Athens, and she proved even less capa- 
ble of moulding the Greeks into a common nationality. The 
sixty years which passed before Macedonia became supreme 
were years of civil strifes, revolutions, and petty intrigues, 
and of a declining civilization. The brilliant days of Greek 
independent life were over ; the days were coming on when 
Greek civilization was to be carried over the whole Eastern 
world, but only by a half-barbarian despot who forced the 
Greeks to that unity and foreign dominion which they could 
not acquire themselves. 

True to their own ideas, the Spartans established oli- 
garchies wherever they came. In Athens the " Thirty " over- 



§§ 34, 35] 



A Nezv Persian War 



39 



threw the constitution and held power through a few months' 
reign of terror and blood, when the democracy was reestab- 
lished by a successful revolution. But one of the first acts 
of the restored sovereign people was to put to death the 
philosopher Socrates 
in a moment of mob 
passion, bitterly re- 
gretted afterwards. 

34. The Invasion of 
Persia by Cyrus the 
Younger. — Meantime 
the Greeks had learned, 
through the expedition 
of Cyrus the Younger, 
the great superiority of 
their troops to the enor- 
mous armies of Persia. 
Cyrus had attempted 
by the aid of a few 
thousand Greeks to 
overthrow his brother, 
Artaxerxes, and make 
himself king of Persia. 
His httle force defeated 
the great Persian army, 
but Cyrus was killed. 
The story of the march 
of the Greeks and of 

the retreat through Armenia to the Black Sea is told by 
Xenophon, an Athenian in the army, in one of the most 
interesting of Greek books, the Anabasis. 

35. A New Persian War. — Sparta was the first to attempt 
to profit by this lesson. She determined to make war on 
the hereditary enemies of the Greeks, hoping perhaps to 
regain something of the popularity she was conscious of 
losing through the harshness of her government. Some 
successes were gained at first, but Persia intrigued in Greece 




Plato 



Holm, II., 
Chap. XXX. 

The death of 
Socrates, 
399 B.C. 



The expe- 
dition of 
Cyrus the 
Younger, 
401 B.C. 
Holm, III. 
Chap. I. 



The battle 
and the death 
of Cyrus, 
Xenophon's 
Anabasis, I. 



Sparta 
attacks 
Persia, 
399 B.C. 



40 The Peloponnesian War and its Results [§ 36 



Rebellions in 
Greece. 



The war goes 

against 

Sparta. 



Peace at the 
dictation of 
Persia, 
387 B.C. 



The fall of 
Spartan 
power, 
Holm, III. 
93-127- 



The death of 
Epaminon- 
das, 362 B.C. 



to arouse the enemies of Sparta against her. Thebes first 
took arms, and was soon joined by Athens, and even by 
Corinth and Argos, so long allies of Sparta. 

In the war which followed, neither side gained any 
decided advantage, but the balance fell on the whole against 
Sparta, in spite of the determined efforts of her lame king 
Agesilaus. The Thebans learned the advantage in war of 
careful drilling and skilful tactics, and their ambition was 
awakened to succeed Sparta as the ruling state of Greece. 
Athens regained much that she had lost. Her long walls 
were rebuilt, a new fleet was formed, and the beginning made 
of a new Athenian empire in the north of the ^gean. 

36. The Decline of Sparta. — At last Sparta and Persia 
became tired of the war and joined to force peace on the 
other states, so that the Greeks endured the disgrace of a 
peace dictated by Persia, — the Peace of Antalcidas, — which 
left Asia Minor to the Persians, and the states of Greece 
independent. 

Sustained by the old enemies of the Greeks, the Persians, 
the rule of the Spartans was worse than before. Especially 
was the indignation of Greece excited by her seizure of the 
citadel of Thebes by taking advantage of a religious festival. 
Soon the war broke out again, and it was now characterized by 
the rapid rise of Thebes. Epaminondas, the greatest of the 
Thebans, gained the great victory of Leuctra, invaded the 
Peloponnesus, set free Arcadia and Messenia from Spartan 
rule, and defeated the Spartans in another great battle, Man- 
tinea, in which he was himself killed. His death prevented 
the further success of the Thebans, but Sparta had been 
ruined, and she never recovered her power even in the 
Peloponnesus. 



Topics 

The real origin of the Peloponnesian War. What incidents led to 
its beginning? The character of the first period. Athens' first ad- 
vantage. The peace of Nicias. What led the Athenians to attack 
Syracuse? The result. Alcibiades in the last period of the war. The 
illegal punishment of their officers by the Athenians. The fall of 



§36] 



TJic Decline of Sparta 



41 



Athens. The character of Spartan rule. The death of Socrates. 
The expedition of Cyrus. Greece makes war on Persia. Civil war in 
Greece. Peace at Persian dictation. The fall of Spartan power. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The character of Alcibiades. Thucydides, VI. -15-18. Xenophon's 

RIeniorabilia, I. 2, 12-28. Plutarch's Life of Alcibiades. Grote, 

Vol. VII., Chap. LV. Curtius, III. 297-334. 
The condemnation of Socrates. Plato's Apology. Xenophon's Mem- 

orabilia, I., I and 2; IV., 8. Curtius, IV., 148-164. Extract 

from the Apology in Indiana, No. IV. 




Pediment — Temple of Minerva, ^gina 



CHAPTER IV 

THE RISE OF MACEDONIA AND THE CONQUESTS OF 
ALEXANDER 



Macedonia 
succeeds to 
the task in 
which the 
other states 
had failed. 

Curteis, The 
Macedonian 
Empire 
(Epochs). 



The training 
of Philip for 
his work. 



359 B.C. 

He first 
advances 
into Thrace. 



37. The Rise of Macedonia. — The rapid decline of 
Thebes, after the death of Epaminoiidas, left the way open 
for a new power to assume the headship of the Greeks. 
Athens, Sparta, and Thebes, each in turn, had failed to make 
a Greek nation, or even to unite the race in a common 
policy. The task in which they had failed was performed 
by a state which they would hardly recognize as Greek. Its 
government was that of a strong monarchy, and its success 
was partly due to its centralization, but chiefly to the ex- 
traordinary ability of two kings, whose united reigns covered 
only a single generation, — Philip and Alexander of Macedon. 

Macedonia lay in the very north of Greece, occupying 
the territory inland around the northwestern corner of the 
^gean Sea. The work of Philip was to extend its power to 
the south, over the whole of Greece. His early experiences 
had trained him for success. A hostage in Thebes during 
the life of Epaminondas, he had observed the divided and 
incapable policy of the Greek states, and learned the 
immense value of disciplined troops in war. Returning to 
Macedonia while still young, he gained the throne in spite 
of numerous rivals, formed a powerful army, subdued the 
barbarian tribes of the frontier, and consolidated his king- 
dom. In a single year after his accession he was ready to 
begin the extension of his power over the Greeks. 

38. Philip's First Steps. — His first step was to get control 
of the cities of the northwestern coast of the ^gean, and 

42 



§§ 39> 40] 



Philip conquers Greece 



43 



of the valuable mines of Thrace. Here he came into col- 
lision with Athens, and with the Olynthian Confederacy, a 
union of the local cities. By diplomacy, as unscrupulous as 
it was successful, he outwitted both his rivals, and secured 
the control he desired. Athens was at the same time 
weakened by the Social War, a revolt of her allies, whom she 
had not yet learned to treat with generosity. 

The footing thus obtained upon the coast Philip after- 
wards extended to the complete conquest of the region by 
the capture of Olynthus, despite the earnest efforts of 
Demosthenes, who exerted all his eloquence to persuade the 
Athenians to oppose the plans of Philip with all their might. 
In the meantime, civil strife in Thessaly gave him an oppor- 
tunity to interfere there, and iinally to extend his influence 
into Greece. 

39. The Sacred Wars. — The central Greek states were 
at the time engaged in the first of the three Sacred wars. 
The Phocians, in whose territory was situated the celebrated 
shrine of Apollo at Delphi, had put into cultivation some 
land belonging to the temple, contrary, the other Greeks 
said, to the law. The Amphictyonic Council, a kind of 
federal council having a guardianship of the Delphic temple, 
tried to make them pay a fine. This the Phocians refused 
to do. They seized Delphi instead, boldly converted the 
treasures of the temple to their own use, and with the 
forces they were thus able to hire, swept all before them in 
central Greece. Philip interfered as champion of the vio- 
lated temple, at first because the Phocians opposed his 
policy in Thessaly, and afterwards at the invitation of the 
Thebans and of the Amphictyonic Council. 

40. Philip conquers Greece. — In the third war, fifteen 
years after his first interference in central Greece, he sud- 
denly revealed his true purpose by advancing to the borders 
of Boeotia and seizing a post which commanded at once the 
road to Athens and to Thebes. The Athenians were now 
convinced, and were forced to lay aside their hostility to 
Thebes, and to unite with her in resisting Philip. In the 



The con- 
quest of 
Olynthus, 
348 li.C. 

Demos- 
thenes. 
Brodribb, 
Demosthenes 
(Ancient 
Classics 
Series) ; 
Butcher, 
Demosthenes 
(Ancient 
Classical 
Writers 
Series) ; 
Sources in 
Indiana, 
Nos. 2 and 3. 
The Sacred 
War gives 
Philip his 
opportunity. 



Athens and 

Thebes 

defeated. 



44 



The Rise of Macedonia 



[§§ 41,42 



338 B.C. 



Greece 
submits to 
Philip. 



A war of 
Greece 
against 
Persia. 
The acces- 
sion of 
Alexander, 
336 B.C. 
Plutarch, 
Life of 
Alexander ; 
T. A.Dodge, 
Alexander 
(Military 
History, 
Houghton). 
The destruc- 
tion of 
Thebes, 
335 B-C. 






great battle of Ch?eronea the Macedonian army was com- 
pletely victorious. The Theban sacred band was slain to a 
man, and the Athenian army dispersed. 

This was the end of Greek independence. A Macedonian 
garrison occupied Thebes. Athens was treated more gen- 
erously, but she was forced to acknowledge Philip as the 

head of Greece. The same 
year a congress of the Greek 
states was held at Corinth, 
which formed them all into 
an organized union with local 
independence, but with their 
general poHcy and their mili- 
tary force under the control 

_^ iMiiiiMiii °f Philip. A common war 

f '^^^^^iiPg.u^ti against Persia was resolved 

upon, which Philip was to 
conduct. But before he could 
begin the war, PhiHp was mur- 
dered l)y a private enemy. 

41. Alexander takes up the 
Plans of Philip. — The war of 
vengeance against Persia, or 
of ambition and expansion for Greece, which Cyrus had 
foreshadowed and Philip had planned, was undertaken and 
completed by Alexander. He was only twenty years of age 
at his father's death, but he was equal to the place. 

The first movement for independence at Athens and 
Thebes on the news of Philip's death, he quickly repressed, 
and when the Thebans took advantage of his absence in the 
Danube region to revolt, he surprised them by his sud- 
den return, stormed the city, and razed it to the ground. 
Another congress completed the arrangements for the 
Persian war, and in 334 Alexander was ready to set out. 

42. The First Successes of Alexander. — Xerxes invaded 
Greece with an army which was said to contain millions 
of men. Alexander began the conquest of Asia with 




Aristotle 



§43] 



The Conquest of Asia 



45 



30,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry. These were, however, 
thoroughly disciplined Greek soldiers. He found the Hel- 
lespont unguarded, but was opposed by an army a little 
further on, at the passage of the Granicus River. This 
he dispersed in a battle in which he fought in person with 
most reckless bravery. The victory opened to him the 
possession of Asia Minor. He passed successfully through 
the mountains, and found Darius and a great army ready to 
dispute his further advance at Issus, near the northeastern 
corner of the Mediterranean. Alexander's victory was com- 
plete. The Persian army was scattered. Darius himself 
barely escaped, while a part of his family was captured 
together with a large treasure. 

Alexander then turned towards Egypt. All the country 
through which he passed submitted at once, but the great 
city of Tyre, deeming itself impregnable, refused him 
admittance within its gates. Alexander determined to 
punish the presumption of the Tyrians, and though he was 
occupied nearly seven months with the building of a mole 
to enable the army to reach their walls, the city was finally 
stormed. Egypt had no love for her Persian master, and 
welcomed Alexander as a deliverer. Here he remained 
during the winter, founding the first and greatest of many 
Alexandrias, and visiting the shrine of Jupiter Ammon in the 
desert to get authoritative evidence of his descent from the 
gods. 

43. The Conquest of Asia. — In the spring of 331, he 
returned to the direct attack upon Darius. He reached 
him in September, totally destroyed his army in the battle 
of Arbela near the Tigris River, captured in rapid succession 
the Persian capitals, Babylon, Susa, Persepolis, and Ecba- 
tana, making himself master of immense treasures stored 
in them, and continued on rapidly in pursuit of Darius to 
the southern end of the Caspian Sea. His hope to take the 
king alive, however, was frustrated by the murder of Darius 
by one of the king's own officers. 

From this point Alexander continued his march to the 



The invasion 
of Asia, 
Holm, III. 
321-361 ; 
Translation 
of Arrian in 
Bohn. 
On Alex- 
ander's 
methods of 
warfare, 
Fling, 
Studies, 
No. 4. 

Alexander's 
first great 
victory, 
333 B-C. 
He turns 
south. 



Egypt 
submits. 



Persia con- 
quered, 
331 B.C. 



46 



The Rise of Macedonia 



[§§ 44, 45 



Alexander's 
empire in 
central Asia. 



Death of 
Alexander, 
323 B.C. 

His empire 
short lived. 



A common 
Greek civili- 
zation 
throughout 
the Eastern 
world. 



Rome 
brought 
under its 
influence. 



east, and spent three years in subduing central Asia, going 
as far as the river Jaxartes, conquering also Afghanistan and 
the right bank of the Indus to its mouth. He might, per- 
haps, have overcome even central India, but he was com- 
pelled to turn back by the refusal of his soldiers to follow 
him further. The army returned to Babylon along the 
southern coast of Asia, while a fleet accompanied them 
by sea. At Babylon, Alexander began extensive prepara- 
tions for new conquests, but in June, 323, he died, not yet 
thirty-three years old. 

44. The Fate of Alexander's Empire. — The conquests 
of Alexander fell apart soon after his death. Very Hkely 
he would himself have failed to hold them together, though 
it was not an unwise policy, if it may be called a policy, 
which led him to transform himself into a monarch of the 
Oriental type, and which sought to unite in interest the con- 
quering Greek with the conquered Persian. 

45. Influence on Civilization. — But whether or not Alex- 
ander's empire could have been permanent as a poUtical 
unity, it did establish a cosmopolitan civilization which was 
as long lived as anything has yet been in history. Through- 
out all the western Orient there came to be a common 
language and literature, and a common body of philosophy, 
art, and science, and to a somewhat less extent the same 
thing was true of central Asia. The conquests of Greek 
civihzation were even wider than those of Alexander's 
armies. Greek thought and art long influenced India, 
were cherished for centuries in Afghanistan, and can even 
be traced in the farthest East, in China and Japan. 

When Roman armies conquered the larger part of the em- 
pire of Alexander, they were not able to conquer the civiliza- 
tion or to Romanize the people. They were themselves 
rather brought under Greek influence. Because of the posi- 
tion which Alexander had given to the intellectual work of 
Greece throughout the East, she was able to rule a still greater 
empire through the Romans, and finally, to extend her sway 
over the Teutonic conquerors of Rome and on to us. 



48 



The Rise of Macedonia 



[§46 



Alexander 
gave per- 
manence to 
the work of 
Greece. 



The Greek 
states which 
succeeded 
Alexander. 
Mahaffy, 
The 

Empire of 
the Moleniics 
(Macmillan). 



In Greece 
itself. 



The Achaean 
League. 
Fhng, 
Studies, 
No. 5. 



Commercial 
interests. 
Mahaffy, 
Greek Life 
and Thought, 
PP- 330-356. 



The compulsory union of the petty Greek states, at a 
slight cost to their independence, gave to Greek thought 
and ideals a permanent hold upon the world, and made 
them the common possession of all men. There soon be- 
gan also a new age of intellectual activity, which may be 
typified by the science and philosophy, the schools and 
hbraries of Alexandria, Alexander may have been himself 
a mere conqueror of the crudest type, but the Greeks and 
all later generations owe him a large debt of gratitude. 

46. The Greek "World between Alexander and the Roman 
Conquest. — The succession to his empire was left unset- 
tled at the death of Alexander. There was no member of 
his own family influential enough to secure its interests. 
His son, born soon after his death, was speedily sacrificed 
to the rivalries of his generals, and, after twenty years of 
civil strife, three states emerge which survive until the Roman 
conquest, and are of special interest to us. These are 
Macedonia, whose government was subject to many revo- 
lutions ; Syria and the Euphrates valley under the Seleuci- 
dae ; and Egypt under the Ptolemies. The farther East 
broke up into several states, some of which lasted a long 
time. Rather the most important of these was the king- 
dom of the Parthians in Persia. 

In Greece proper, many of the states maintained a kind 
of precarious independence, protected from one another by 
the interference of Macedonia. Besides the single states 
there was a most interesting federal union of the Achaean 
cities, for mutual protection and the conduct of common 
affairs, which lasted until the coming of the Romans. The 
naval and commercial power which had once belonged to 
Athens passed to Rhodes, which long maintained a leader- 
ship in an age of much wider commercial relations than 
earlier Greece had known. The rich goods of India 
reached the Mediterranean through the Red Sea and Alex- 
andria, or by caravan routes to Antioch. Even China at 
one time had a direct connection with the Greek world of 
this age through the Black Sea. xAs compared with the 



471 



TJie Age hitellectually 



49 



pre-Macedonian period this was a time of great luxury and 
wealth. 

47. The Age Intellectually. — The conquests of Alexan- 
der were followed by a brilliant literary age, most of whose 
productions have been lost, and by an age of art, whose Art and 
products, as they have come down to us, — the Venus of ^Qi^°^y^' 
Milo, the Apollo Belvidere, the Dying Gladiator, and others, chap.'xiv. 




Temple at Edfu, Time of the Ptolemies 



— the world still admires as among the most beautiful speci- 
mens of Greek art. In philosophy, the Epicurean and the 
Stoic systems were developed, both as speculative philoso- 
phy and as practical ethics, the one, in its ideal form, find- 
ing the highest good in a noble and high-minded enjoyment 
of life, the other, in the strong control of all desires and 
the manly endurance of all evils. 

This later Greek world had at different times three intel- 
lectual capitals, Athens, Alexandria, and Antioch. Alexan- 

E 



Alexandria 
as an intel- 
lectual 
capital. 



50 



TJie Rise of Macedonia 



[§48 



Mahaffy, 
Greek Life 
and Thought, 
pp. 160-199. 
Interesting 
scenes from 
life in Alex- 
andria in 
Matthew 
Arnold's 
translation 
from 

Theocritus 
in Essays in 
Criticism, 
I. 200-208. 



A virtual 
federation of 
states. 



dria remains to modern times the most typical of the age. 
The Ptolemies collected there a great library, and endowed 
a university, the Museum, to which they attracted as many 
as possible of the learned men of the day. In the creation 
of new literature, the results were not so great as in com- 
ment on the old and 
in the study of phil- 
osophy and the phys- 
ical sciences. The 
city became the 
meeting point of all 
forms of thought 
from every source, 
and exerted an es- 
pecial influence upon 
the future in the 
union effected there 
between Greek and 
Semitic ideas. One 
product of this was 
the translation of 
the Old Testament 
into Greek which 
we call the Sep- 
tuagint. 
48. Condition at 
the Roman Con- 
quest. — This was 
the Greek world as 
it was when it was 
conquered by the Romans. The empire of Alexander had 
fallen apart into a number of independent states, but they 
were closely held together by common interests, and formed 
a virtual federation or world system as intimate as modern 
Europe. They created a considerable body of international 
law, and paid much attention to the balance of power. This 
close connection on the political side was made a real soli- 




Mask of thf. Otricoli Zeus, Naples 



§ 48] Condition at the Roman Conquest 5 1 

darity by a uniform civilization. Language, literature, art, 
and philosophy were one throughout all the East. 

Topics 

The situation and government of Macedonia. Philip's education. 
His first successes. Opposition of Demosthenes. The Sacred wars. 
The battle of Chceronea. Philip's plan of a war against Persia. The 
first two years of Alexander's reign. His first battles with the Persians. 
Trace Ale.xander's march from Asia Minor to the Tigris. Why did he 
not advance directly against Darius? Trace the march of Alexander 
east of the Tigris. What parts of his empire now belong to Russia? 
What to England? The influence of Alexander's conquests upon the 
later history of the world. The states which succeeded Alexander. 
Art and philosophy in this age. Alexandria as the intellectual capital 
of the world. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The policy of Demosthenes. The Orations on the Croiun. Plutarch's 
Life of Demosthenes. Grote, XL, Chap. LXXXVII. Curtius, 
V. 467-482. Mahaffy, Problems in Greek History, Chap. VH. 
Holm, HI. 235-280. 

The effects of Alexander's conquests. Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought 
from Alexander to the Roman Conquest. Holm, Vol. HI., Chap. 
XXVII. An article, Greek Civilization in the East, in London 
Quarterly Revieiv, Vol. 149, or Littell's Living Age, Vol. 144. 

Important Dates for Revievr 

B.C. 594 Legislation of Solon. 

490 Battle of Marathon. 

480 Battles of Thermopylae and Salamis. 

478-470 . . . The Athenian empire founded. 

445-431 . . . The age of Pericles. 

431-404 . . . The Peloponnesian War. 

399 The execution of Socrates. 

371-361 . . . Supremacy of Thebes. 

359 Philip, king of Macedonia. 

336 Alexander, king of Macedonia. 

323 Death of Alexander. 

146 Greece under Roman rule. 



PART III 

THE RISE OF THE ROMANS 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Mommsen, History of Rome. 5 vols. (Scribner; ^10.00.) Very in- 
teresting. Full on the constitutional and social history. 

Mommsen. Abridged in one volume by Bryans and Hendy. (Scrib- 
ner; ^1.75.) 

Ihne, History of Rome. 5 vols. (Longmans; 15 sh. per vol.) 
Carefully critical, especially on the early history. 

Merivale, General History of Ro7ne. I vol. (Longmans ; ^2.00. 
Harper; ^1.25.) 

Wo'^ ds^6.\.€\^, History of Rome, i vol. (Longmans; ^2.00.) 

The best one- volume histories. Merivale goes to 476 A.D.; 
How and Leigh to the death of Csesar. 

Pelham, Outlines of Roman History., to 476 A. D. (Rivington; 6 sh.) 

Preston and Dodge, Private Life of the Romans. (Leach, Boston, 
$1.25.) 

Cruttvvell, History of Roman Literature. (Scribner; $2.50.) 

Mackail, Latin Literature. (Scribner; $1.25.) 

Roman authors, including the historians of this period and of the 
Empire, are to be found in translations in the Bohn Library and in 
Harper's Classical Library. 

Summary 

European history begun by Greece was carried on by Rome. 
The permanent influence of the Romans on the world was far 
different, however, from that of the Greeks, for it was not literary 
or scientific, but political. It was their work to bring together 
the whole civilized world into one great state, and to furnish this 

53 



54 Beginnings and Constitutional Changes 

state with laws and institutions which have had a most profound 
influence on all later times. The unity, the world-wide civiliza- 
tion which they established, is also the great underlying fact of 
all later history. Never since it was first made has it ceased to 
be. .xThe beginning of this empire of the world was very 
gradual. At the start Rome was a little city-state like those of 
Greece, surrounded by others like herself. The first step must 
be the conquest of these cities, and this goes on for a long time, 
partly because some of them were almost a match for Rome, and 
partly because of the constant civil strife going on in the city 
over changes in the constitution which were by degrees allowing 
to the people more and more rights. Hardly had Rome come 
to be the head of a little state around the city when another long 
struggle began with the Samnites, who ruled another state of the 
same kind to the south of the Roman. Before this obstinate 
struggle was over it involved almost all Italy, and at its close 
brought the Romans into contact with the Greek colonies of the 
south. They appealed to Greece for aid. and Pyrrhus, king of 
Epirus, came to their protection. His armies defeated the 
Roman, but with such loss that he had to abandon Italy. Su- 
preme in Italy, Rome now stood face to face with the only great 
empire of the West, that of Carthage. For both, the measuring 
of strength was a necessity, and the result a matter of life or 
death. The issue of the first Punic War was not decisive, though 
the balance of gain lay with Rome. She had become a naval 
power, had driven the Carthaginians from Sicily, which became 
the first province, and had forced Carthage to pay an indemnity. 
In the interval before the second war Rome seized Sardinia and 
Corsica, and made further conquests to the north, while Carthage, 
or rather tlie family of Hannibal, built up a new empire in Spain 
as a support in the coming final struggle with Rome. From 
Spain in the second war Hannibal led an army into Italy, where 
at first he gained great victories, but was later only able to main- 
tain himself, waiting for reinforcements from Spain or for foreign 
interference. The reinforcements under his brother Hasdrubal 
were cut off, and the attempted interference of Macedonia and 
of Syracuse availed nothing. Scipio conquered Spain and then 
carried the war into Africa. Hannibal was recalled to defend 
Carthage, but was defeated, and the Carthaginians had to accept 
the terms proposed by Rome. To complete the conquest of the 
world there now remained only the states of the eastern end of 
the Mediterranean, formed in the breaking up of Alexander's 
empire. These were capable of no real resistance. Macedonia 



Sunwiary 55 

was soon punished for her attempt to aid Carthage, and Greece 
became a virtual Roman province. Antiochus, king of Syria, 
tried the issue of war but was overthrown. Egypt adopted the 
wiser policy of friendship with Rome, and became a willing 
vassal. The empire of the world was united under the Romans, 
but in the meantime a great change had taken place among the 
conquerors themselves. Mankind had not yet found out that a 
clean civil service and official honesty are necessary to the gov- 
ernment of an empire. Rome looked upon her provinces as 
spoils won in war, and her officers thought they had a right to 
enrich themselves in their offices. Manners and morals among 
the Romans became rapidly corrupted, and vast wealth easily 
won pouring into the city completed the loss of character. With 
the age of the Gracchi there opened the period of the dema- 
gogues. The people were taught to sell their votes, not for 
individual bribes but for valuable gifts to the masses as a whole. 
They were taught to yield to the passion of the moment, to dis- 
regard the laws and the constitution if they stood in the way of 
the gratification of their passion, and to worship the hero of the 
hour and to follow his lead without question. All this was prepa- 
ration for the absolute rule of one man, and it quickly came. 
Nearly a century was spent in civil strife or actual civil war be- 
fore the Republic finally fell. The first war was between Marius 
and Sulla, during which Marius ruled the city like a tyrant for a 
little time while Sulla was absent in the east, as did Sulla for a 
longer period after his return. He soon voluntarily surrendered 
his power, however, and left the way open for a new civil war 
between Caesar and Pompey. Caesar's victory virtually brought 
the republic to an end, though after his murder there was another 
civil war among the rivals for his succession. In this Caesar's 
nephew Octavius won, and became the first Roman emperor of 
the unbroken series. 



56 Beginnings and Cojistitiitional Changes [§ 49 




A.N UL1< ku.UA.H bLiIOOL 



CHAPTER I 



BEGINNINGS AND CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES 



Rome the 
successor of 
Greece. 



Differences 
between the 
Romans and 
the Greeks. 



49. The Relation of the Romans to the Greeks in History. 

— During the later ages of Greek history a power had been 
growing up in the West which began to come in contact 
with the Greeks in many ways soon after the death of Alex- 
ander, and which was destined to absorb into its empire the 
world civilization which he had founded, and to be the suc- 
cessor of Greece in history. This was Rome. 

In many ways the Romans were like the Greeks, as we 
should naturally expect since they were a closely related 
Indo-European race ; in many more, they were unlike them. 
One most striking difference had a profound effect on the 
course of history. The Roinans had the empire-making 
capacity in a remarkable degree. Their military talents 
were great, but these are not so unusual as the power, 
which the Romans also had, of attaching their subjects to 
themselves, of centralizing and consolidating their conquests 



ITAIiY 



BEFORE THE ROMAN CONQUEST 




§§5o>5i] The GeograpJiy and Peoples of Italy 57 



into a single state, and of making the world Roman. This 
power enabled them to continue the work of Greece and 
of Alexander on a larger scale. The common civilization 
of the Orient which had resulted from his conquests they 
carried over the West as well, and the system of balanced 
states into which his empire had divided, they changed 
into a political unity which bound the whole world of that 
time still more closely together. 

50. Steps in the Making of the Roman Empire. — Origi- 
nally Italy was divided into a great number of little states 
hke those of Greece. One of these was Rome. Her first 
step in the conquest of the world was to overcome her 
immediate neighbors, small city-states like herself, and to 
form a larger power by their absorption. This growth 
brought the Romans into collision with confederations of 
city-states or of tribes, fairly a match in power for the en- 
larged state. Victory over these gave possession of central 
and a part of southern Italy. The conquest of the Greek 
cities of the south was only delayed for a moment by the 
interference of an army from Greece. Then followed the 
first attempt of the Romans to extend their dominion out- 
side of Italy, in Sicily, and this brought them into conflict 
with the other growing empire in the West, the great com- 
mercial and naval power of Carthage. The struggle between 
these rivals was long and desperate. In the course of it 
Rome obtained possession of northern Italy and of Spain, 
and the fall of Carthage made her mistress of the West. 
There was in the East no power which could long resist 
the Romans after this, and the conquest of the civilized 
world was soon completed. 

51. The Geography and Peoples of Italy. — The physical 
geography of Italy rendered its political consolidation 
easier than that of Greece. Its mountain system runs 
in a long chain like a backbone through the whole of the 
peninsula, and serves to bind together rather than to sepa- 
rate into small divisions. The position of Rome near the 
centre was also favorable to the control of the whole of Italy. 



First, the 
conquest of 
Italy; 



then of 
Carthage 
and the 
West; 



then of the 
East. 



Italy unHke 
Greece in 
physical 
features. 



58 Beginnings and Co7istitntional CJianges [§§52>S3 



The peoples 
of Italy. 



Mommsen, 
Vol. I., 
Chap. IX. 
Ihne, 
I. 81-84. 



The found- 
ing of Rome. 
Church, 
Stories from 
Lay. 
Plutarch, 
Life of 
Romulus. 



Rome under 
Kings. 

Ihne, Early 

Rome 

(Epochs), 



At the beginning of historical times, the southern part of 
Italy was occupied by Greek colonies and the northern 
by Gallic tribes. Central Italy was much divided. The 
Etruscans dwelt toward the north, a strange race, of great 
energy, who seem in very early times to have ruled a large 
portion of central Italy and to have had a very consider- 
able naval power in the western Mediterranean. They 
were great builders, and apparently much interested in a 
kind of primitive study of nature. In the very centre were 
the Latin cities, of which Rome was the most northern, per- 
haps originally an outpost against the Etruscans. South of 
them were the Samnites, a shepherd people, loosely united, 
but of much military power. 

52. The Founding of Rome. — The legends which the 
later Romans told of the beginning of their city — the 
founding by the twin sons of Mars, Romulus and Remus, ex- 
posed to perish but suckled by a wolf; the population of 
the city by outcasts and robbers ; the seizure of the Sabine 
women to provide wives, leading to a great war and the final 
union of the Sabines and Romans in one state, — these point 
undoubtedly to a military origin and to that kind of growth, 
even in very early times, by union and absorption, which 
remained characteristic of Rome to the end. 

53. The Period of the Kings. — The first period in the 
history of Rome is, according to tradition, a period of the 
rule of kings. After the reign of Romulus came that of 
Numa Pompilius, who gave the Romans laws and organized 
their religion. TuUius Hostilius, the next king, was a 
warrior and spread the dominion of Rome over other Latin 
cities. The territory of the state was further enlarged by 
the fourth king, Ancus Martius, who also founded Ostia, the 
port of Rome, and extended the city by a fortified outpost 
on the north side of the Tiber. Rome then passed under 
the rule of an Etruscan dynasty. In the reign of Tarquin- 
ius Priscus, the first of the new kings, Roman conquests 
were continued and great building enterprises were under- 
taken, like the Capitol and the Cloaca Maxima. Under 



§ 54] Early Changes in the Constitution 



59 



Servius Tullius, Rome became the head of the Latin cities ; 
the army and the constitution were remodelled together, 
the soldier being made identical with the citizen, and the 
enlarged city was surrounded with a new wall. The third 
Etruscan king, Tarquinius Superbus, ruled as a tyrant, and 
the Romans finally drove him out with all his family, and 
took a solemn oath never to allow kings in Rome again. 

54. Early Changes in the Constitution. — Even if the 
stories of this early period are too legendary to be considered 
history, they imply a line of changes in the Roman consti- 
tution undoubtedly historical, and in general similar to that 
in the Athenian, though with many differences of detail. 
The king of the early state was elected, and his power was 
limited by a senate or council and by the assembly of the 
people, called the comitia curiata. The unit of the state 
was the family, of which the father was the head, with abso- 
lute power over slaves and children ahke, and also over 
his clients or dependents, though these were legally free. 
The heads of families were \\\t patres, and the power which 
they possessed was the patria potestas of the Roman law. 
The assembly of the " fathers" formed the senate. The de- 
scendants of the " fathers " formed the patricians, who con- 
trolled the comitia. Besides the patricians there was also the 
class of the plebeians, composed of later settlers in the city 
or of the emancipated clients of the patricians. The 
plebeians were free men and were enrolled in the comitia 
curiata, but had no influence upon its decisions. The 
early state was thus a limited monarchy, with the real power 
in the hands of the aristocracy. It seems to have been an 
attempt on the part of the Etruscan kings to make their 
power more real by the aid of the plebeians which led to 
their expulsion, and the revolution of 510 would therefore 
be in the interests of the aristocracy. 

The first step towards the admission of the plebeians to 
political power was taken, according to tradition, by Servius 
Tullius before the expulsion of the kings. He organized a 
new assembly, the comitia centuriata, in which poUtical 



510 B.C. 

Church, 

Stories from 

Livy. 

Macaulay, 

Lays of 

Ancient 

Rome. 

The king's 
power not 
unlimited. 



The 
Patricians. 



The 
Plebeians. 



The reforms 
of Servius 
Tullius. 



6o Bco-innino-s and Constitutional CJians'es [§ 55> 5^ 



As in Solon's 
reforms in 
Athens. 
See p. 26. 



Two consuls 
at the head. 
Like the two 
kings at 
Sparta. 



Conquest 
and constitu- 
tion-making 
go on 
tosrether. 



power was given not to birth, as in the old comitia curiata, 
but to wealth. This admitted the rich plebeians to a share 
in the government, but left the poor, the great majority of 
the order, grouped in a single century with only one vote, 
while the two richest classes had a majority of all the 
centuries. 

55. The Early Constitution of the Republic. — After the 
expulsion of the kings the executive power was given to 

two consuls, holding office 
for a year, whose powers 
were equal and each of 
whom acted as a check 
on the other. The diffi- 
culty which might arise 
from a divided command 
in times of great public 
danger was avoided, when- 
ever it arose, by the ap- 
pointment of a dictator, 
who suspended the con- 
stitution and exercised an 
absolute power, but only 
for a period of six months. 
The coviitia ceniiiriata 
elected the consuls and 
now became the chief po- 
litical assembly in place 
of the coviitia curiata. The revolution in this way protected 
the aristocracy from any increase of the executive power at 
their expense, but did not give to the plebeians any larger 
share in the government. 

56. Rome begins her Conquests. — For something more 
than a century and a half after the establishment of the 
Republic, the two processes which have already been de- 
scribed went on steadily and together in the history of 
Rome : the conquest of central Italy, and the gradual 
making over of the constitution in the interests of the 




Roman Lictors 



§57] Struggle of the Plebeians for Rights 6i 



plebeians. In the first direction the overthrow of the kings 
seems to have been followed by a great decline of Rome's 
power in central Italy. For many years she had all that she 
could do to resist the attacks of her enemies, the Etruscans 
on the north, the ^quians on the east, and the Volscians 
on the south. About 490 a new league was formed with 
the Latin cities which was of great assistance to Rome. It 
was not until the last part of this century, however, that 
Rome began to gain decided advantages over her neighbors, 
and to capture large towns both north and south of the 
Tiber. The most important of these was the Etruscan city 
of Veii, which was taken in 396 after a long siege. 

Soon after this Rome was herself taken and burnt by an 
army of the barbarian Gauls who had taken possession of 
north Italy. This was only a momentary check to the prog- 
ress of the Roman arms. The city was immediately rebuilt 
and her power restored. About fifty years later her position 
was so well recognized that the city of Capua, attacked by 
the Samnites, appealed to her for protection. In granting 
this request Rome was brought into hostility with a confed- 
eration of strong tribes, which had been forming a dominion 
in the south in much the same 'way that Rome had been in 
the centre of Italy, and the struggle began which was to 
decide the sovereignty of the whole peninsula. 

57. The Struggle of the Plebeians for Rights. — In the 
other direction, the gradual changing of the constitution, 
the process began almost immediately after the establish- 
ment of the Republic, and continued for more than two 
hundred years, though it was at intervals interrupted for 
considerable periods. The changes made were due to con- 
tinued efforts of the plebeians to obtain equality with the 
patricians. In this process of change there are three well- 
marked stages in which different interests take the lead, 
though others occasionally appear. The first stage was the 
struggle of the poor for better terms as debtors and for a 
iihare in the public lands ; the second was the struggle for 
the publication of the laws, and the third that for the right 



Capture of 

Rome by the 

Gauls, 

390 B.C. 

Mommsen, 

1.429; 

Ihne, 

I. 266-276; 

Livy, 

V. 41-49. 



A long 
period of 
constitu- 
tional 
changes. 



Three stages. 



62 Beginnings and Constitutional Changes [§ 58 



Rome's 
Habeas 



to be elected to public office. Tradition ascribes the first 
constitutional change to the same year with the formation 
of tlie Republic. This was the passage of the Valerian law, 
allowing any citizen condemned by a magistrate the right of 




Ruins of the Aqueducts, Rome 



appeal to the people. This law, which had to be reenacted 
more than once before it was made entirely effective, has 



Corpus Act, 
Mommsen, 

Ihne 1. 128. been rightly called the Roman Habeas Corpus. 
58. The Debtors demand less Severe Laws 



■The laws 



§ 59] The Struggle against Secret Lazvs 



63 



of early Rome, framed by the wealthy, were very severe 
toward the debtor, like those of early Athens. They gave 
the creditor right over the person and family of the msolvent 
debtor, as well as over his property, and their object was, no 
doubt, not merely to protect the property of the rich, but 
also to hold the plebeians in subjection. The increasing 
number of the plebeians, however, gave them a power which 
they were not slow to realize when complaints and persua- 
sion failed. In 494 the army of the plebeians, returning 
from a victorious campaign, abandoned Rome, and began 
to establish a new city on the Sacred Mount, not far away. 
This brought the upper classes to terms. Some immediate 
relief was granted to the debtor class, and more important 
still, the plebeians were granted two officers, the tribunes, 
who were to protect their interests against oppressive acts 
public or private. The "veto" of the tribune could stop 
for the time the action even of the consul. About twenty 
years later the election of the tribunes was vested in the 
comitia tributa, a plebeian assembly organized upon the 
democratic principle of equal suffrage. It was long before 
the debtor was fully protected by the law against the injus- 
tice of the creditor, but the beginning had been made by the 
first secession. In 486 the equally long process of admitting 
plebeians to a share in the public lands was begun by the 
agrarian law of Spurius Cassius. 

59. The Struggle against Secret Laws. — The struggle to 
compel the patricians to put the laws of Rome into writing 
that they might be known by all, and so in a sense to 
bestow equality before the law upon all, was a compara- 
tively short one. Ten years of agitation, during which tra- 
dition says a commission visited Greece especially to study 
the laws of Solon, secured the appointment of " Decemvirs," 
who suspended the ordinary magistrates, and were instructed 
to put the laws into writing. A second year completed 
their work, which formed a code called the laws of the 
twelve tables. The extraordinary power which had been 
granted to the decemvirs to enable them to carry through 



The early 
laws favored 
the creditor, 
as in Athens. 



The first 
secession, 
494 H-C. 
Livy, 

II- 32-33- 

The 
Tribunes. 



Reform of 
the laws. 
See Draco's 
reforms in 

Athens, 



The 
Decemvirs. 



64 Beginnings and Constitutional Changes [§ 60 



Virginia. 
Church, 
Stories from 
Livy; 
Macaulay, 
Lays of An- 
cient Rome; 
Livy, III. 
44-58. 

The third 
secession, 
445 B-C. 



The censor- 
ship. 



The victory 
of the plebe- 
ians, Livy, 

VI. 35-42. 



their work, they contrived to extend into a tyranny of some- 
thing Uke the Greek type. Tradition fixes the responsibihty 
for this upon Appius Claudius, and relates how his attempt 
to seize the free maiden Virginia as a slave, led to a new 
secession of the plebeians to the Sacred Mount to force the 
overthrow of the decemvirs. In securing this they secured 
at the same time other concessions. The Valerian law of 
appeal was confirmed ; all plebeian officers were to be held 
sacred during their term of office ; and the enactments of 
the comitia tributa were to be treated as binding laws. 

60. The Conflict for Equality in the Offices. — The third 
struggle, for equaUty in holding office, began immediately. 
In 445 a third secession again forced the patricians to yield, 
but to avoid yielding in form, the consulship was, so to speak, 
put into commission, and it was agreed that miHtary tribunes 
with consular powers, part of whom might be plebeians, should 
take the place of consuls. At the same time the patricians 
made a further concession which was a virtual surrender of 
their claim to an exclusive position in the state — intermar- 
riages between the two orders were legalized. To avoid the 
consequences of conceding the consular power to the plebe- 
ians, the patricians created a new office, the censorship, to 
which only patricians could be elected, and which was to 
have the exclusive control of several important matters in 
which the aristocracy was immediately interested. 

But the tide was now running steadily in favor of democ- 
racy. One after another the various offices were thrown 
open. In 376 the Licinian Rogations were proposed, and 
carried after nine years of agitation. These decreed the 
restoration of consuls and declared that one of them must 
always be a plebeian. Other provisions relieved the debtors 
and limited the amount of public land which one person could 
hold. In 356 the first plebeian dictator was appointed; in 
351 the first plebeian censor. In 339 it was declared that 
one censor must be a plebeian, that the legislation of the 
comitia tributa should be law for all the Romans, and the 
comitia curiata, which had enjoyed a kind of veto on the acts 



§ 6o] The Conflict for Official Equality 



65 



of the other assemblies, was reduced to a mere form by 
being required to give its assent in advance. The long 
conflict was closed by the passage of the Lex Hortensia in 
286, which finally made 
the cotnitia tributa the 
supreme assembly. 

The conclusion of this 
long struggle with the 
victory of the plebeians 
did not destroy the no- 
bility of Rome. New 
plebeian noble forailies 
rose to take their place 
beside the patrician fam- 
ilies. But it did give 
the political power in 
the state to the people 
expressed through a 

democratic assembly, and the power of the aristocracy in 
the later Rome was based upon the influence of wealth and 
position and not upon legal privileges. 

Topics 

In what ways were the Romans the successors of the Greeks in 
history? Rome's steps in the conquest of the world. The various 
peoples of Italy. The situation of Rome. Its earliest government. 
The first constitutional changes. The earliest republican government. 
The first conquests of Rome. The struggle of the debtor class for more 
favorable laws. The demand for written laws. What were the differ- 
ences between the three Roman comitia. The opening of all the 
offices to the plebeians. Result. 




The Roman 
constitution 
as described 
by Polybius, 
VI. 11-26, in 
Fling, No. 6. 



The rise of a 
new nobility, 
though the 
laws were 
democratic. 
Mommsen, 

n. 393; 

Ihne, I. 
428-431. 



A Quadriga 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

The first secession and the tribunes. Mommsen, Vol. I., 347-357. 

Ihne, Book II., Chap. II. 
The decemvirs. Livy, III. 33-55. Ihne, Book II., Chaps. IX. and X. 

Mommsen, I. 361-369. 
The comitia. Mommsen, I. 93-96, 326-329, 360. Ihne, I. 63, 138, 

202-207, 449; IV, 9-42. 



CHAPTER II 



THE STRUGGLE PX)R EMPIRE 



The history 

largely 

legendary. 



Church, 
Stories from 
Livy. 



The First 
Samnite 
War, 
343-341 B.C. 



The Latin 
War, 340- 
338 B.C. 



61. The First Samnite and the Latin Wars. — In tracing 
the growth of the Roman constitution to the point where 
the victory of the plebeians had been secured, we have 
brought it down to the close of the struggle with the 
Samnites, and to the eve of the conflict with the Greeks 
which settled the destinies of Italy. Of the details of these 
wars we know comparatively little. The history of them as 
written by the later Romans, like that of the constitution, 
was full of legends in which it is difificult to discern the 
exact facts. But the legends of military and constitutional 
history alike reveal the race qualities of the Roman — per- 
sonal bravery, devotion to the state, contempt of suffering 
and death, iron will and relentless discipline — the qualities 
which made Rome mistress first of Italy and then of the 
world. 

The union of Latium under the headship of the Romans 
brought them into contact with the Samnites, who had 
formed a state southeast of Rome in the Apennines and 
who were now trying to extend their power to the south 
and west. A struggle for supremacy was inevitable between 
these two strong military states. The appeal of the city of 
Capua to Rome for help led to the First Samnite War. This 
was of short duration and indecisive. Signs of mutiny 
among the plebeians and of discontent among the Latins 
warned the Romans that they were as yet in no condition 
for a desperate foreign strife. In fact, in the interval be- 
tween the first and second of these wars, the Latin cities 
revolted and tried to force the Romans to admit them to 

66 



§§ 62, 63] 



War zvitli the Greeks 



67 



an equal partnership in the state. But the Romans were 
victorious, and though the suffrage was granted to some of 
the Latins, the most were reduced to the condition of 
subjects. 

62. The Conquest of the Samnites. — The Latin War was 
followed by nearly a half century of conflict with the Sam- 
nites and their allies, usually divided into the second and 
third wars, though there was no real interruption. It was 
in fact a war for the control of Italy from the Gauls on the 
north to the Greek on the south, and it involved before its 
close both these peoples in enmity with Rome. The Sam- 
nites were not unequal enemies of the Romans. They 
were kindred peoples in race characteristics and mihtary 
methods. 

About ten years after the opening of the war, the Romans 
were outgeneralled at the Caudine Forks and their army was 
forced to surrender. The terms of peace which the com- 
manders accepted were, however, promptly rejected by the 
Senate, and the officers who had made the treaty were 
handed over to the Samnites, but they, with more of the 
spirit of honorable dealing than the Romans, refused to hold 
their prisoners responsible. Slowly but steadily the Romans 
drove the Samnites back into the mountains and began even 
to get possession of these. In the last period of the war 
the Samnites were able to form a union of all the central 
Italian states whose existence was threatened by the success 
of Rome. Samnites, Etruscans, and Umbrians united, and 
the Gauls lent some aid. But Rome gained the decisive 
victory of Sentinum, and the league was broken up. This 
was the last hope of the Samnites, and by 290 the suprem- 
acy of Rome was established. 

63. War with the Greeks. —A war with the Greeks of 
southern Italy followed almost immediately. Their cities 
were mostly without military strength and incapable of 
resisting Rome. The city of Tarentum^ however, had con- 
siderable naval strength and was well fortified. She resolved, 
therefore, to check the progress of the Romans, attacked 



The Second 
and Third 
Samnite 
Wars, 
326-290 B.C. 



A Roman 
army surren- 
ders. 
Livy, IX. 
2-6, 8-1 1 ; 
Ihne, I. 
396-400. 
A similar 
incident in 
the conquest 
of Spain, 
Mommsen, 
III. 228. 

Other states 
join the 
Samnites. 



A quarrel 
with 

Tarentum, 
282 B.C. 



68 



TJic Struggle for Empire 



[§64 



The plans of 
Pyrrhus, 
king of 
Epirus. 



The invasion 
of Italy by a 
Greek army. 
Holm, His- 
tory of 
Greece, IV., 
Chap. YI II. 



Roman colo- 
nies were 
garrisons. 



and drove off a Roman fleet from the neighboring waters, 
and contemptuously rejected the overtures of peace which 
the Romans made, perhaps because they were conscious of 
the danger of an invasion from Greece to aid the ItaHan 
Greeks. Tarentum did appeal to Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. 
He seems to have been ambitious of emulating in the West 
the exploits of Alexander in the East and of founding a great 
Greek empire on the foundation of the Greek cities of Italy 
recovered from Rome and of Sicily recovered from Carthage. 
This plan brought him into collision with very different ene- 
mies from any that Alexander conquered. What would have 
been the result of a conflict between the Romans and the 
army of Alexander it is impossible to say, but the army of 
Pyrrhus was decidedly inferior to that of Alexander. 

Pyrrhus landed in Italy in 280, and in that year gained a 
victory over the Romans at Heraclea, and in the next year 
another at Ausculum, both largely by the use of elephants 
which threw the Roman horse into confusion. But these 
victories were dearly bought, and Pyrrhus himself acknow- 
ledged that they were almost equivalent to defeats. After 
an interval spent in Sicily, where he gained some success, 
he returned to Italy and in 274 suffered so severe a defeat 
that he was forced to retire to Greece. Tarentum could not 
maintain herself alone, and all Italy to the borders of the 
Gallic territory on the north now passed under the dominion 
of Rome. 

64. The Roman Colonial System. — In the course of their 
conquest of Italy the Romans had brought into use certain 
pohtical methods for the treatment of their subjects and the 
securing of their empire which they continued to employ as 
their conquests extended over the world. Very early, even 
before the capture of the city by the Gauls, Rome had 
begun to plant colonies of her citizens in the subject lands 
to act as garrisons, and also as a local ruling class. The 
colonists retained their Roman citizenship, though they were 
obliged to return to the city to vote. Later, Rome began 
to plant colonies of another kind, those of the Latin right. 



§65] 



Rome and Carthage, Rivals 



69 



which did not carry citizenship with it, but did secure large 
local independence and valuable rights. Of the towns in 
the subject lands, some were admitted to full citizenship, 
some received a limited citizenship which gave them equal- 
ity with the Romans in private law but not the suffrage, and 
others were reckoned as allies with independent local gov- 
ernments. Rome retained a strict control over all questions 
of general policy, but allowed very considerable indepen- 
dence in merely local questions. 

All the subjects of Rome looked forward to an extension 
of their rights, and finally to the gift of full citizenship as a 
reward of faithful services. In the meantime they enjoyed 
valuable pecuniary privileges from the conquests which they 
assisted to make, since the duty of military service rested on 
all. Rome's policy was a liberal one, and from it she reaped 
many advantages, though it was not always consistently fol- 
lowed. Before the conquest of Italy was complete, Rome 
had also begun her system of splendid roads by which the 
empire was finally linked together, and communication with 
the most distant provinces made easy and rapid. 

65. Rome and Carthage, Rivals for Empire. — The con- 
quest of Italy brought Rome face to face with a new and 
most powerful enemy and rendered inevitable a long and 
desperate struggle. The Phoenician Carthage was the great 
naval and commercial power of the western Mediterranean. 
The western half of the North African coast was under her 
rule. Her trading stations were scattered everywhere and her 
commerce extended out into the Atlantic and as far north 
as Britain. Her wealth seemed exhaustless and her army, 
though composed mainly of mercenaries, seemed fairly a 
match for the Roman army. The odds were against Rome 
at the beginning of the war. She was comparatively poor, 
with no extended commerce, depending for the insignificant 
navy which she had upon her subject cities, and hardly able, 
it would seem, to use her powerful land forces against an 
enemy in full possession of the sea. The event proved that 
in another way the balance was somewhat redressed. The 



Colonies 
without 
citizensliip. 
Tlie treat- 
ment of 
conquered 
towns. 



Rome's 
liberal policy. 
Compare 
with Athens' 
policy toward 
her allies. 



The Roman 
roads. 



The power 
of Carthage. 



Church, 
Carthage 
(Nations) ; 
R. Bosworth 
Smith, Car- 
thage and the 
Carthagin- 
ians (Long- 
mans). 



Rome had 
less re- 
sources, 



70 



Tlie Struggle for Empire [§§ 66, 67 



but more 

devoted 
subjects. 
Smith, Rome 
and Carthage 
(Epochs). 

An inevitable 
conflict. 



A crisis in 
Roman his- 
tory, and in 
that of the 
world. 
Freeman, 
Periods of 
European 
History, 
PP- 47-54- 



A struggle for 

Sicily, 264- 

241 B.C. 

Freeman, 
Sicily, Chap. 
XIV. 

(Nations). 
Sources in 
Fling, No. 7. 



subjects of Carthage found her rule oppressive and her mer- 
cenary armies were not always to be trusted. Rome's lib- 
eral policy on the other hand had attached her subjects to 
her cause and her armies had a profound personal interest 
in the result. 

66. The Importance of the Struggle. — The conflict was 
an inevitable one. Two expanding empires had come into 
contact with one another. Any further advance of the one 
must be at the expense of the other. Peace between them 
could only be an armed peace, and for the terrible strain 
of long-continued and jealous watchfulness with arms in 
hand the world was not yet ready. That has only been 
possible in the most recent times. 

The position was an especially dangerous one for Rome, 
with almost no naval power and with a very long and ex- 
posed coast line. But this conflict was, in the history of the 
world, more than a conflict between Rome and Carthage. 
It was a struggle between the East and the West, between 
Asia and Europe, between one type of civiHzation and 
another. Far more truly than in the Persian wars of Greek 
history, but not for the last time, the Aryan was called upon 
to defend his possession of Europe and the growing civiliza- 
tion of the world against the attack of alien races. Rome 
saved compact organization and disciplined order, the 
future foundation of Christendom, when she saved her 
empire from absorption in that of Carthage. 

67. The First Punic "War. — Sicily was the prize con- 
tended for in the First Punic War. Carthage already pos- 
sessed more than half the island. Hiero, tyrant of Syracuse, 
ruled in the east, and a band of revolted soldiers, the Mam- 
ertines, had seized Messana at the northeast corner and 
were at war with Syracuse. Hiero appealed to Carthage 
for aid, and the Mamertines to Rome. With great exer- 
tions Rome got together a fleet equal in size to the Car- 
thaginian. An ingenious invention enabled the Romans to 
make up for their lack of naval training. They arranged on 
their ships a great boarding platform so that it could be 



§67] 



The First Punic War 



71 



thrown across to the deck of the enemy's vessel and be Rome In- 
fastened there with great spikes projecting from the under ^ents new 
si(ie. By this contrivance, a naval battle was changed in ^f^'^ tactics, 

•' ' o Mommsen, 

great measure into a land battle. Vol. ii., 172- 

At first the war went decidedly in favor of the Romans. ^75; 

An army relieved Messana, defeated the Carthaginians, and 50-55. ' 

forced Hiero to make peace. Convinced of the greater Roman 

strength of the Romans, he remained during the war their successes. 
faithful ally. In consequence of these successes a consider- 




RoMAN Trireme, with Boarding Bridge 

able part of Sicily fell into the hands of the Romans. In 
260 the new Roman fleet gained a victory over a Cartha- 
ginian fleet. In 256 another naval victory off Ecnomus 
opened the way for the army of Regulus to land in Africa. 
At first this invasion was successful, but the generalship of 
Regulus was poor, and in the next year the Carthaginians, 
aided by a Spartan general, Xanthippus, defeated him and 
forced his army to surrender. From this time the war was 
without decided advantage to either side. A request of 
the Carthaginians for peace was rejected, tradition says by 
the advice of Regulus, who returned a prisoner to die 



The Romans 

invade 

Africa. 



Ihne, 
78-81. 



^2 



The Struggle for Empire [§§ 68, 69 



Roman 
losses. 



Terms of 
peace. 

Preparing for 
a new war. 



Hannibal's 
plans. 

Morris, 

Hannibal 

(Heroes). 

T. A. Dodge, 

Hannibal 

(Houghton, 

Military 

History). 

Livy, 

XXI. 1-4. 

His first 
victories. 



Battle of 

Canna-, 

216 B.C. 

Mommsen, 

H., 

280-291. 

Ihne, 

1 1. 219-240. 

Livy, XX H. 

44-49- 



in Carthage. Three Roman fleets were destroyed by 
storms and only with great difificulty replaced. Finally both 
states became anxious for a time of peace in which to re- 
cruit their strength, and peace was made in 241. Carthage 
had on the whole suffered the most and she had to purchase 
the peace by abandoning Sicily, which now became a Roman 
province, the first of the provinces, and by paying an 
indemnity. 

Both sides knew that the war was unfinished and employed 
the interval in gaining strength for a new struggle. Rome 
seized Sardinia and Corsica, conquered the Gallic tribes of 
northern Italy, extending her boundaries to the Alps, and 
took the first step towards the East by subduing the pirates 
of the Illyrian coast. Carthage, after a desperate struggle 
with her revolted mercenaries, allowed Hamilcar and his 
family to build up a new empire in Spain to replace Sicily. 

68. Hannibal's Invasion of Italy. — The second war 
began in 218. The Carthaginian army in Spain was better 
than any that she had had during the first war, and it was 
in the hands of the greatest soldier of her history, Hannibal, 
son of Hamilcar. He formed a bold plan of striking at the 
heart of the enemy by an invasion of Italy, and succeeded 
in forcing his way through the Alps against the difficulties 
of the passage and the hostility of the natives, and arrived 
in northern Italy with a reduced but still formidable army. 
Some of the lately conquered Gauls joined him. Three 
Roman armies in succession were defeated, on the Ticinus, 
the Trebia, and at Lake Trasimenus. Hannibal then marched 
by Rome and into southern Italy. His hope was that the 
subjects of Rome would revolt on the approach of his army, 
and that he could thus destroy her empire. In this he was 
deceived. Few joined him even after his overwhelming 
victory at Cannae, where the Roman commanders were 
practically forced to fight by the democracy tired of the 
" Fabian " policy of the dictator, Q. Fabius Maximus. 

69. Rome's Fortunes at their Lowest, and their Turn. — 
Capua, the second city of Italy, now went over to Hannibal, 



§ 7°] The Failure of Hannibal's Hopes 73 

with some of the other south Italian subjects of Rome, 
but the most remained faithful, and Rome herself had no 
thought of yielding. She organized for a last resistance Roman 
what force she had. Slaves and boys were enlisted. A <^o"'''^g^' 
new army was soon in the field and Hannibal was forced 
to recognize the fact that he could not yet strike the city 
itself. His victories had been bought with heavy losses. 
The army which he had created in Spain was growing con- 
stantly smaller. No reinforcements arrived from Carthage 
and his Italian aUies were not the most trustworthy or effi- 
cient. For twelve years he maintained himself in southern Hannibal 
Italy, unable to gain any decisive advantage against the 'soiated and 

. . ^ , r^ , , , powerless to 

cautious tactics of the Romans, but strong enough to keep ^^^ t^e war. 
the field and await the two events on which he now depended 
for final success. These were, first, a general war on Rome 
by other Mediterranean states, especially by Macedonia and 
Syracuse, and second, the invasion of Italy by a new Spanish 
army led by his brother Hasdrubal. 

70. The Failure of Hannibal's Hopes from without. — The The siege of 
battle of Cannae had been soon followed by the death of the Syracuse. 
old ally of Rome, Hiero of Syracuse. His grandson, Hier- 
onymus, went over to the side of Carthage, and though he 
was assassinated in a few months, the city had still to be re- 
duced and a considerable portion of the island. It was not 
until 212 that this work was completed, for Syracuse had 
been strongly fortified and was ably defended by the genius 
of the famous mathematician Archimedes, but this war af- Livy, 
forded no relief to Hannibal. ' ' ^^' 

The Macedonian War which began in 214 was equally The First 
without avail. Philip, king of Macedonia, feared the ad- Macedonian 
vance of the Romans in lUyria and he was ambitious of ail-ao^; b c. 
miUtary glory, but he conducted the war with great irresolu- 
tion. The Romans found allies in Greece itself in the 
^tolian League, and though the war lingered till 205, it 
compelled no change of the Roman plans against the 
Carthaginians. 

The failure of Hannibal's hopes from Spain was more 



74 



The Struggle for Empire 



[§7i 



The Scipios 
in Spain. 



Hasdrubal 

invades 

Italy, 

207 B.C. 

Mommsen, 

II. 346-349; 

Ihne, 

11-385-393; 
Livy, 
XXVII. 
46-51. 



His death. 

Scipio ends 
the war. 



Battle of 
Zama, 
202 B.C. 



tragic. At the beginning of the war the Romans had hoped 
to be the attacking party in Spain and to keep the Carthagin- 
ian forces occupied there, and the army which had been sent 
for this purpose kept on its way even after it was learned 

that Hannibal had crossed the 
Alps. The Roman campaign was 
ably managed by the two Scipios, 
Cneius and Publius, and after 
their death by the young Publius 
Cornelius Scipio, son of Publius. 
For years Spain could spare no 
reinforcements for Hannibal and 
even demanded itself reinforce- 
ment from Africa. At last, Has- 
drubal seems to have outmanoeu- 
vred Scipio, crossed the Pyrenees 
to the west of the Roman forces, 
and after a long passage appeared 
in northern Italy. His despatches 
to his brother from this point fell 
into the hands of the Romans. 
The consul Nero, who com- 
manded in the south, with a part 
of his army succeeded in joining 
his colleague in the north without 
the knowledge of Hannibal, and together they fell upon Has- 
drubal, and destroyed his array. The head of his brother 
pitched into his camp was the first news to Hannibal both 
of his brother's arrival and of his destruction. 

71. The War carried into Africa. — In the same year 
Scipio practically completed the subjection of Spain. Im- 
mediately he began to carry out his plan for transferring 
the war into Africa, and so forcing Hannibal to return. 
With difficulty the reluctant sanction of the Senate was 
secured. In 204 he landed in Africa and within a few 
months by two decisive victories he had forced the recall of 
Hannibal. In 202 the final battle of Zama closed the war. 




76 



TJic Struggle for Empire 



[§7i 



Mommsen, 

n. 357-361 ; 

Ihne, 

n. 449-453; 

Livy, 
XXX. 32-35. 

Carthage 
virtually 
subject to 
Rome. 

Rome enters 
upon a new 
age. 



Changes in 
the Roman 
spirit and 
character. 
Ihne, 
Vol.11., 
Chap. IX.; 
Mommsen, 
11.366-368. 



Class distinc- 
tions become 
more 
extreme. 



Ill military skill the two commanders were not unequal but 
the superior quality of the Roman army decided the battle. 
Hannibal himself with difficulty escaped to Carthage. 

Carthage retained her local independence, but without her 
foreign possessions and without the power of making a war 
unless she obtained the sanction of Rome. She surrendered 
her navy and her elephants, gave up her prisoners and the 
Roman deserters, and promised to pay a war indemnity of 
about $200,000 a year for fifty years. 

72 . The Effect of the War upon Rome. — Rome had 
overcome her greatest enemy and was mistress of the West. 
Spain was in her hands. The province of Sicily included 
the whole island. Her unfaithful subjects in Italy were 
heavily punished. The war had moreover forced her into 
relations with the further East, and this entailed a new 
policy. Rome had now entered upon the career of empire 
in which there was no stopping until the whole civilized 
world was united under her rule. 

But equally important changes had occurred during the 
war and began to show themselves soon after in the spirit 
and character of the Roman people. Enormous losses had 
been suffered and at the same time vast plunder had been 
secured. The losses tended to fall heavily upon the poorer 
classes. The plunder and the other opportunities of the 
war presented the almost irresistible temptation of sudden 
wealth to the officers and the classes in control of the state. 
The gulf between the rich and the poor grew wider and 
wider. Especially did the small farmer, once the strength 
of Rome, tend to disappear, and the great farms of the rich 
to spread themselves over the country, tilled by slaves or 
by the once independent farmer now almost a serf. The 
city began to fill up with an unemployed mob — the prole- 
tariat, — having the right to vote, but having no real interest 
in the state beyond the satisfaction of the moment's need 
or passion. Profuse luxury side by side with squalid poverty 
became a common sight. Foreign manners and modes of 
thought became fashionable. A smattering of Greek cult- 



§ 72] The Ejfect of tJic J Far upon Rome 



77 



ure, which no one tried to make genuine or universal, 
served only to mark more plainly the distinction of classes. 
Oriental religions and superstitions made their way among 
the people, and by their variety and by the extravagance 
of their counter claims taught a distrust of all religion. 
Scipio, by his love of luxury, his support of foreign religions, 
and his contempt for the forms of law, was a power on the 
side of decay, especially harmful because of his really great 
services to the state. His famous answer to a constitutional 
objection : " If all the Quirites wish to make me ?edile, 
I am old enough," reveals a new spirit among the Romans, 
a willingness to override the law for the purpose of the 
moment, which should help us to understand how they came 
in the end to lose their liberty. Not all these results be- 
came evident at once, but the currents had begun to set 
steadily in their direction, and no statesman arose to turn 
them aside. Indeed, no statesman could have persuaded 
the Roman people, in the full tide of success, of the possi- 
bility of any danger ahead. 



A new 

attitude 
towards the 
law. 








Roman Chariot — A Triumph 



y8 The Struggle for Empire 

Topics 

The beginning of the conquest of Italy. The union of Italy against 
Rome. The first conflict between Romans and Greeks. The Roman 
colonies. Rome's policy in the government of her conquests. Com- 
pare the resources of Rome and Carthage when the Punic wars began. 
Why was the struggle inevitable? What was its importance in history? 
How did the Romans gain their first province? Hannibal's plans and 
his first successes. What were the causes of his final failure? The 
fall of Carthage. The effect of the war on Rome's foreign policy. 
The change in the Roman spirit, socially and politically. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The position and power of Carthage. Ihne, Vol. II., Chap. I. Momm- 

sen. Vol. II., Book HI., Chap. I. 
Hannibal's passage of the Alps. Mommsen, Vol. II., pp. 259-265. 

Ihne, II. 171-177. Dodge, Hannibal, Chaps. XV. and XVI. 

Livy, XXI. 31-37. Extracts in Indiana, No. 5. 
Rome's colonies and subject communities. Mommsen, I. 438-443; 

II. 46-58. Ihne, I., pp. 541-549- 



CHAPTER III 



THE EMPIRE COMPLETED. ITS EFFECT ON ROME 



73. Ten Years of Rapid Expansion. — The period of 
seventy-five years which followed the close of the Second 
Punic War was the period of the organization of Rome's 
empire. In the year 200 she was really mistress of the 
Mediterranean lands, but her rule was not yet undisputed. 
In ten years more every state bordering on the sea was 
reduced to the condition of a vassal state. 

First the Gallic tribes of north Italy were taken in hand 
and the Roman frontier carried to the Alps. A rebellion in 
Spain was put down and the country organized in two 
provinces. Within four years Philip of Macedon was beaten 
in the battle of Cynoscephalas and forced to make a treaty 
by which he surrendered all his possessions outside of 
Macedon, and agreed that Rome should control his foreign 
policy. The Romans then issued a proclamation restoring 
their independence to all the Greek states — an indepen- 
dence more nominal than real. The wise steps which the 
Carthaginians had begun to take towards financial and com- 
mercial prosperity excited the fear of the Romans, and they 
insisted upon the expulsion of Hannibal, who took refuge 
at the court of Antiochus III. of Syria. Antiochus had now 
to choose between war and submission. He was not yet 
ready for submission and invaded Greece apparently with 
the intention of striking the first blow, but his inferior army 
was defeated at Thermopylae, and, pursued into Asia Minor, 
was beaten again near Ephesus. Antiochus was finally 
obhged to accept humiliating terms. Hannibal fled to the 

79 



Conquests 
east and 
west, 
200-190 B.C. 



Macedon 
subject to 
Rome. 



Greece 
independent. 
Mommsen, 
Vol. II., 
p. 436. 



War carried 
into Asia. 



8o 



The Empire Completed 



[§§ 74, 75 



The fate of 

Hannibal. 

Mommsen, 

Vol. II., 

pp. 482-483 ; 

Ihne, 

III. 186-188; 

Livy, 

XXXIX. 51, 

Greece a 
Roman 
province, 
Mommsen, 
Vol. III., 
pp. 270-272 ; 
Ihne, III. 

315-317; 
Holm, His- 
tory of Greece, 
IV., Chap. 
XIX. 

Carthage 
destroyed, 
Mommsen, 
HI. 256-258; 
Ihne, HI. 
361-366; 
Plutarch, 
Life of Scipio 
yEmilianus, 



The first 
province in 

Asia. 

Form of the 

provincial 

government. 



king of Bithynia, but found he could end the pursuit of the 
Romans only by taking his own life. Egypt had already 
allied herself with Rome in a way that meant practical sub- 
mission. The whole coast of the Mediterranean was now 
under the rule of Rome, though she had as yet made no 
annexations outside of Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain. 

74. The Close of Greek History. — Twenty years later 
Perseus, king of Macedonia, abler than his father, began to 
take steps towards the recovery of his independence, and 
brought on the Third Macedonian War, but he was speedily 
subdued, and the kingdom of Macedonia came to an end. 
Twenty years later still, Greece again revolted under the 
lead of the Achaean League, but the attempt was hopeless. 
Corinth was sacked by a Roman army and Greece made 
practically a province. Just before this date Rome had 
satisfied her long hatred of Carthage by an unworthy ven- 
geance. The city made a heroic defence, but in vain, and 
was totally destroyed. About the middle of the century a 
series of revolts breaking out in Spain, supported by the 
still unsubdued tribes, occupied the Romans for nearly 
twenty years and were closed by the famous siege of 
Numantia, which demanded Rome's best general, Scipio 
^milianus, the destroyer of Carthage. Roman annexations 
in the further East, as distinguished from the ruling of vassal 
states, were begun when Pergamus was left as a legacy to 
the republic by the last king of that country. This territory 
was made the province of Asia. 

75. Abuses in Rome's Provincial Government. — The 
Roman Republic was more successful in making conquests 
than in governing them afterwards. Her system of provin- 
cial government provided for a governor and a staff of 
officials sent out from the city with practically unlimited 
powers and held to no real responsibility. Rome continued 
to allow, as she had in her Italian conquests, a considerable 
amount of local independence, and her rule brought with it 
a degree of security never before enjoyed, together with the 
extinction of war. But these advantages were purchased 



76] 



The Abuses affect Route herself 



by heavy taxation and financial oppression. Rome sup- 
ported her government and almost her citizens at the cost 
of the provincials. The method of collecting the taxes 
increased the burden unnaturally. The right of collecting 
the taxes of a province was sold at an auction in Rome, and 
the tax collector, or publican, paying to the government a 
sum in advance, had the authority of the state behind him 
in extorting from the provincials enough to cover his invest- 
ment and such profits as he might consider satisfactory. 
The temptation to governor and publican to make common 
cause and divide the spoils was almost irresistible, and, 
though a special court was early established at Rome for the 
trial of officers on charges of extortion, the juries were 
drawn from the class which furnished the governors, sym- 
pathized with the accused, and soon showed themselves 
open to gross bribery. 

76. The Abuses affect Rome herself. — The spoil of the 
provinces poured into Rome through many channels. All 
citizens shared in it through the relief from taxation. All 
to whom a special opportunity came made the most of it 
for their personal gain. The officer who returned from his 
province as poor as he went out was rare. The corruption 
of the community which had begun in the Second Punic 
^Var went on rapidly in the following century. The rich 
were growing always richer and manifesting their wealth in 
a constantly increasing luxury. The public lands continued 
to be absorbed into great estates. The poor were falling 
into a more and more hopeless proletariat. The trench- 
ant criticism of the elder Cato, unaccompanied by any 
practicable measure of reform, availed nothing. In a very 
large measure the fall of Rome — the beginning in the 
state of diseases which progressed rapidly without check 
— was due to the fact that she could not establish what we 
should call a reformed civil service — an honest and un- 
selfish government of the provinces, seeking chiefly their 
advancement and prosperity. 

In the home government, before the close of the second 



Taxation. 



The spoils of 
office. 

Cicero's Ora- 
tions against 
Verres in 
translation in 
Bohn, Vol. I. 
Also extracts 
in Indiana, 
No. 6, and 
Fliner, No. 8. 



The corrup- 
tion of Ro- 
man life. 



Corruption 
of the gov- 
ernment. 



?>2 



The Empire Completed 



[§76 



century, the drift had begun, steadily though unconsciously, 
towards monarchy. The democratic public assembly of a 
city could hardly in any case manage the government of an 
empire. The Senate, forming a new nobility, half of the 
old patrician families, half of the new plebeian families who 
had risen to high office, drew into its hands almost the 
entire control of the imperial policy and government, while 




Gladiatorial Combat 



the mass of the citizens occupied themselves more and more 
exclusively with attempts to improve their economic condi- 
tion, and to limit the abuses on the part of the wealthy 
from which they suffered. It was an ideal condition for the 
rise to absolute power of a demagogue who should feed the 
citizens with bribes, overawe the Senate, and stand ready to 
violate the constitution. The especially important thing to 
notice in the next stage of Roman history is the gradual 
preparation for the Ctesars. 



§§ n, 78] 



Cains Gracchus 



83 



77. Tiberius Gracchus. — The methods by which the 
two brothers Tiberius and Caius Gracchus tried to carry 
through their reforms mark a long step in the fall of the 
Republic, though this was far from their intention. With the 
purest motives and the highest patriotism, they accomplished 
no permanent good, but aided in the further corruption of 
the citizens and showed the way to future demagogues. 
The chief object of the reforms of T. Gracchus was to 
recover the public lands from those who unjustly held them, 
and to employ them for the rehef of the poorer classes of 
the capital by colonization. This plan of course excited 
the most bitter opposition, and it was carried at last only in 
a way which shows how easy it was then, as it is always, in 
the violence of party conflict, with the best intentions, to 
inflict an injury on the state more deadly than the evil 
which the reform would cure. Octavius, the colleague of 
Gracchus in the tribuneship, interposed his veto to prevent 
the passage of the law. The act was plainly in the interests 
of the rich, but it was a strictly constitutional act, and the 
people had a constitutional remedy by waiting till another 
election. But this Gracchus was not willing to do, since 
by the same constitution he would then be out of office. 
When his colleague refused to yield to persuasion, Gracchus 
had the assembly declare that when a tribune refused to 
obey the will of the people he vacated his office, and he 
justified this action on the ground that the people had a 
right to control their ofiicers. No longer single step was 
ever taken thaa this towards the destruction of liberty and 
the establishment of absolute government at Rome. What 
could be done for a good cause could be done for a bad 
one, and angry passion under demagogic lead never makes 
distinctions. This act meant that the Romans were grow- 
ing unwilling to govern themselves, and were losing their 
respect for the institutions which secured their liberty. 

78. Caius Gracchus. — Tiberius Gracchus lost his life in 
a riot excited by the Senate, the first in the series of appeals 
to force which led in the end to the direct use of the army 



The refonr.s 
of the 
Gracchi. 
Beesly, 1/ie 
Gracchi, 
Alarius, and 
Sulla 
(Epochs) ; 
Mommsen, 
Bk. IV., 
Chaps. II. 
and III.; 
Ihne, Bk. 
VII., Chaps. 
II. and VI.; 
Plutarch, 
Life of Tibe- 
rius and of 
Caius 
Gracchus. 

The purpose 
of Tiberius, 
133 B.C. 



The tribune 
Octavius 
deposed. 
Mommsen, 
Vol. III., pp. 
3^2, 356. 



84 



TJie Empire Completed 



[§78 



Plans of 
Caius Grac- 
chus, 123 B.C. 



to decide political rivalries in Rome. The cause of reform, 
however, was taken up ten years later by his brother, Caius 
Gracchus, whose plans were much more extensive and far- 
reaching. This involved not merely the agrarian legislation of 
Tiberius, but also a reduction of the power of the Senate and 
an enlargement of that of the people. Our knowledge of 
the fate of his proposals is not complete, but a considerable 
number of them seem to have been adopted at least tem- 
porarily. Of one thing we are sure, that in his effort to 
secure popular support for his measures he resorted to 
direct bribery of the people in his corn law. The state had 




A Ballista, Time of C^sar 



The begin- 
ning of the 
distribution 
of food. 



been for some time selling corn at wholesale prices to citi- 
zens. Caius proposed to reduce the price to about one- 
half the average. Taxation of the provinces would make 
good the loss. The people of Rome would gain the benefit. 
If this plan was to aid in the ruin of the small farmer and to 
drive him into the city to swell the proletariat, Caius prob- 
ably did not foresee it, nor the other natural result that one 
demagogue would inevitably bid against another till at last 
the city would be supporting an unemployed mob, a great 
voting machine run for the benefit of the highest bidder or 
the moment's favorite, and serving as the foundation of his 
rule of the state. Caius perished as his brother had of mob 



§ 78] Cains GraccJins 85 

violence, and his measures led to no permanent reforms, but 
the age of revolution had opened with bribery, plain viola- 
tion of the constitution, and direct appeal to force. 

Topics 

Rome's conquests between 200 and 190 B.C. The end of indepen- 
dent Greek history. The first province in the East. The character of 
Rome's provincial government. Effect upon Rome herself, in life and 
in government. The objects sought by Tiberius Gracchus. By Caius 
Gracchus. State fully the three steps towards revolution taken in con- 
nection with their measures. 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

Rome's methods of provincial government. Mommsen, II. 208-214; 
III. 29-35; IV. 157-166. Ihne, IV. 197-208. How and Leigh, 
pp. 310-3 1 3. Arnold, Roman Provincial Administration, Chap. II. 

The elder Cato. Plutarch, Life of Cato. Ihne, IV. 324-337. Momm- 
sen, III. 45-55. 

Changes and problems in Rome. Mommsen, Vol. III., Book III., 
Chaps. XI.-XIII., especially pp. 104-128. Ihne, IV., Chap. XII. 
How and Leigh, Chaps. XXX. and XXXI. 



CHAPTER IV 



THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC 



Both parties 
too selfish to 
guide. 



The Jugur- 
thine War, 
1 12-106 H.C. 
Sallust, 
yugurtha, 
extracts in 
Fling, No. 8 ; 
Ihne, v., 
Chap. VIII.; 
Mommsen, 
III. 388-409. 



79. No Patriotic Leadership in Rome. — The overthrow 
of the Gracchi was the triumph of the aristocracy. The 
Senate was really best fitted to govern Rome in this age of 
its history, but it was without definite policy except to 
retain power and to enrich its members, and it proved 
itself unable to meet the crises which arose, or to prevent 
the drift towards one-man power. On the other hand the 
democracy was equally without a policy and without leader- 
ship, and became the ready tool of the demagogue, whether 
he was of the democratic or of the aristocratic party. 

80. Jugurtha measures Rome's Corruption. — The events 
which follow in rapid succession serve only to reveal the 
universal corruption and the lack of capable leadership. 
Jugurtha, grandson of Massinissa, the Numidian king and 
ally of the Romans against Carthage, ambitious and un- 
scrupulous, killed one brother, seized his share of Numidia, 
and attacked his other brother. One commission after 
another, sent to arrange matters, returned to Rome heavily 
bribed. Finally Jugurtha was summoned to Rome and 
escaped by further bribery there, but venturing to go so 
far as to murder a rival in the city, he was expelled. The 
words which he is said to have uttered as he departed : 
"City where everything is to be bought, awaiting only a 
purchaser to sell herself," whether spoken by Jugurtha or 
not, show at least that some one not long after read the case 
aright. The war itself in which Jugurtha was destroyed is 
of interest only from the rapid rise of the plebeian soldier 

86 



§§8i,82] Causes and Results of Social War Sy 

Marius to the consulship and to a fatal popularity with the Marius. 

Roman people. tlTm!"' 

8i. The First German Invasion. — Before the fall of Bk. iv., 

Jugurtha, a great danger had begun to threaten Rome from Chap. vi. ; 

the north, which it required all the real generalship of ^'■"^'^J^^^' 

Marius to repel. The Cimbri, a German tribe, had ap- Marius. 

peared on the borders of Italy with their families and house- The Cimbii 

hold possessions, seeking a new home in which to dwell, the ^"^ '^^^' 

-i r r^ 1 • 1 • tones, 113- 

advance guard of the great flood of Germans which was ni ^^^ ^.c. 
after centuries to sweep away the Roman power. Defeating 
first one Roman army and then another, they turned off 
into Gaul for a time, where they were joined by other tribes. 
Fearful of their return, and believing no one but Marius 
able to deal with them, the Roman people kept him in the 
consulship for four successive years. That this was contrary 
to the constitution did not now seem a serious objection. 
Finally, having carefully prepared his troops and skilfully 
chosen his ground, he defeated the invaders in two great 
bat'tles, the Teutones at Aquae Sextise and the Cimbri near 
Vercellse. Marius then returned to Rome ambitious of Marius' sixth 
civil distinctions and by an alliance with a demagogue of consulship. 
the worst type, Saturninus, he secured a sixth consulship. 
But he was hardly ready to go the length demanded by his 
associates, and by his hesitation and his vacillation in deal- 
ing with the mob he lost the respect and support of both 
parties, and fell from power. 

82 . The Causes and Results of the Social War. — In the 
meantime a danger was coming upon Rome greater than 
any that had yet threatened her. The aUies of Rome in The allies 
Italy, really her subjects, had long furnished her armies demand 

-" •' ■" ' ? citizenship. 

and borne the burden of her campaigns. But they were ex- 
cluded from the citizenship and so from a full share in the 
spoils of war. For a generation or more various efforts had 
been made to open to them the franchise, but these had all 
failed. The Roman people seemed determined to keep to 
themselves the monopoly of their privileges. The last 
failure, that of the tribune Livius Drusus in the year 91, 



The Fall of the Republic [§§ 83, 84 



The Social 
War, 

90-88 B.C. 

Mommsen, 
Vol. III., 
Bk. IV., 
Chap. VII, 



The Roman- 
ization of 
Italy. 



left behind it among the alHes the feeUng that peaceable 
means were useless, that the reform must be gained by arms 
if gained at all. 

The allies rose in the year following the murder of 
Drusus. Rome was almost surrounded by a chain of 
rebels. Their army was as large as hers. It was as well 
drilled and at flVst better led. So great was the danger of 
their complete success that Rome at last resolved to make 
concessions to avoid being forced to yield everything. 
Near the end of the year the franchise was granted to the 
Latins and to all the allies who had not rebelled or who had 
submitted, and the next year it was granted to all who 
would submit and apply for it within two months. These 
concessions brought the war to an end except with the 
Samnites, the old enemies of Rome, who perhaps were 
fighting for independence, but, though they could prolong 
the struggle, it was a hopeless one and they were at last 
forced to submit. 

83. The First Step towards a New Nation. — Roman 
citizenship was now open practically to all Italians who 
wished it, though it must be exercised in Rome. Under 
this arrangement the various peoples of Italy began to grow 
into a common nationality, one in feelings and interests. 
Some independence of local government still remained 
to them, but they had henceforth larger interests. The 
triumphs of Rome and her empire were theirs. It was a 
foreshadowing of the condition of things which Rome was 
one day to establish throughout the whole civflized world in 
the common citizenship of the empire and the Romaniza- 
tion of her subjects. It was also in a slighter degree a 
foreshadowing of the modern nation which the ancient world 
had never known, with all the population of the state equally 
members of it, and with no distinction of city and country. 
This situation was never quite reached in Roman Italy, but 
the results of the Social War were a long step towards it. 

84. Fierce Party Strife. — Marius, discredited by his 
failures as a political leader, had not recovered himself in 



§84] 



Fierce Party Strife 



89 



the Social War, but a new soldier had arisen to popularity 
by success, Sulla, who had acquired his first fame as a 
lieutenant of Marius in the war with Jugurtha. The next 
stage in the fall of Rome is the struggle between these two 
for the command in the war with Mithridates. 



The rivalry 
of Marius 
and Sulla. 
Beesly, The 
Gracchi, 
Marius, and 
Sulla 




The Coliseum 



The protection of Rome's long frontier entailed upon her 
a constant succession of small wars with barbarian tribes, 
and occasionally even small conquests were necessary, as in 
southeastern Gaul, but for nearly a generation there had 
been no foreign war with any strong state. Meanwhile, 
such a state had grown up in the kingdom of Pontus around 
the Black Sea. Mithridates VI. had so extended his origi- 
nal kingdom that his interests came into colHsion with those 
of Rome and war became inevitable. The Social War was 



(Epochs) ; 
Plutarch, 

Life of 
Sulla ; 
Freeman, 
Sulla, in 
Historical 
Essays, 
Vol. 11. 
The kingdom 
of Mithri- 
dates. 



go 



TJic Fall of the Rcpjiblic 



[§85 



Mommsen, 
Vol. IV., 
Chap. VIII. 



Sulla's army 
enters Rome. 
How and 
Leigh, 
Chap. XL. 



The military 
foundation 
of the 
emperors' 
power. 



not yet ended and Rome was hardly prepared for war when 
it began. Mithridates rapidly overran Asia Minor, ordered 
a general massacre of the Italians found there, forced the 
passage of the Hellespont with his Black Sea fleets, took 
possession of the yEgean Sea, and entered Greece with his 
armies, where some of the states went over to his side. 
The heavy exactions and oppression of the Romans in the 
provinces had made the way easy for Mithridates' first 
successes. 

In 88, Sulla, who was of the aristocratic party of the 
Senate, was made consul and given the command against 
Mithridates. After his departure for his army, Marius 
appealed to the mob and obtained a decree transferring the 
command to himself. Sulla's army, however, refused to 
submit. They murdered the officers who brought down 
the new orders and marched upon Rome. There was no 
power in the city to resist them. Marius and his party 
were driven into exile. Some laws were passed to strengthen 
the position of the Senate, and Sulla departed for Greece to 
carry on the war. 

85. The Army becomes a Political Power. — This was 
the beginning of a new influence in Roman history. The 
army had entered politics, and henceforth questions might 
be decided and power gained in the city by military force. 
The way for this, which was practically the last step to the 
monarchy, had been for a long time preparing in the ap- 
peals to physical force, to the mad violence of the mob, 
which go back for their beginning at least to the times of 
the Gracchi and which had become more frequent of late. 
Of course, the possibility of such appeals to force rested 
still further back upon the decline of the early Roman re- 
spect for the laws and the impatience with the delay of 
the constitutional way of doing things which were the 
ultimate causes of the overthrow of the Republic. If the 
citizens of Rome had never allowed themselves to do by 
violence what they could not do by law, the appeal to the 
supreme force, to the army, would never have been made. 




The Roman Forum Restored 



92 



The Fall of the Republic [§§ 86, 87 



Change in 
the character 
of the army. 



Seeley, The 
Great Roman 
Revolution, 
in Roma?! 
Imperialism 
(Roberts). 



Marius again 
in power. 



The return of 
Sulla, 

83 B.C. 



Sulla's 
reforms. 



It should be remembered that by this time the character 
of the army had entirely changed. The constant warfare 
and long campaigns, together with the decline of the 
Roman middle class, had rendered professional soldiers 
necessary, and had compelled dependence upon allies and 
subjects for the bulk of the army. Citizen armies no 
longer existed. The soldier, looking upon the military 
service as his profession and career, was devoted entirely 
to his commander, indifferent to the politics of the city, 
and formed a possible support to despotism entirely lacking 
in the early history of Rome. 

The occupation of Rome by Sulla's army was really the 
fall of the Republic, but some further time was necessary 
before the fact was fully realized. The next fifty years, to 
the final triumph of Augustus, is a succession of contests 
between individual leaders, settled by civil war, in which suc- 
cess depends upon military genius and the strength of armies. 

86. Civil War and the " Proscriptions." — In the course 
of three years, Sulla defeated the armies of Mithridates in 
two great battles, and forced him back into his Asian king- 
dom. But his departure from Rome had been followed by 
the almost immediate renewal of civil strife. The consul 
Cinna, attempting to recall the Marian exiles, was expelled 
after desperate fighting and illegally deposed. He returned 
at once with an army, accompanied by Marius, and seized 
the city. Then followed a systematic butchery of the 
leaders of the opposite party and a reign of terror in the 
city. Marius died in a few weeks, and Cinna shortly be- 
fore the landing of Sulla in Italy in 83, but the position of 
their party was so strong that the struggle which ended with 
the occupation of Rome by Sulla was a real war lasting 
about two years. Sulla followed the example set him by 
Marius but in a somewhat more regular way, posting up 
lists of those who were to be killed, the " proscriptions." 

87. Sulla really the First Emperor. — Once in possession 
of the city Sulla had himself made dictator without limit of 
time, to reform the constitution. Under his direction a 



§87] 



Stdla really the First Emperor 



93 



number of laws was passed designed to establish the Senate 
firmly in the government, to deprive the people of any real 
control, to render the tribunes powerless, and to take away 
the privileges of the knights. But Sulla's changes in the 
constitution were not permanent. After he had carried them 
through he laid down his dictatorship to the surprise of the 
Romans, and retired to private hfe — a step which shows how 
unconscious even the leaders in the movement were of the 
change which was taking place in the Roman government. 

Topics 

Why was there no clear party policy in Rome at this time? What 
reasons had Jugurtha for his opinion of Rome? The first German in- 
vasion. Its effect upon Marius. What did the allies of Rome demand? 
The result of their receiving the citizenship. The civil wars of Marius 
and Sulla. The first use of the army in party strife. How had the 
way for this been prepared? Where was the kingdom of Mithridates? 
What were the proscriptions? Were Sulla's measures really reforms? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The first German invasion. Ihne, V., Chap. IX. Mommsen, III. 

430-451, How and Leigh, Chap. XXXVI. 
Sulla's constitutional changes. Ihne, V., Chap. XXI. Mommsen, 

Vol. IV., Book IV., Chap. X. 




C/ESAR's Bridge 



CHAPTER V 



THE BEGINNING OF THE C^iSARS 



Pompey. 
Mommsen, 

IV. 271-275, 
384, 444-448 ; 

V. 166. 365 ; 
Plutarch, 
Life of 
Poi?tpey. 

The pirates. 
Mommsen, 
IV. 307-313. 



Julius 
Cassar. 
Fowler, 
Ccssar 
(Heroes) ; 



88. The Rise of Pompey. — Following Sulla a succession 
of remarkable men contended with one another for the 
possession of power, with the strength of their armies and 
the votes of the proletariat as their weapons, while the 
Senate strove in vain to retain the direction of affairs. 
Pompey was the first of these men to achieve distinction. 
He had laid the foundation of a great military reputation 
with the people by the aid which he had rendered Sulla in 
the war against Marius. This he had built up by overthrow- 
ing Sertorius, a partisan of Marius who had raised a revolt 
in Spain, and by destroying the last forces of the revolted 
gladiators who had risen in a dangerous rebellion under 
Spartacus. Still later he had swept the Mediterranean clear 
of the pirates, who were almost an organized government 
and terrorized all the coasts of the sea with their great 
fleets. Then he completed the overthrow of Mithridates 
and reduced his kingdom to a province, and captured 
Jerusalem and made a province of Syria. Pompey was by 
birth an aristocrat and was inclined to the Senate, but he 
was often obliged in order to gain his ends to ally himself 
with the party of the people, so that between his inclination 
and his interests his policy was vacillating and uncertain 
and doomed to failure. 

89. Caesar and Cicero. — Julius Caesar was also of noble 
birth, but connected by marriage with the party of Marius. 
He was highly gifted by nature as a soldier, orator, states- 
man, and writer, and must be regarded as one of the ablest 

94 



§§ 9°, 90 



CcBsar and Cicero 



95 



men of history. He seems to have seen clearly from the 
beginmng of his career the goal to which events were 
tending, and to have shaped his course skilfully and with 
steady purpose to make him- 
self master of Rome. 

Cicero was not of a family 
of high rank, but he had 
made a position for himself 
by his power as an orator, 
especially by his prosecution 
of Verres for his extortions 
in Sicily. But Cicero was a 
man of too high moral and 
intellectual cultivation for the 
violent measures by which 
the highest power must be 
gained in Rome, and he can 
hardly be called a rival of 
Csesar and Pompey. 

90. The First Triumvirate. 

— When Pompey returned 
from the East in 61, he 
formed a combination with 
Caesar and Crassus, — a man 

who had made himself very rich by the purchase of con- 
fiscated estates and was now ambitious of political honors, 

— to control the State and secure for each of them what 
he wanted. Caesar was given the province of Gaul for five 
years and an army, which was what he especially wished. 
This command was later extended, and Pompey received 
Spain and Crassus Syria, where he was killed in war with 
the Parthians. In these years Caesar made his famous con- 
quest of Gaul, and invaded Germany and even Britain. 
More to his own purpose was it that he learned the art of 
war and trained an army devotedly attached to himself. 

91. A New Civil War. — As the second five years of the 
Triumvirate drew to a close, it became evident that one of 




Lil.lUS C-ESAl' 



T. A. Dodge, 

CcBsar 

(Houghton, 

Military 
History) ; 
Plutarch, 
Life of 
Ccesar. 

Cicero. 
Church, Ro- 
ma}! Life hi 
the Days of 
Cicero, 



The First 
Triumvirate. 
Merivale, 
The Roman 
Triumvirates 
(Epochs) ; 
Mommsen, 
IV. 504-508. 



96 



TJie Beginning of the Ccesars 



[§92' 



The crossing 
of the Rubi- 
con. Momm- 
sen, V. 190- 
192. 



The battle of 
Pharsalia, 
48 B.C. 



Monarchy 
the only alter- 
native to civil 
war and 
anarchy. 



the two, Caesar or Pompey, must go down before the other. 
Pompey had the city and was supported by the Senate. 
Caesar had his army, but by law he could not use it outside 
his province. Caesar endeavored to secure a continuance 
of his office until he could be elected consul, and so be able 
to meet Pompey on more even terms in Rome. This 
Pompey succeeded in preventing, and the tribunes who had 
taken Caesar's part were driven from the city. Caesar now 
judged that the time for which he had been preparing had 
come, and he crossed the Rubicon, the boundary line of 
his province, and marched his army against Rome. Pompey 
was taken unprepared, and was prevented from gathering 
a sufficient force by the rapidity of Caesar's movements. 
Within a few weeks Caesar had possession of Rome and 
Italy, and Pompey and his friends had been driven over 
into Greece. After conquering Pompey's province of Spain, 
Caesar crossed into Greece, and in the great battle of 
Pharsalia destroyed Pompey's army. Pompey himself fled 
to Egypt where he was murdered, and Caesar soon gained 
all the provinces and was master of the Roman world. 

92. Monarchy a Necessity. — Caesar's possession of the 
supreme power was short, for his death occurred only four 
years after the battle of Pharsalia, but within this short 
period he showed a marvellous ability to deal with the politi- 
cal and social difficulties of the state. He seems to have 
seen clearly that any government which would give order 
and prosperity to the Roman world must now be a mon- 
archy. In this he was quite right. The people and the 
Senate had both shown themselves entirely incapable of 
bringing the evils of the time to an end. Their changeable 
and selfish management of affairs was, indeed, a part of 
the evil to be cured. Masterful and permanent government 
was demanded, and no form of government had as yet been 
devised which could combine centralization and a definite 
and continuous policy for a great state with a democratic 
constitution, capable of holding the administration to a real 
responsibility to the people. A monarchy was the only pos- 



§93] 



C(zsar 's Mcasit res 



97 



sibility, and this Caesar proposed to establish in some form. 
He had himself 
made dictator for 
life ; he was al- 
lowed to retain in 
Rome the title and 
powers of the im- 
perator, that is, of 
the general in the 
field ; and he was 
also given the pow- 
ers of the tribune 
for life. 

93. Caesar's 
Measures. — Csesar 
used his powerwith 
great moderation, 
and showed his 
intention to be the 
head of the state, 
and not merely of 
a party; but his 
will was law in 
every part of the 
government. In 
the reforms which 
he inaugurated he 
showed as great a 
genius for states- 
manship as he had 
for war in his con- 
quest of Gaul. 
The regulation of 
the currency, the 
improvement of 
the condition of 
the small farmer and of the free laborer, the limitation of the 

H 




Caesar's 
reforms. 



: ^- Jt-'- 

Cleopatra, with her Cartouche 



98 



TJie Begiiming of the Ccesars 



[§94 



The assassi- 
nation of 
Caesar. 
Shakspere, 
yulius Ccesar 
(Drama). 



The Second 
Triumvirate. 



Octavius sole 
ruler, 31 K.c. 



food distributions to the poor of Rome, the rehef of debtors, 
the estabUshment of a direct responsibihty of the provincial 
governors and tax-collectors, the founding of citizen colo- 
nies outside of Italy, and the extension of the Latin right 
and even of the suffrage to provincial towns, — these are 
measures which give evidence of wise political judgment and 
of a desire to cure the evils of the state. 

But Cresar was not allowed to carry his plans to comple- 
tion. Not all in Rome were yet convinced that the mon- 
archy was a necessity. A conspiracy was formed of a 
variety of elements, in which Brutus represented an honest 
desire to reestablish the Republic and Cassius personal spite, 
and Caesar was murdered in the Senate chamber at the foot 
of Pompey's statue. 

94. The Second Triumvirate. — But the Republic was not 
restored. Marcus Antonius, one of Caesar's officers, roused 
the fury of the mob by his oratory and expelled the con- 
spirators, but he failed to secure Ccesar's power for him- 
self. The young Octavius, Caesar's heir, returned from his 
school in Greece and rapidly made himself powerful. A 
new triumvirate was formed by Antonius, Octavius, and 
Lepidus, a man who happened at the time to be at the 
head of an army. In the proscriptions, which were re- 
newed, Cicero was killed. After destroying at PhiHppi, i;i 
Greece, the army of Brutus and Cassius, the triuinvirate 
divided the Roman world between them. Such an arrange- 
ment could only be temporary, however, and in a final 
struggle the power of Antonius, who had fallen under the 
spell of Cleopatra, was destroyed at Actium, and Octavius, 
who had previously overcome Lepidus, became sole mas- 
ter of the empire of Rome. 



Topics 

The services of Pompey to Rome. Points of difference, in character 
and policy, between Pompey, Ccesar, and Cicero. What were the pur- 
poses of the first triumvirate? Why did Caesar cross the Rubicon? 
Why was monarchy now necessary for the government of Rome? 



Important Dates for Review 99 

Coesar's reforms. Compare these with Sulla's. Why was Coesar mur- 
dered? How did Octavius become sole ruler? 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

The character of Cicero. Plutarch, Life of Cicero. Mommsen, IV. 

470, 516; V. 132-134, 503-507. Davidson, 164-171, 426-429. 

TroUope, Life of Cicero, 2 vols. (Harper; $3.00), is a defence of 

Cicero against Mommsen. 
Ctesar's measures in government. Mommsen, V., Chap. XI. Meri- 

vale, Romans, II., Chap. XX. 

Topics for Studies in Review- 
Compare the early constitutional development of Rome with that of 

Athens and of Sparta. 
Compare, geographically, the conquests of Rome with those of Alex- 
ander. 
Sketch the intellectual and economic changes which followed the 
expansion of Rome's empire by conquest. Were there any 
similar effects in Greek history? 
Compare the position and power of Julius C?esar, after the fall of 

Pompey, with those of a Greek tyrant. 
Compare the Greek and Roman colonial systems. 

In Plutarch's Lives there are many interesting comparisons between 
Greek and Roman statesmen and soldiers. Study and criticise 
some of these, as, for example, Aristides and Cato, Alcibiades 
and Coriolanus. 

Important Dates for Review ^ 



B.C. 




B.C. 




510 


The kings expelled. 


510 


The tyrants expelled 
from Athens. 


494 


The first secession. 


490 


Battle of Marathon. 


451 


Decemvirs appointed. 










431 


Peloponnesian War be- 


390 


Rome captured by the 
Gauls. 




gins. 


367 


The Licinian laws. 







1 Pupils often become greatly interested in the making of comparative 
chronological tables for themselves, and where this is the case nothing assists 
so greatly to fix the skeleton of history in mind. In such tables, care should 
be taken to use only suggestive facts, which recall others to memory, and 
not to insert too many dates, for a crowded table loses its usefulness. 



I 

m ■ 



The Beginning of the Ccesars 



B.C. 




B.C. 








359 


Philip, king of Mace 
donia. 


343 


First Samnite War be- 
gins. 










323 


Death of Alexander. 


290 


End of the Samnite wars. 






280 


The invasion of Pyrrhus. 






264 


First Punic War begins. 






218 


Hannibal crosses the 
Alps. 






202 


Battle of Zama. 






184 


Censorship of Cato. 






146 


Destruction of Carthage 
and of Corinth. 






133-121 


The Gracchi. 






III 


Jugurtha in Rome. 






100 


The sixth consulship of 
Marius. 






81 


The dictatorship of Sulla. 






49 


Cffisar crosses the Rubi- 
con. 






31 


The battle of Actiuni. 







PART IV 

THE ROMAN WORLD-STATE WITH ITS 
FALL AND ITS REVIVAL 



Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Merivale, The Romans under the Empire. 7 vols. (Longmans; 
^15.00.) (6 vols. Appleton; $12.00.) From the death of Sulla 
to 180 A.D. Fills the interval between Mommsen and Gibbon. 

Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Edited by Bury. 
7 vols. (Macmillan; $14.00.) Edited by Milman. 6 vols. 
(Harper; $3.00.) Still of value, especially in Bury's edition. 
Goes to 1453. 

Bury, The Later Roman Empire. 2 vols. (Macmillan; $6.00.) 
From 395-800. The history of the empire in the West briefly, in 
the East more in detail. Of great value. 

Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders. 6 vols. (Clarendon Press; 
$32.00.) The most detailed and best account in English of the 
conquest by the Germans. 

Kingsley, The Roman and the Teuton. (Macmillan; $1.25.) Very 
interesting, but somewhat idealized history. 

Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Empire frovi Ccesar to Dio- 
cletian. 2 vols. (Scribner ; $6.00.) Organization, government, 
and condition. 

Kaufmann, Deutsche Geschichte. 2 vols. (Leipzig; 15 j\L) Prob- 
ably the best narrative history in German. From the earliest 
times to 814 A.D. 

Schaff, History of the Christian Church. 6 vols. (Scribner; $24.00.) 
The most recent detailed history in English. Full bibliographies. 

Alzog, Church History. 3 vols. (Robert Clark & Co.; $10.50.) The 
best in English from the standpoint of the Catholic church. 

Fisher, History of the Christian Church. (Scribner; $3.50.) A valu- 
able one-volume history. 
As the history advances into the medieval period, translations from 

the sources become less accessible. 

loi 



102 The Empire and its Decline 



Summary 

The history of the world had now been brought into one cur- 
rent by Rome. The period of the Roman Empire beheld the 
introduction into that current of two great streams of new in- 
fluence — Christianity and the Germans. With the end of the 
Republic the age of Roman conquest was finished. The work of 
the new age was not expansion, but it was to assimilate the pro- 
vincials, to make of all the West one great Latin nation — the 
East was already Greek — and to perfect the laws and institu- 
tions by which all the empire was ruled. This work went on 
under good and bad emperors alike, and at the end of three 
centuries was complete. During the first century of our era, 
Rome suffered much from the capricious tyranny of the em- 
perors, but the government of the provinces was greatly im- 
proved. The second century, the age of the " good emperors," 
was a time of apparent prosperity till near its close, but the em- 
pire was growing weaker, and the third century was filled with 
civil strife and attacks on the frontiers which were resisted with 
difficulty and not always with success. The constitution of the 
empire, which had been growing more and more monarchical, 
was completed by Diocletian and Constantine at the close of 
this period, and became that of a highly centralized despotism. 
In the meantime Christianity, which had been slowly spreading 
over the empire from its little beginning in Palestine in the 
reign of Tiberius, had become so strong that Constantine souglit 
it as an ally in his struggle for the throne. Recognized by the 
state the progress of Christianity was now very rapid, and the 
church began to assume clearly the monarchical constitution 
towards which it was already tending. In the fourth century also 
the Germans finally entered the empire. The Visigoths, fleeing 
before the Huns, were allowed to cross the Danube, but they 
quickly arose and defeated and slew the emperor Valens. Theo- 
dosius was able to bring them to submission again, but it was 
only for his lifetime. On his death, under their young king 
Alaric they invaded both Greece and Italy. Soon after, the 
Rhine was crossed by a number of tribes who held Gaul and 



Smnmary 103 

Spain at their mercy, and Rome was sacked by Alaric. This 
was the first invasion, after which the authority of the Western 
Empire was never restored. It left southern Gaul and Spain in 
the possession of the Visigoths ; eastern Gaul under the Bur- 
gundians and northeastern under the Franks ; and Africa in the 
hands of the Vandals ; while a union of tribes ruled Italy under 
Odovakar. But a second invasion soon followed. The Franks 
under Clovis spread out from the Rhine valley in both direc- 
tions, gradually occupying all Gaul and central Germany. The 
Anglo-Saxons occupied Britain. The Ostrogoths under Theo- 
doric invaded Italy and made it the seat of a most promising 
kingdom. His successors were not able to maintain its strength, 
however, and when a revival of the Eastern Empire came under 
Justinian it fell, as did the kingdom of the Vandals in Africa. 
Justinian's best title to fame, however, is not derived from his 
conquests but from his codification of the Roman law. The 
law had been given a perfected form by the scientific lawyers of 
the second century, and it was now brought together into a 
systematized shape which made its preservation for the future 
easy. This new Roman occupation of Italy lasted but a few 
years. The Lombards, another German tribe, conquered the 
most of it, but left fragments here and there under the Roman 
governor. Upon this fact hinged the history of the future. 
One of these fragments was Rome and a little territory about it. 
Difficulty of communication with the governor, whose seat was at 
Ravenna, threw the political rule of this territory more and more 
into the hands of the pope. His power in the church had 
already become almost definitely monarchical, and now he be- 
came the sovereign of a little temporal state. The Lombards, 
however, could not give up the hope of possessing Rome, and 
were pressing towards its capture at every favorable moment. 
The popes could not hope for aid from the Eastern emperors, — 
t^ey were more often than not quarrelling with them on some 
point of doctrine, — and they naturally turned to the most pow- 
erful German state of the West, the Franks. The period which 
followed Clovis had been one of decline. His descendants had 
soon lost physical strength and moral character, and in their 
weak hands the empire he had founded threatened to fall to 



I04 TJie Empire and its Decline 

pieces. It was reestablished by the rise of a new family, the 
Carolingian, of great energy and political ability. The way for 
an alliance with the papacy had been opened at the conversion 
of Clovis when he adopted Catholic, or organized Christianity, 
in place of the Arian, or separatist form. Pippin the Short, now 
ready to assume the crown of the Franks, needed the aid of the 
pope, and the alliance was soon concluded. Pippin became 
king, and the advance of the Lombards was checked. This 
connection with Italy and the papacy was drawn still more close 
by Pippin's son, Charlemagne. Italy was an important link in 
his great empire, which included all western Europe except 
Spain, which the Arabs still ruled as a result of the wonderful 
impulse which had been given to their tribes by the new reli- 
gion of Mohammed. The union of all the West under Charle- 
magne and the strong centralization with which he ruled it, 
made the revival of the title emperor of Rome seem a natural 
step to all the world. On Christmas day 800 Charlemagne was 
crowned in Rome by the pope. 



§95] 



Character of Early Euipire 



105 




A Street in Pompeii 



CHAPTER I 



THE EMPIRE AND ITS DECLINE 



95. The Character of the Early Empire. — His victory at 
Actium made Octavius undisputed master of the Roman 
world. The form of government which he established, 
following the model made by Julius Caesar, was a new and 
peculiar type of monarchy in history. But it was a very 
natural form for a monarchy created by the slow and un- 
conscious transformation of a republic. For a generation 
or two longer, it might perhaps have been easy for a Roman 
to persuade himself that no great change had been made. 
The old magistrates continued to be elected as usual. The 
assemblies still met and made laws. The Senate still exer- 



Octavius 
emperor. 
The 

character of 
the Empire. 
The Monu- 
nientum 
Ancyranum, 
translated, 
Penn. V., 
No. I. 



io6 



Tlie Empire and its Decline 



[§96 



Capes, 
The Early 
Empire 
(Epochs) ; 
Bury, The 
Roman 
Empire, 
)i.C. 27 to 
A.D. 180 
(Student's 
Series, 
Harpers). 



The constitu- 
tional 
position of 
the emperor. 
Merivale, 
Romans, 
Chap. XXXI. 



" Emperor " 

means 

"general." 



cised its functions of general direction and administration. 
The only difference, and this would not seem a striking 

difference to the Roman 
who remembered the recent 
past, was that a citizen who 
held no formal office con- 
trolled everything as he 
chose. But this was a wise 
and beneficent control, as 
it seemed to the Romans. 
Civil war and the strife of 
parties came to an end. 
Life and property were se- 
cure, and such peace reigned 
within the Einpire and on 
the frontiers as the oldest 
could not remember. It 
was a change which no one 
could regret, and yet it car- 
ried with it the destruction 
of the Republic, and the 
establishment of an absolute monarchy. 

96. Constitutional Forms. — The constitutional form of 
the early Empire has already been described. Without 
holding formally any of the ofltices, Octavius had the powers 
of each conferred upon himself, so that he was a kind of 
informal and supplementary consul, tribune, and censor. 
More important still was the fact that he was allowed to 
retain and exercise in the city the powers of the general in 
the field at the head of the army, the imperator. This was 
the office which in the end gave its name to the new mon- 
archy, and has come down to us as the monarchical title of 
highest dignity, emperor. The family name of Csesar also 
became a title for the monarch, and still exists in two of the 
greatest of modern states as Kaiser and Czar. To Octavius 
was given the title Augustus, by which he is generally 
known, and this passed also to the succeeding emperors. 




Pretorian Guards 



§ 97] Economic and Literary CJiaractcr 



107 



97. Economic and Literary Character of the Age. — For 
the city of Rome a great age opened with the accession of 
Augustus. Peace and security were followed by a rapid 
revival of prosperity in which Rome had a full share. Com- 
merce flourished and dealt in the goods of the most remote 
countries. Augustus gave much attention, not merely to 
the great roads leading from every part of the Empire to 
the capital, but also to the adornment of the city. His 
boast was not a vain one that he found a city of brick, and 
left one of marble. One of the new buildings was the 
Pantheon, in which were gathered all the gods of the Em- 
pire, something new in the world, but symbol of a still more 
important thing that was new — the community of nations 
in a common system. This community of nations once estab- 
lished by Rome has never ceased, though it has changed its 
form, and out of it grew the idea of the unity of all men 
— the brotherhood of men, as they began to call it in the 
early days of the Empire. This idea, of such immense value 
in the civilization of the world, and soon to be so strongly 
reinforced by the teachings of Christianity, first rose to con- 
sciousness in the minds of men as a result of the conquests 
and organized Empire of Rome. 

The Stoic philosophy, which had been developed among 
the Greeks, gave the Romans a scientific foundation for 
such an idea as the brotherhood of man, to which their 
own history had led them, and furnished them also many 
other lofty moral ideas. The Stoic philosophy, with its 
emphasis of the strong virtues, and of manly endurance 
and calmness under trials, was particularly attractive to the 
Roman character, whose natural ideal was one of unyielding 
courage. The early Empire produced some of the most 
famous of the Stoics, like Seneca and the emperor Marcus 
Aurelius. 

In literature the reign of Augustus is as remarkable as in 
other directions. The names of Livy in history, and of 
Vergil, Horace, and Ovid in poetry give evidence of a 
wealth of production which has made the name Augustus 



The 

improved 
condition of 
the Empire. 

Cliurcli, 
Pictiires 
from Rflinan 
Life and 
Story 

(tlie Empire 
to 180 A.D.) ; 
Inge, Society 
in Rome 
under the 
Cccsars ; 
Fh-ng, 
Studies, 
No. 9 ; 
Indiana, 
No. VII. 



The Stoic 
philosophy. 
Capes, 
Stoicism 
(S. P. C. K.) ; 
an article : 
Roman 
Stoicism, 
Westminster 
ReviciD, 
Jan. 1882; 
Selections 
from 
Epictetus 
(Putnam). 

Literature. 



io8 



The Empire and its Decline [§§ 



99 



Changes in 
the govern- 
ment of the 
provinces. 
Arnold, 
Roman 
Provincial 
Administra- 
tion ; 
Merivale, 
Romans, 
Chap. 
XXXII. 



End of the 
age of 
Roman 
conquests. 



stand for an age of literary brilliancy in the history of later 
nations. Yet there are few great names in the history of 
Roman literature to add to these, and in total product it is 
far below the Greeks. 

98. Provincial Administration. — The statesmanship of 
Augustus appears most clearly of all in his reorganization 
of the provincial government of the Empire. The provinces 
were divided into two classes, the senatorial and the impe- 
rial. The interior provinces, long conquered and well 
organized, were left under the administration of the Senate 
as originally, though their governors were held to a more 
real and strict responsibility. The more recent provinces 
and those on the frontiers, which were unsettled and ex- 
posed to attack, the emperor held in his own hands, that 
is, he governed them by officers appointed by himself and 
immediately responsible to him for their conduct. The 
change was one of great advantage to the provincials. The 
larger part of the old oppression and extortion came to an 
end, and though it might occasionally reappear in later 
times, the subjects of Rome from now on began to look 
upon the imperial government less as that of their con- 
querors, and more as a government in which they had a 
share, as in a sense their own. It was the beginning of a 
change which made the last step in the process of making 
all men Romans, members on an equal footing of a world- 
wide state, from which the people and city of Rome had 
disappeared as rulers, though they survived in the language, 
laws, and institutions, which had become universal. 

99. Augustus and the Germans. — On the frontiers it was 
the object of Augustus to maintain peace, a policy which, 
followed by nearly all later emperors, brought the age of 
Roman conquests to an end. On one frontier Augustus 
could not carry out his policy of peace, that of Germany. 
This was due to the warlike and restless character of the 
German tribes, and the constant warfare of his reign along 
the Rhine and the Danube was only the opening of a cease- 
less conflict which runs through all the later history of the 



§ loo] TJie Period of the Julian House 



109 



Empire, until from increasing weakness Rome could no 
longer maintain her ground, and the Germans broke through 
and conquered the West. 

One attempt to teach the Germans the danger of attack- 
ing the Romans led to a great disaster. Varus with three j^^li^^^,^ ' 
legions invaded Germany, as Julius Caesar had done, but iv. 268-276. 



The defeat of 
\'arus. 




A Cameo 

Claudius, Agrippina the Younger, Livia, and Tiberius 

was killed and his army annihilated by the Germans under 
Arminius, or Hermann, in the battle of the Teutoberger 
Forest. This battle is regarded by the Germans as in a way 
the beginning of their national history, and Hermann as the 
first of their national heroes. 

_,, -r^ . , , , -w ■.. -r-r ml • r Dates of 

100. The Period of the Julian House. — The reign of Augustus' 
Augustus, which is usually reckoned as beginning with reign. 



no 



The Empire and its Decline 



[§ loi 



The 

successors of 
Augustus. 
S. Baring 
Gould. The 
Tragedy of 
the Casars, 
2 vols. 
(Scribner) ; 
Tacitus, 
Atmals, 
translation 
of Church 
and 

Brodribb ; 
Suetonius, 
Lives of the 
Twelve 
Cmsars 
(Bohn) ; 

The reign of 
Tiberius, 
14-37 A.D. 
Caligula, 
37-44- 



Claudius, 
41-54- 



Tacitus, 
Annals, 
XII. 46-47. 

Nero, 54-68. 

Sienkiewicz, 
Quo Vadis 
(novel) ; 
Tacitus, 
Annals, 
XV. 38-41, 
44. 



29 B.C., runs on to 14 a.d. and so includes the beginning of 
the Christian era and the birth of Christ, an event which 
was to have such momentous consequences both for the 
Roman Empire and for all mankind. 

The adoptive and the lineal descendants of Augustus 
reigned for a little more than fifty years after his death. 
The story of the half century is one of almost unbroken 
tyranny and brutal debauchery, and the patience with which 
the Roman people endured it shows how soon they had 
completely reconciled themselves to the monarchy as ihe 
only possible government. 

loi. From Tiberius to Nero. — The immediate successor 
of Augustus was Tiberius, son of his wife Livia and adopted 
by the emperor after the death of his grandsons Caius and 
Lucius Caesar. He was past fifty years of age at his acces- 
sion, had distinguished himself in war and gave promise of a 
wise and happy reign. But he soon abandoned the power 
to his favorite Sejanus, who hoped to make his own way to 
the throne. The last years of Tiberius were filled with vio- 
lent deaths in the emperor's family and with suspicion and 
terror for all who came near him. 

Caligula his successor made his favorite horse consul and 
wished the Roman people had a single neck to save the 
trouble of so many executions. Claudius, made emperor 
by the Pretorian guard after the murder of Caligula, gave 
the Empire at large a few years of better rule, but could not 
bring to an end the reign of intrigue and assassination in 
his own court. He was himself finally poisoned by his wife, 
Agrippina, to secure the throne to her son by another 
marriage. 

Nero, the last of the family of Augustus, is the typical 
tyrant of the period. He murdered his mother, whose 
crimes had made him emperor, and a long series of others, 
among them his wife, his early tutor, the philosopher Seneca, 
and the poet Lucan ; he was suspected of having kindled 
the great fire which destroyed half the city during his reign 
as a fitting scene for the recitation of his great poem on the 




16 Longith 




^orjnay & Co. J>i'. 7* 



§§ I02, I03] Grozvth of the Imperial Constitution in 



siege of Troy ; and to divert suspicion from himself he is 
said to have accused the Christians of the crime, and to 
have burnt many of them. In this persecution the apostles 
St. Peter and St. Paul are believed to have perished. At 
last the patience of the world was exhausted and the armies 
in several of the provinces rose almost at the same time. 
Nero killed himself to avoid a more cruel death, exclaiming : 
" How great an artist is about to die." 

102. The Flavian Dynasty. — Three emperors, Galba, 
Otho, and Vitellius, follow one another in rapid succession, 
set up and deposed by their armies or by the Pretorian 
guards. Finally the army in the eastern provinces made 
their commander Vespasian emperor and the founder of 
a new dynasty, the Flavian. He was succeeded by his son 
Titus, the conqueror of Jerusalem, in whose reign occurred 
the great eruption of Vesuvius which destroyed the cities 
of Pompeii and Herculaneum. Vespasian and Titus had 
been emperors of the best type. Titus was called the 
" delight of mankind." But Domitian his brother was 
another Nero, and after too long a reign filled with cruelties 
was murdered by one of his own slaves. 

103. Growth of the Imperial Constitution. — The end of 
the Flavian dynasty, so near the end of the first century, 
A.D., marks the close also of the first age in the history of 
the Empire. The constitution had now become much more 
monarchical in form. Tiberius took .Avay from the assem- 
blies the election of the magistrates and gave it to the Sen- 
ate, and the last lex was passed by the people in the reign 
immediately following Domitian's. The Senate ceased to 
be an independent part of the government and became a 
great council of state for the emperors. The reign of terror 
under which the capital lived during almost the whole 
period did not extend to the provinces, and they enjoyed 
almost unbroken prosperity under governors whom the 
provincials could impeach at Rome for misconduct with 
some chance of success and with provincial assemblies 
which had some influence on the conduct of local affairs. 



Vespasian 
and his sons, 
69-96. 



Freeman, 
The Flavian 
Ccesap% ".n 
Historical 
Essays, 
Vol. II.; 
Bulvver, The 
Last Days of 
Pompeii 
(novel). 

The constitu- 
tion more 
monarchical. 



The prov- 
inces pros- 
perous. 



112 



The Empire and its Decline [§ 103 



The frontiers of the Rhine and Danube were made secure 
against the Germans, and the eastern frontier against the 




Arch of Trajan 



Parthians, the successors of the Persians. A great insur- 
rection of the Jews was put down after a desperate struggle 
by Vespasian and his son Titus, and one in Gaul nnder 



§104] 



TJie Five Good Einperors 



113 



Civilis about the same time. The conquest of Britain, 
begun under Claudius, was completed by Agricola, the 
father-in-law of the historian Tacitus, under the Flavian 
emperors. 

Still more important were the processes of Romanization 
and centralization which go on rapidly during this century. 
Claudius adopted the plan of admitting distinguished pro- 
vincials to the Senate, and this policy, followed by his suc- 
cessors, did much to form one nation of the Empire. The 
worship of the emperor's genius, as the guardian genius of 
the state, became during the century a universal religion, 
the one universal religion of the Empire, serving not merely 
to bind the Empire together, but to awaken a feeling of per- 
sonal devotion, akin to patriotism. 

104. The Five Good Emperors. — The second century, 
A.D., is the age of the Antonines, the reigns of the five good 
emperors, Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Mar- 
cus Aurelius, closed by the reign of Commodus who, though 
the son of one of the best sovereigns who ever ruled, Marcus 
Aurelius, was himself one of the worst. The period from 
96 to 180, the date of Marcus Aurelius' death, is the 
golden age of the Roman Empire, — one of the happiest 
ages of history. The Empire was at peace and seemingly 
prosperous within and strongly defended without. Although 
almost the whole of the reign of Marcus Aurelius was a des- 
perate struggle with the Germans in which we can begin to 
detect the failing powers of the Empire, he succeeded in 
maintaining the frontiers. 

Nerva's short reign brought the abuses of Domitian's to 
an end. Trajan, a Spaniard, that is, a provincial, and so a 
sign of the growing Romanization, was a soldier and added 
a province to the Empire — Dacia, north of the Danube. 
This was abandoned almost immediately after his death, but 
its present name of Roumania preserves the memory of the 
Roman occupation, and the colonies settled there by Trajan 
Romanized the language so thoroughly that the modern 
speech of the country is as truly a descendant of the Latin 



Civilis. 
Tacitus, His- 
tory, Bk. IV. 

Tacitus, 
Agricola, 
translation of 
Church and 
Brodribb. 

Romaniza- 
tion of the 
world. 
Gibbon, 
Chap. II.> 
Fisher, Be- 
gitiniiigs of 
Christianity, 
47-73. See 
Claudius' 
speech in 
Tacitus, 
Annals, XL, 
24-25. 

The five 
good em- 
perors. 
Capes, The 
Age of the 
Antonines 
(Epochs) ; 
Gibbon, 
Chaps.I.-III. 



Nerva and 

Trajan, 

96-117. 

The origin of 
Roumania. 
Capes, Anto- 
7iines, 36-38 ; 
Merivale, 
Romans, 
VII. 189-197. 



114 



The Empire and its Decline 



[§ 105 



as Italian. Hadrian and Antoninus Pius spent laborious 
lives in the faithful service of the state, and the Stoic phi- 
losopher Marcus Aurelius, even more famous for his little 
book entitled " Thoughts " — thoughts on living, on con- 
duct and character — than as an emperor, spent an even 
harder life in desperate warfare on the Danube. 




UL_-^i- 



Marcus Aurelius 



Roman law 
given scien- 
tific form. 
Extracts from 
Justinian's 
Institutes, 
Fling, Stu- 
dies, No. 10; 
the Institutes, 
translated by 
Movie 
(Clarendon). 



105. The Roman Law. — The two processes which had 
characterized the first century went on steadily through the 
second, the Romanization of the Empire and the gradual 
transformation of the constitution into an undisguised 
monarchy. This age, however, saw a new process begin- 
ning which was of the utmost importance for the future 
history of the world. It was the reduction of the Roman 
law to definite and scientific form. We shall see later the 
deep and permanent influence which the Roman law has 



§io5] 



The Romajt Law 



"5 



exercised on all the civilized nations of later times. It was 
in the second century that it began to be put into the shape 
that enabled it to exert this influence. 

In its growth the Roman law was in many ways like our 
own Anglo-Saxon law. It had two chief sources, the written 
or statute laws, made by the people in the days of the Repub- 
lic and by the emperors later, and the unwritten law, founded 
on the customs and precedents established in the administra- 
tion of the law in the courts. The body of this law had 
naturally come to be after so many generations enormous in 
size and very confused and intricate. 

Now begins the process of putting it into simple and 
scientific form. It began in two ways. One was the 
act of the emperor, following a practice begun much 
earUer. The praetor, or judge, in taking possession of 
his province issued an edict which stated the principles 
by which he would be guided in his administration of 
the law. These edicts had now become very numerous 
and often contradictory, and the emperor Hadrian issued 
what was called " the perpetual edict " to take their 
place. This stated the principles which should be followed 
by the judges in the provincial courts uniformly throughout 
the Empire. It was a limited and partial codification, but 
it introduced a process which went on by degrees through 
four hundred years and finally resulted in the great codifica- 
tion of the emperor Justinian. The other process was the 
writing of scientific treatises on the law, or on special points 
of it, by the great lawyers of the time. These writings 
came to have very great authority in later times, and tended 
to reduce the law to systematic form and to bring out 
clearly the scientific principles on which it rested. One 
influence was exerted on the teachings of the Roman law 
at this time, and mainly through the writings of these 
lawyers, which is very interesting. The Stoic philosophy 
was, as we have seen, very much cultivated at Rome under 
the early Empire, and from it the writers on law took many 
maxims of ethics to prove the justice or to give brief and 



How the law 
had been 
formed. 
Hadley, 
Introd. to 
Rom. Laiv, 
Lect. III. 



The begin- 
ning of codi- 
fication. 



Tlie writings 
of the juris- 
consults. 



The influ- 
ence of 
Stoicism. 



ii6 



The Empire and its Decline [§§ io6, 107 



Rapid de- 
cline of the 
Empire. 



Gibbon, 
Cliap. X. 



The Illyrian 

emperors. 

Freeman, 

Historical 

Essays, Vol. 

III. 

Diocletian, 
284-305. 
Gibbon, 
Chap. XIII.; 
Bury, Later 
Empire, Bk. 
I.. Chap. IV. 



pointed statement to the principles of the law. Several of 
these, on this account, because taken up into a system of 
law which was to be so permanent, have come down to our 
own time as maxims of legal or political ethics. The most 
interesting of these to us is the one used in several different 
ways in the documents of the American and French revolu- 
tions : All men are by nature free and equal. 

106. The Disorders of the Third Century. — After the 
close of the second century the Roman Empire went on 
rapidly to its fall. The third century was filled with dis- 
order and anarchy. Emperors of the worst type, like 
Caracalla or Elagabalus ; disputed successions in which 
several emperors at once, set up by their armies in the 
provinces, fight with one another for the throne, — at the 
middle of the century was a period called that of the 
thirty tyrants from the number of pretending emperors ; — 
and incursions of barbarian tribes who could no longer be 
kept out by the weakening frontier guards ; all these at 
once indicate the decline of Rome and show us what helped 
to produce it. The Alemanni broke through the Rhine 
frontier and even invaded northern Italy ; the Goths crossed 
the Danube, defeated and killed the emperor Decius, 
ravaged the shores of the Bosphorus, and escaped without 
adequate punishment. The Persians invaded Syria and 
captured the emperor Valerian. It might almost seem as 
if the Empire would be broken up at once. But in the last 
quarter of the century came a succession of emperors, who 
checked for a time the rapidity of the decline. Aurelian 
(270-275) beat back the barbarians, restored the frontiers, 
and subdued Gaul and Palmyra. 

107. The Reforms of Diocletian. — With Diocletian a 
great statesman became emperor, and great changes were 
made, intended to restore the strength of the Empire. He 
thought, very wisely, that there were two necessities to be 
supphed, one that there should be an able man in supreme 
command on every frontier to maintain it unbroken, and 
the other that the order of succession should be so clearly 



io8] 



CoustaiUitie the Great 



117 



marked out that the danger of civil war would be avoided. 
To accomplish these results he decided that there should be 
two emperors, one looking after the East and one the 
West, and that each of these should appoint an assistant 
who should take the title of Caesar, be responsible for the 
government of a part of the provinces, and succeed to the 
throne in regular order. Besides these changes Diocletian 
made many others. The provinces were reorganized, their 
number almost doubled, and all were made imperial provinces. 
The military were entirely separated from the civil offices, 
and the latter were given a very strict organization from the 
highest to the lowest. In the court, Oriental etiquette was 
introduced, and the government became in external appear- 
ance as in reality, a true despotism. 

108. Constantine the Great. — The system of Diocletian 
was very well planned, but it did not take into account the 
strength of ambition. When he abdicated in 305, civil 
war almost immediately broke out among the rivals for 
supreme power, and lasted for nearly twenty years. In the 
end Constantine, whose father had been Caesar in Britain 
and Gaul, by his genius, and by his readiness without scruple 
to make use of any means, gained the victory over all the 
others, and became sole emperor (323), Constantine, the 
equal of Diocletian in statesmanship, maintained the strength 
of the Empire to the close uf his reign, and, though he 
dropped Diocletian's plan of emperors and Csesars, he kept 
up and perfected his system of internal organization. Two 
things especially mark his reign as a great turning-point in 
history. The first is his recognition of Christianity as a 
legal religion to be protected by the state. This was done 
by Constantine, as nearly as we can judge, not from any 
conviction of the truth of the religion, but from motives of 
policy. The other was his change of the capital of the Em- 
pire from Rome to Constantinople on the Bosphorus. The 
situation of Rome was very favorable in the early ages of its 
history when its task was the conquest of the Mediterranean 
lands, but now when its northern and eastern frontiers de- 



Division of 
the Empire. 
Arnold, 
Roman Pro- 
vincial Ad' 
ministration, 
166-178. 



Renewed 
civil war. 
Gibbon, 
Chap. XIV. 



Constantine, 

323-337- 
Gibbon, 
Chaps.XVII. 
and XVIII. 



Constanti- 
nople the 
capital of the 
Empire. 
Bury, Later 



ii8 



The Empire and its Decline 



[§ io8 



Empire, Bk. 
I.. Chap, v.; 
Oman, By- 
zantine Em- 
fire (Na- 
tions), Chap. 
II. 



nianded the constant watchfulness of the government, it was 
far to one side. Even before the time of Constantine, Rome 
had practically ceased to be the residence of the emperors, 
and afterwards, when the West had an emperor of its own, 
he preferred to reside at Milan, nearer to the threatened 




Constantine the Gueat 

(From a Colossal Statue in the Vatican) 



frontiers, or in Ravenna made still more secure by the 
swamps which surrounded it. On the other hand, the situ- 
ation of Constantinople was most admirable both for rule 
and for defence. It commanded both Europe and Asia 
in days before men had begun to make highways of the 
oceans, and so profound an impression did its strategic 
advantages make upon history that even now, in totally 
changed conditions, men cannot get rid of it. 



Topics 119 



Topics 

Describe the position which Augustus held as ruler, as the Romans 
would look at it. Can you mention anything of a similar kind in mod- 
ern politics? What changes for the better were made by the establish- 
ment of the Empire? How were the provinces governed? Put to- 
gether the facts showing the relation between Rome and the Germans 
during this period. Character of the emperors of Augustus' family, 
especially of Nero. The Flavian dynasty. What is meant by the 
Romanization of the Empire, and what were its permanent conse- 
quences? The age of the good emperors. Growth and systemizing of 
the Roman law. The character of the third century. The changes 
made by Diocletian. Those made by Constantine. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Nero. Tacitus, Annals, XV. 13-16. Merivale, Romans, Chap. LV. 

Capes, Early Empire (Epochs), Chap. V. 
Marcus Aurelius. His Thoughts, translation of Long or of Jeremy 

Collier. Matthew Arnold, Essays in Criticism, I. 344-379. 

Capes, Antonines (Epochs), Chap. V. 



CHAPTER II 

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Fisher, The Beginnings of Ctu-istianity. (Scribner; $2.50.) 
Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire. (London, Hodder; 

Putnam; $3.00.) 
Uhlhorn, The Conflict of Christianity zuith Heathenism, (Scribner; 

$2.50.) 
Hatch, Organization- of the Early Christian Churches. (Longmans; 

Allen, Christian Institutions. (Scribner; $2.50.) 

Renan, Influence of Rome on Christianity. (Scribner; $1.50.) 

Burckhardt, Die Zeit Constantins des Grosses. (Leipzig; 6 marks.) 

Nearly all the original Christian literature of this period is to be 
found in translation in the Ante-Nicene Library, or in Bohn. 

A few work- 109. Christianity at the Death of Christ. — The recogni- 
men and jjon which Christianity received from Constantine was due 
to its strength in numbers and organization. When we 
remember the situation of this new rehgion at the death of 
its founder, it seems a most remarkable fact that it had 
reached this position of influence in the Empire in less 
than three hundred years. At that date it had not been 
preached outside of Judea, one of the most insignificant 
divisions of the Enapire. Its adherents were a mere handful 
of workmen and women, who up to that time do not seem 
to have understood the mission of their teacher. His 
death, however, wrought a great change. The disciples 
became leaders and apostles, and the number of converts 
among the Jews rapidly increased. 



women. 



§ in] W/i_y tJic Romajis persecuted Christianity 121 



no. Christianity becomes a World Religion. — The first 
great step in advance was taken when the wall of Jewish 
exclusiveness was broken down and the gospel was pro- 
claimed on equal terms to all men. From the New Testa- 
ment we learn that this was begun by St. Peter, to be 
carried out most logically and completely by St. Paul. Our 
records of the early progress of Christianity are incomplete, 
but we know that churches were established in many of 
the chief cities of the Empire within thirty years of the 
crucifixion. 

Especially interesting is the church at Rome, because 
this first came into serious collision with the government of 
the state. With this church we know from the New Testa- 
ment that St. Paul labored for a time, and tradition asserts 
that St. Peter did also, a tradition to which history lends 
some slight support. Here as elsewhere the adherents of 
Christianity were drawn mainly from the poor, slaves, and 
the lower classes, who were especially attracted by its 
message of hope and comfort. The higher classes of Rome 
would know but little of Christianity in its early days, and 
if it was persecuted by Nero it was not with the deliberate 
and thoroughgoing intention of the later emperors. 

III. Why the Romans persecuted Christianity, — This 
condition of things began to change in the second century. 
In some parts of the Empire the number of the Christians 
increased so largely as to draw the attention of the state. 
There were among them now also many more 'persons of 
rank and education than formerly. When the Roman gov- 
ernment began to be conscious of this and to understand 
the character of the Christian church, it began to be hostile 
to it. 

Rome had been very tolerant of the religions of all the 
peoples it had conquered, but it could not be tolerant of 
Christianity. This was because Christianity differed from 
all the other religions in its exclusive character. It denied 
the gods of Rome, and refused to allow them to be wor- 
shipped. To the earnest Roman citizen or officer this seemed 



Preached to 
the Gentiles. 
Fisher, Be- 
ginnings. 
Chap. XV. ; 
Acts, Chaps. 
X. and XV., 
and Gala- 
tians, Chap. 
II. 



The church 
at Rome. 
Farrar, Dark- 
ness and 
Dwwn 
(novel) ; 
Fisher, Be- 
giniiiiigs, 

520-533 ; 

Penn. IV., 
No. I. 



The state 
begins to 
notice the 
Christians. 
Pliny's letters 
on the Chris- 
tians, Fling, 
Studies, No. 
9; Indiana, 
No. 8; Penn. 
IV., No. I ; 
in general, 
Fling, 

Studies, II., 
No. I. 

Rome intol- 
erant of 
Christianity 
alone. 
Fisher, 



122 TJie Establishment of Christianity [§112 



Beginn'wgs, 

539-542 ; 

Capes, Anto- 
ftines. Chap. 
VI. ; Church, 
To the Liotis 
(novel). 



The best 
emperors 
persecute. 
Matthew Ar- 
nold, Essays 
in Criticism, 

1-359-363; 
Penn. IV., 
No. I ; Uhl- 
horn, Con- 
flict, 282-297 ; 

Gregg, The 
Decian Pet-- 
secution 
(Black- 
wood) ; 
Newman, 
Callista 
(novel). 
Carr, The 
Church and 
the Roman 
Empire 
(Epochs, 
Ch. Hist.), 
Chap. II. 



The earliest 
organization 
simple. 
Causes of 
change. 



to be treason. The Romans believed that the safety and 
prosperity of the state depended on the favor of the national 
gods, which was to be won only by paying them their due 
worship. To refuse to worship them was to invite public 
calamities. When the state was merged in the emperor, his 
guardian genius became the especial guardian genius of the 
Empire. To refuse a simple act of worship before the 
emperor's statue, which was the test often demanded of 
the Christians, seemed to the Roman a more open act of 
treason than it would to us if a man should refuse to promise 
allegiance and fidelity to the state. 

This explains why we find an extended persecution of 
the Christians under Marcus Aurelius, who was one of the 
best sovereigns of history, and why as a rule it is the best 
emperors, those who are endeavoring to restore the strength 
and simplicity of early times and remove the causes of cor- 
ruption and weakness which have come in, who persecute 
the church the most severely. The last of these great per- 
secutions was under Diocletian, whose efforts to reform the 
state we have seen. It was a most determined and system- 
atic persecution, carefully planned to destroy the leaders 
and the Christian' writings and to bring the common people 
back to the national religion. It ended, however, in failure, 
and the state had abandoned the attempt before the vic- 
tories of Constantine changed the attitude of the gov- 
ernment. 

112. The Beginnings of Church Government. — During all 
the third century Christianity was spreading rapidly. The 
persecutions rather aided than hindered its growth. As the 
membership of the church increased, it gave itself a stronger 
and more complex organization. The New Testament does 
not allow us to say beyond the possibility of dispute what 
was the exact organization of the earliest churches, but the 
best scholars of all present churches unite in holding that it 
was much simpler than it came to be when numbers and 
wealth had so increased that a more definite constitution 
was possible. The hostile attitude of the Roman state was 



§ 112] The Beginnings of CImrcJi Government 123 

favorable also to a close organization. Then again the 
dissensions which early began to arise in the church con- 
cerning various points of doctrinal belief, and which gave 
rise to the great heretical parties, had the effect to draw 
together those who held the orthodox belief into a united 
body against their opponents. 

The government of the Roman Empire was followed ^^^ Empue 
somewhat closely by that of the church as it developed, for schaff, 
it was the only form of political organization with which the Church His- 




Christian Sarcophagus, with Labaru.m, etc. 



Church His- 
tory, I. 389- 
415- 



men of the time were familiar. The bishop naturally took iory, n., 
up his residence in the local capital of the provincial sub- ^^^^ 
division, the archbishop, or metropolitan, in that of the 
larger province ; and some of the greater cities, like Anti- 
och and Alexandria, became the seats of still higher officers, 
the patriarchs. It was the beginning of a monarchical con- 
stitution, but at the end of the third century it was still only 
a beginning. Progress enough had been made, however, to 
give the church a compact organization and to make it a 
power within the state. This Diocletian had discovered in 



124 



The Establishment of Christianity [§113 



The begin- 
ning of 
monasticism. 



Constantine, 
the first 
Christian 
emperor. 
Cults, Con- 
stantine 
(S. P.C. K.). 



his persecution, and Constantine was slirewd enough to see 
it at the outset of his career, and to take advantage of it 
by allying himself with the Christians. 

By this time, also, another of the most characteristic 
features of medieval Christian life, the monastic system, had 
begun to assume its later form. Monasticism had its origin 
in the Eastern Empire, in the effort of individuals to escape 
from sin by withdrawing into the wilderness, where they 
hoped to avoid temptation by escaping all contact with men 
and society. These were the original hermits, and the 
practice was at first without system or any rule of life. 
But as the number of such recluses increased rapidly they 
began to form communities and to take on something of an 
organization. It was in the Western Empire, however, 
rather than in the Eastern, and at a later time, that the 
great monastic orders arose. 

113. Christianity recognized by the State. — Whether 
Constantine was moved to his acts in favor of Christianity 
by a conviction of its truth or not has long been a subject 
of dispute. He was probably more strongly influenced by 
motives of policy, as has already been said, and it was cer- 
tainly a wise step from policy alone, for, aside from its 
strong organization, the Christian society now contained the 
most vigorous and energetic elements of the population. 
It must not be supposed, however, that Constantine made 
Christianity the religion of the state. The most that he 
did was to make it a legal religion, under the protection of 
the state and on the same footing as paganism, and to allow 
the influence of the court to be exerted in its favor. In 
324 he advised, by edict, his subjects to become Christians. 
In 325 he presided over the great council of Nicsea, in which 
representatives of the whole Christian world met to discuss 
the question of the divinity of Christ, denied by the fol- 
lowers of Arius. He thus made Christianity the reUgion of 
the court, and in some sense put himself at the head of the 
church, but Paganism was still legal and still the formal reli- 
gion of the law. 



§ 113] Christianity recognized by the State 125 

The effect of Constantine's step was, however, enormously Effect upon 
to the advantage of the church. Christianity became popu- ^^'^^ church, 
lar, and even fashionable. The numbers and influence of 
the Christians increased rapidly. The government of the 
church took on more and more the monarchical form to 
which it had been tending, and became constantly more 
powerful as the Roman state was growing weaker. Before 
the end of the fourth century paganism was made illegal, 
and the triumph of Christianity was complete. 



Topics 

Christianity at the death of Christ. Its first advance. The church 
at Rome. Why did the good emperors persecute the Christians? 
What causes led to the growth of a governmental organization in the 
church? Why would the Empire naturally be taken as a model? 
How did monasticism originate? What motives of policy would lead 
Constantine to recognize Christianity? What was the effect upon the 
church? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Constantine's recognition of Christianity and its results. Carr, Church 
and Roman Empire (Epochs, Ch. Hist.), Chap. IV. Uhlhorn, 
Conflict, 420-444. Schaff, Church History, HI. II-37. -A^lzog, 
Church History^ I. 463-473. 

The primitive church organization. Schaff, Church History, I., Chap. 
X. Alzog, Church History, I. 195-206. Hatch, Organization, 
Lect. II. Allen, Institutions, Chaps. II. and III. A very valuable 
statement of the position of the best scholars of the Catholic 
church is to be found in an article in the Revue des Questions 
Historiques, Vol. XLIV. 329-384, by the Jesuit Father De Smedt, 
president of the BoUandists. 

Monasticism. Kingsley, The Hermits. (Macmillan.) On early 
monasticism, containing translations from the original lives of its 
founders. See also story of St. Columban, Milman, Latin Chris- 
tianity, II. 237-247, and translation of his life by Jonas in Penn. 
II., No. VII. The rule of St. Benedict, in Henderson, 274-314, 
and of St. Francis, 344-349. See Daily Life in a Mediaval 
Monastery, in Jessopp, Coming of the Friars (Putnam), and 
in Nineteenth Century, Jan., 1884; and Allen, Christian Ln- 
stitutionsy 137-178. Also Fling, Studies, II., No. 6. 



CHAPTER III 



THE LAST AGE OF ROME 



A fair degree 
of prosperity 
and security. 



Julian "the 
apostate." 
Gardner, 
yuliaii 
(Heroes); 
King, Julian 
the Empe- 
ror's Works 
(Bohn); 
yuliati and 
the Germans, 
Zeller, I. 



Disease 
within and 
attack from 
without. 



114. Character of the Fourth Century. — The reforms of 
Diocletian and of Constantino began the last age of pros- 
perity of the Roman Empire. The frontiers during three- 
quarters of the fourth century were preserved from any 
permanent break, and within the Empire there was a fair 
degree of security. Civil Wars for the possession of the 
throne did not cease. Constantine showed during his reign 
a very cruel disposition, and this nature descended to his 
sons. To secure their possession of power they murdered 
all their relatives, their cousin Julian escaping only because 
of his youth. But the brothers quarrelled among themselves 
and had usurpers to resist, and after some years but one 
survived, Constantius, sole emperor for a time. 

In 360 JuHan was proclaimed emperor by his soldiers 
in (iaul, against his will, and by the speedy death of his 
cousin obtained the whole Empire. His reign of three years 
is famous for his attempt to restore paganism to the suprem- 
acy which it had lost. Direct persecution was not pos- 
sible, but he tried to exclude the Christians from the means 
of education and to throw contempt upon the religion in 
every way possible. The attempt proved a failure and was 
never renewed. Julian was the last of the family of Constan- 
tine to reign, and after him emperors chosen by the armies 
were engaged in a constant struggle, rapidly becoming hope- 
less, to protect the frontiers. 

115. Causes of the Fall of Rome. — During these cen- 
turies since Augustus, despite all reforms and every tempo- 

126 



§ 115] 



Causes of the Fall of Rome 



127 



economic 
causes. 



rary restoration of strength, the double progress of disease 
within and attack from without was steadily going on, and 
became increasingly difficult to resist. Of these two dangers 
the one which was fatal in the end was that from internal 
disease, for Rome fell not so much because the attack from 
without was stronger, as because she could no longer resist 
it with her earlier strength. 

It is not possible to explain briefly this decay of Roman Chiefly 
strength. Its causes were mainly economic. The univer- 
sal use of slaves, which is a very wasteful means of produc- 
tion, wasting both men and capital, and one that makes free 
labor degrading ; heavy taxes which were so collected that 
the burden of them rested with killing weight on the middle 
class ; a debased currency, giving a very unsteady standard 
of value ; a practice, begun in the last days of the Republic, 
of feeding a part of the city population at the expense of 
the state, making an idle and dangerous mob and constantly 
tempting the middle class to give up the hopeless struggle 
with taxes, slave competition, uncertain prices, and declin- 
ing production, and take life easy at the public cost ; official 
corruption, which, in spite of all the efforts of the emperors 
and of temporary reforms, continued to look upon public 
trusts as sources of private wealth ; a general decay of the 
earlier Roman manhood and moral strength, which greatly 
weakened the army and the resisting power of the whole 
Empire ; and a decline of the population, which no effort of 
the state seemed able to check. 

Causes like these exhausted the resources of Rome in 
men and capital. Thousands of Germans had been colo- 
nized in the Empire before the conquest. The army was 
largely barbarian. The soldiers spoke German and fought 
in the German style. Comparatively little was left on the 
eve of the conquest that really belonged to Rome, except 
— her best gifts to the world — her language, law, and insti- 
tutions, and the idea of her universal and eternal empire, 
which Christian and German believed as implicitly as did the 
pagan Roman of Vergil's day. 



The Empire 
Germanized 
before its 
fall. 



128 



The Last Age of Rome 



[§ ii6 



The origin of 
serfdom. 



Arnold, 
Roman Pro- 
vincial Ad- 
ministration, 
161-164; 
Bury, Later 
Empire, 

I. 28-29; 

II. 418-421. 



116. From Slavery to Serfdom. — The economic condi- 
tion of the Empire during the age of its dechne led to 
some changes which had most permanent and beneficial 
consequences. They made the beginning of the transform- 
ation of the class of manual laborers from slaves into serfs. 
These changes were made under quite a variety of different 
forms and for several different reasons, but we may say that 
the most prevailing reason was the growing scarcity of labor- 
ers and the difficulty of keeping the lands of the Empire in 
cultivation. To secure this result the right of the master to 




German Bodyguard, Column of M. Aurelius 



sell his slaves was in certain cases taken away, and the slaves 
were fixed by law to little pieces of land which they were 
required to cultivate. The state did not do this in order to 
improve the condition of the slave. Its only object was to 
keep up the supply of food. But in doing so it gave to the 
slave, who had before had no rights at all, a certain very 
limited number of rights which the master could not take 
away. Looked at from the side of slavery this was a great 
step in advance, and in the history of the laboring class serf- 
dom is the stage through which it passes in advancing from 
slavery to freedom. 



§ "7] 



The Attacks upon the Frontiers 



129 



117. The Attacks upon the Frontiers. — While political 
and economic disease within was thus steadily sapping the 
strength of the Empire, attacks almost without a pause on 
every frontier revealed the presence of dangers which it 
would have required the resources of the best days of Rome 
to overcome. The resistance had been long and obstinate, 
fairly successful for four hundred years, but we have now 
reached the point when it breaks down, because the re- 
sources of the Empire would no longer sustain it, and new 
races take possession of the provinces. 

On the eastern frontier the struggle was with a renewed 
and powerful Persian empire under the Sassanid dynasty. 
This family had arisen early in the third century, and from 
that time had waged many and fierce wars to push their 
dominions towards the West over Roman territories. Jovian, 
the successor of Julian, was obliged at last to yield them five 
provinces, and their gains might have continued if they had 
not been involved, as the Empire was, in the great danger 
that swept down from the north of Asia on all the south, 
the invasion of the Huns. 

On the western frontier Rome's enemies were the Ger- 
mans, and it was their attack which was finally fatal to the 
Empire. Ever since the day when Julius Csesar had turned 
back the invasion of Ariovistus, the German king, this conflict 
had been going on. For the first century and a half the 
trials of strength came only at considerable intervals, and 
the Romans were sometimes at least the attacking party, 
trying to teach the Teutonic tribes respect for their arms by 
a raid into Germany. With the reign of Marcus Aurelius 
the attack of the Germans became more determined and 
more like an organized invasion, and the defence of the 
Romans more desperate. 

As the dechne of population in the Empire became seri- 
ous, and the difficulty of keeping up the army greater, large 
numbers of Germans and of other barbarians were enlisted 
as soldiers in the service of the emperors, and even whole 
tribes, or portions of tribes, were in some instances settled 

K 



Resistance 
no longer 
possible. 



A new Per- 
sian empire. 
Gibbon, 
Chap. VIII. 



The German 
attack is the 
fatal one. 
Gibbon, 
Chap. IX. 



Germans 
also defend 
the Empire. 



I30 



The Last Age of Rome 



[§ii8 



In an early 

stage of 

civilization. 

Tacitus, 

Germanla, 

translation 



in lands which had become vacant within the borders. It 
was a dangerous expedient, but they proved, on the whole, 
faithful to their engagements so long as there was anything 
left to which they could be faithful. 

ii8 The Characteristics of the Germans. — These Ger- 
mans were still a primitive people, in a stage of develop- 
ment corresponding to that of the earliest days of Greek 
and Roman history. Their governments were tribal. Some 
of the tribes had kings of the Homeric type, exercising a 




German Settlemeni-, Time of Tacitus 



of Church 
and 

Brodribb; 
also in In- 
diana, No. 
9 ■ Fling, 
Studies, 
II.. No. 2. 



limited authority, with councils of elders and nobles and a 
public assembly of the people. Other tribes, like our own 
Saxon forefathers, had not advanced even as far as this, and 
scarcely had a common political organization. In habits of 
life and manners and customs, both in war and peace, they 
were in many ways Hke the more advanced North American 
Indians. Their agriculture was simple. War was a favorite 
occupation of the men, and in peace they spent much of 
their time in the chase and in drinking and gambling. On 
the other hand, in many of their pohtical and ethical ideas, 
they were much above the ordinary barbarian. They had a 



§§ 119, i2o] The Got/is cross the Danube 



131 



simple religion of nature gods, with some darker supersti- 
tions. Their regard for woman and their standard of 
morals were high. Their criminal law was crude, but based 
upon sound and just principles, and their method of trying 
the accused, though attaching great importance to the fol- 
lowing of certain fixed forms, really provided for a decision 
of the important points of the case by the public opinion of 
the community. In political questions, also, like war and 
peace, or the choice of magistrates, the public opinion of 
the tribe had the final decision. 

119, The Third and Fourth Centuries. — The middle and 
last part of the third century was the most terrible age of 
this conflict, at least until the final ruin came. The Ale- 
manni burst through the barriers in the West, and appearing 
in northern Italy threatened Milan. The Goths crossed the 
Danube and invaded the Eastern Empire, killed the emperor 
Decius, even crossed the Bosphorus, and, finally, carried off 
great plunder. The lUyrian emperors restored the frontiers, 
but only with great difficulty. In the first part of the fourth 
century the German attack lessened in severity, but only to 
be renewed again after a couple of generations of compara- 
tive security. Julian had another fierce conflict with the 
Alemanni, and overcame them only with an army so largely 
made up of Germans that, when they proclaimed him em- 
peror they put him up on their shields after the German 
fashion. 

120. The Goths cross the Danube. — The final breaking 
down of the frontier defences was the result of the attempt 
of the Germans to escape from a still fiercer race of war- 
riors which had attacked them from the East. These were 
the Huns, a Tartar tribe from northern Asia, who fell first 
upon the kingdom of the Goths which occupied at that time 
a considerable portion of European Russia. When they 
could not resist further, the two divisions of the Goths fol- 
lowed different counsels. The Ostrogoths, or East Goths, 
submitted to the Huns and became their subjects ; the 
Visigoths, or West Goths, fell back before their advance, 



Extracts 
from the law 
of the Salic 
Franks, 
Henderson, 
176-189. 
Forms of 
trial, Penn. 
II., Xo. IV., 
and Hender- 
son, 314. 

The frontiers 
often broken 
and restored 
with ditifi- 
culty, 
Freytag, 
Ingo; Dahn, 
Felicitas 
(novels). 



The attack of 
the Huns. 
Hodgkin, 
Italy, Vol. 
II., Chap. I.; 
Gibbon, 
Chap. 
XXVI. 



132 



TJie Last Age of Rome [§§ 121, 122 



Hodgkin, 

Italy, 

I. 250-256. 



The battle of 

Hadrian- 

ople, 378. 

Oman, 

Byzantine 

Empire 

(Nations), 

Chap. III.; 

Hodgkin, 

Italy, 

I. 271-275. 

The last 
great em- 
peror of the 
united Em- 
pire, 379-395- 
Hodgkin, 
Dynasty of 
Thcodosiiis 
(Clarendon), 
Lect. IV. 



Alaric, king 
of the 
Visigoths. 
Bury, Em- 
pire, Bk. II., 
Chap. IV.; 
Hodgkin, 
Dynasty of 
Theodosius, 
Lect. V. ; 
Gibbon, 
Chaos. XXX. 
and XXXI. 



and coming to the Danube besought the Romans to take 
them within the frontier. This the Romans agreed to, the 
Goths surrendering their arms and giving hostages for their 
good conduct. 

It is hkely that the Goths would have kept the peace but 
for the injustice of the Roman officers who had charge of 
the arrangements. They were trying to make all the money 
they could out of the business, and they finally allowed the 
Goths to buy back the arms they had surrendered. Then 
they rose and marched towards Constantinople. The em- 
peror Valens foolishly risked battle without waiting for 
reinforcements, and was totally defeated and slain. 

121. Theodosius the Great. — The new emperor, who 
shortly was given the throne in the East, Theodosius, a 
man of great ability, succeeded in settling the Goths in 
territories south of the Danube, which they agreed to 
defend. During his reign of about twenty years they 
remained faithful to the Empire. 

Theodosius united for some years the whole Empire under 
his rule, but this was for the last time in history. On his 
death, in 395, it was divided between his two sons, Honorius 
becoming emperor in the West, and Arcadius in the East, 
and the Empire was never again united except in mere 
form. 

122. The Invasions of Alaric. — Theodosius' death was 
the signal also for the Visigoths to attempt new conquests, 
or this may have been because the young and ambitious 
Alaric came to their throne at about the same time. They 
marched into Greece plundering and destroying, passed 
Athens, and went on into the Peloponnesus. Here their 
course was checked by an army from the West under 
Stilicho, a Vandal, who was the commander of the forces 
of Honorius. Alaric escaped from Stilicho with his army, 
and crossed into Epirus, but was persuaded to settle down 
in Illyricum as Roman commander in that province. Here 
he could make preparations for an attack on either half of 
the Empire as circumstances might invite. 



§§ 123, 124] Rome s German Defefider sacrificed 133 

In 402 he set his army in motion again and this time 
attacked the West. Descending into the valley of the Po, 
he threatened Milan, and began the siege of Asti where the 
emperor had taken refuge. Again StiHcho saved the Empire, 
and drove him back, but he only retired to the head of the 
Adriatic and waited for another opportunity. 

123. The Breaking of the Rhine Frontier. — Meantime TheGer- 
events had taken place in Germany which led to the speedy ™^"^ pushed 
collapse of the Roman power. The Huns had pushed their Huns, 
conquests towards the West, and many of the Germans, 
representing several tribes, falling back before their advance, 

had collected on the east side of the upper Rhine, waiting 
an opportunity to pass over into Gaul. From these a large 
force of various tribes under Radagaisus turned south and 
invaded Italy. Stilicho met them in the neighborhood of 
Florence, surrounded them with his army, and starved them 
into submission. Rome was relieved of this danger, but it 
was her last success in Italy. 

On the last day of the year 406 the Germans who had The occu- 
not joined the expedition of Radagaisus forced the passage q^ui" ° 
of the Rhine and entered Gaul. The most important of Zeiier, i. 
these tribes were three, the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Bur- 
gundians. The Burgundians settled in the country about 
the upper Rhine which still bears their name, and soon 
were able to make a treaty with the Romans by which their 
occupation received the sanction of the emperors and they 
were recognized as a Roman army of occupation. The 
Suevi and Vandals, after spending some time in plundering 
Gaul, passed through the Pyrenees and took possession of 
Spain, which they made into kingdoms for themselves. 
Rome never recovered any real control of Gaul. 

124. Rome's German Defender sacrificed. — Shortly after The death of 
this breaking of the Rhine frontier, Stilicho was put to death Stihcho the 

1 1 r • r , ■ • T,T- , , • Vandal, 408. 

as the result of a conspiracy of his enemies. With his great Hodt^kin, 

enemy out of the way Alaric knew that his opportunity had Italy, I., 

come, and he came down into Italy once more. This time Chap. XVI.; 
there was no one to turn him back. In 410 Rome was 



134 



The Last Age of Rome 



[§125 



The Vandals 

occupy 

Africa, 429. 

Curteis, 

Roman 

Einpire, 

Chap. VII.; 

Hodgkin, 

Dynasty of 

Theodosuis. 

Lect. VII. 



Attila in- 
vades Gaul, 

451- 

Hodgkin, 
Dynasty of 
Theodosius, 
Lect. VI. ; 
Curteis, 
Rotnan 
Empire, 
Chap. VIII. 
Zeller, I. 



He invades 
Italy, 452. 
Carr, Church 
and Roman 
Empire, 
Chap.XXIII. 



taken and sacked. But Italy was not to belong to the 
Visigoth. Alaric died in the south soon after the capture 
of Rome, and the new king led the nation into southern 
Gaul. There they settled down to live under an arrange- 
ment with the emperor, whose sister was married to their 
king, and from there they extended their rule over Spain, 
gradually conquering the Suevi and Vandals who had occu- 
pied that country earlier. 

A few years later an opportunity came to the Vandals to 
cross over into Africa, a province which up to that time had 
not been plundered by the Germans. The story goes that 
they were invited to make the invasion by the Roman 
ofificer in command. At any rate there was civil war 
among the Romans in the province, and the Vandals easily 
conquered it, and made Carthage the capital of a new 
kingdom which soon became, like the old Carthage, a great 
naval power in the Mediterranean. In 455 in one of their 
raids they stormed the city of Rome and carried off a great 
booty. 

125. The Invasions of the Huns. — Just before this hap- 
pened, however, the smitten Empire had made its last 
desperate attempt at self-defence. Attila, the young king 
of the Huns, at the head of a great army composed of his 
own people and of the German tribes who had submitted to 
their rule, invaded Gaul, and threatened to sweep all before 
him. By a heroic effort the Roman commander, Aetius, 
" the last of the Romans," succeeded in getting together an 
army strong enough to oppose him. It was made up, how- 
ever, largely of Germans. The army of the Visigoths was 
there, led by their king, and Franks also aided in the de- 
fence of the Empire. The great battle at Chalons-sur- 
Marne, called sometimes the battle of the nations, was 
desperately fought and not decisive, but Attila's loss was so 
heavy that he decided to give up the attempt. The next 
year he entered Italy with another army. Aetius was this 
time unable to meet him, but we are told that the pope, 
Leo I., came to the help of the Empire and persuaded the 



§ 126] The End of the Western Empire 135 

Hun to turn back. The story is very possibly true. At 
any rate, for some reason Attila did abandon the attack, 
and Italy was saved. In the following year he died, and his 
empire fell apart, the Huns remaining in the Danube valley 
and the German tribes becoming independent. 

126. The End of the Western Empire. — Already the Nominal 
Saxon settlements had begun in Britain, and now not a e"\perois 

° and German 

province of the Western Empire was really Roman. Italy rulers, 
kept up the pretence of being so for some years yet, and 
the throne was occupied by some one who called himself by 
the title of emperor, but the army was German and its Ger- 
man commander was the real ruler of the country. Finally 
this army revolted, made a German, Odovakar, king in the 
German fashion, deposed the emperor Romulus Augustulus, 
and sent to Constantinople the imperial insignia, saying that 
one emperor for the whole Empire was sufficient. This 
meant, of course, though they might express it differently, that 
Italy had now become a German kingdom like the other 
provinces of the West. 

The date of this event, 476, is usually taken as the date The close of 
to separate "ancient" from "medieval" history, and it j'.^"'^'^"* 
serves as well for the purpose as any date, if such a division 
is to be made, for it does mark in a somewhat striking way 
the great fact which makes a real separation — the fall of 
the Roman power and the coming in of the Germans. But 
it must not be thought that this event seemed especially 
significant to the people who were living at the time or that 
they were at all conscious of any passage from one age of 
history to another. It was to them an incident like a great 
many others which were happening on all hands, and they 
were able easily to persuade themselves that Rome con- 
tinued, for was there not an emperor of Rome reigning all 
the time at Constantinople. To after ages, which realized 
more clearly that the West had ceased to be Roman, this 
dramatic surrender of the title seemed to mark the close 
of a great period in history. 



136 The Last Age of Rome 

Topics 

The last age of prosperity. The attempt of Julian against Chris- 
tianity. The economic diseases of the Roman Empire. What was the 
real reason why Rome could no longer resist the Germans? How 
does a serf differ from a slave? What frontiers were especially subject 
to attack? The Germans on the side of Rome. The civihzation of 
the Germans. The events which led to the battle of Hadrianople. 
The final division of the Empire. Alaric and StiHcho. The name and 
place of settlement of each of the German tribes occupying the Western 
Empire. The history of Attila. What happened in the year 476, and 
the meaning of the event? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The causes of the fall of Rome. Hodgkin, Italy, Vol. II., Chap. IX., 
and an article in the Contemporary Review^ Jan., 1898. Seeley, 
Roman Imperialism, Lecture II. Bury, Later Roman Empire, 
Book I., Chap. III. Adams, Civilization during the Middle 
Ages, 76-87. 

A glimpse of Hun life. Bury, Later Empire, Book II., Chap. XL, 
a translation. 

The end of the Western Empire in 476. J^ryce;, Holy Roman Empire, 
Chap. HI. Hodgkin, Italy, II., Chap. VIII. Bury, Later Em- 
pire, Book HI., Chap. V. 




German Weapons 



CHAPTER IV 



THE FOUNDING OF THE GERMAN STATES 



127. A Second Period of German Conquests. — With all 
their appearance of success these first German states were 
not destined to be permanent. Another series of conquests 
followed these earher ones, made by tribes which were not 
directly impelled by the attack of the Huns, and theirs were 
the states which grew into the modern nations. 

The Franks were the first to begin the new movement. 
A part of their race had been allowed by the Romans to 
occupy lands along the western bank of the Rhine long 
before that frontier was finally broken. They were not 
always peaceable allies of the Empire, but they continued 
to hold these lands ; their numbers were increased after 
the invasion of 406 ; and when they began their career 
of conquest they were occupying the territory on both sides 
of the middle and lower Rhine. Their conquests differed 
from those of all the other German tribes in the important 
fact that they were an expansion, the Franks spreading out 
in all directions while they still retained possession of their 
original home as the centre of their dominion. 

128. The Founder of the Prankish Empire. — Clovis was 
the founder of the greatness of his race. He was the king, 
at the beginning of his career, of a small subdivision or clan 
of the Franks on the Roman side of the river, with Tournai 
as his capital, for at this time the Franks were in a somewhat 
backward stage of political development and had no com- 
mon or national government, but several kings of tribal 
subdivisions. This gives us the double task in which Clovis 

137 



The first con- 
quests not 
permanent. 



The Franks. 
Sergeant, 
The Franks 
(Nations) ; 
Freeman, 
The Fratiks 
and the 
Gauls, in 
Historical 
Essays, I. 
(Macmil- 
lan) ; Zeller, 
II. 



Clovis, 481- 
51 1. Ser- 
geant, Chaps. 
VI 1 1, and X.; 
Gibbon, 
Chap. 
XXXVIII. 



138 The Founding of the German States [§ 129 



His first 
conquest, 

486. 



The 

Alemanni 

overcome. 



The question 
of the 
divinity of 
Christ. 
Gwatkin, 
The Ariait 
Controversy 
(Epochs, 
Ch. Hist.) ; 
Penn. IV., 
No. H. 



was to be successful, the conquest of new territory and the 
consolidation of his own race. 

To the west of Clovis, in north central Gaul, lay a terri- 
tory which had not as yet been occupied by any German 
tribe. A Roman officer, Syagrius, commanded here, but he 
was of course really independent, and he is called by the 
historian of the Franks, Gregory of Tours, the king of the 
Romans. This was an opportunity for Clovis, and with a 
small army he marched against Syagrius and completely de- 
feated him in 486. In territory and resources this was a 
great increase of Clovis' power, and is the first event in the 
history of the empire which was to succeed the Roman. 

Ten years later the second step was taken. Clovis led 
the Franks against their enemies the Alemanni, who held 
the lands to the southeast. The decisive battle was hotly 
contested, and we are told that in the midst of it Clovis 
cried out that if the God of his Christian wife, Clotilda, 
would give him the victory he would become his follower. 
The victory was gained. The Alemanni were conquered 
and their land made subject to the Franks, and Clovis kept 
his promise. 

129. Arian versus Catholic. — The conversion of Clovis 
brings us to a fact of great importance in the history of the 
Christian church as well as in the political history of Europe. 
Early in the fourth century a theological controversy had 
arisen in Alexanc'ria on the question of the divinity of Christ. 
Arius and his followers, called Arians, maintained that Christ 
was not God. To get an authoritative decision of the matter 
Constantine called the first great council of the church, the 
council of Nic?ea, in 325. Its decision was in favor of the 
doctrine of Christ's divinity, but this did not finally settle 
the controversy, and for a considerable portion of the fourth 
century the government of the Eastern Empire favored the 
Arian belief. 

The West, on the other hand, when left to itself, steadily 
favored the orthodox view. The German conquest of the 
fifth century, however, threatened the church of the West 



§ 13°] Clovis adopted the Catholic Faith 139 

with a serious danger arising from this question. For these The Roman 
Germans had been converted before the crossing of the ^"* 

° Catholic, the 

Danube by missionaries from Constantinople who were German 
Arians. The most famous of these missionaries, Ulfilas, Arian. 
translated nearly all the Bible into Gothic, and the fragments 
which have come down to us of this translation are our 
earliest written specimens of the Teutonic languages. 

When the Arian German became the ruler of the provinces A source of 
of the West, the difference of religious belief gave rise to discord be- 
constant suspicion between himself and his Romanized sub- and ruled, 
jects. The Arian was nearly always liberal and did not try 
to force his views upon others, but he could not avoid know- 
ing that the Catholic looked upon him as a heretic, and the 
suspicion was natural that the rule of the orthodox emperor 
was preferred to his own, and that conspiracies to estabhsh 
it might be constantly expected. Still more important was 
the fact that the Arian did not acknowledge the supremacy 
of the bishop of Rome, even in the undeveloped form of 
the fifth century. The permanence of this faith, therefore, 
in the West would mean a very loose organization for the 
church there, and very possibly no organization at all but 
independence and separation, which in turn would mean a 
far more slowly developing civilization. 

130. Clovis adopted the Catholic Faith. — The Burgundi- Clevis" con- 
ans hke the rest were Arians at the time of their settlement, version not 

- , , 1 , 1 /-. , T • unlike Con- 

but a portion of the race had been converted to Catholicism, stantine's. 
and Clovis' wife was of this party. Whether he was led by Sergeant, 
this reason or by the obvious advantage which he might ex- ^^"^^{v 
pect to gain if he were a Catholic in extending his con- 
quests over his Arian neighbors, Clovis at his conversion 
adopted the Cathohc belief. As in the case of Constantine, 
Clovis' conversion made no apparent change in his charac- 
ter or conduct, and the real importance of the act is to be 
found in its political consequences, especially in the fact 
that he thus prepared the way for a close union in interest 
and policy between the papacy and the Prankish nation, 
which was of the greatest value to them both. 



140 The Fonnditig- of the German States [§§ 13I5 132 



The Bur- 
gundians 
conquered. 
Sergeant, 
Chap. X. 



The Visi- 
goths also, 
507- 



The Franks 
made a 
nation. 



Results of the 
reign. 



131. The Last Years of Clovis' Reign. — Not long after 
his conquest of the Alemanni, Clovis attacked the Burgun- 
dians, skilfully fomenting a division in the state. At first 
he was entirely successful and reduced the country to the 
condition of a tributary state, but later the Burgundians re- 
covered something of their independence, and were not 
incorporated in the Frankish dominions until after the 
death of Clovis. Next came the turn of the Visigoths, 
whose territories south of the Loire Clovis naturally coveted, 
and who could be attacked as Arians. Again Clovis gained 
a decisive victory and would have annexed all the territory 
to the Pyrenees but for the intervention of the Ostrogothic 
king Theodoric from Italy. He saved Septimania to the 
Goths, the land along the coast of the Mediterranean, and 
so kept open a line of communication between the two 
Gothic states. 

In the last years of Clovis' life the process of consolidat- 
ing the Franks into a nation was carried to completion. 
The way was prepared for it by a series of treasons and 
murders which are evidence enough that his conversion had 
had no influence on the character or conduct of the Frank- 
ish king. 

Clovis died in 511, after the accomplishment of a great 
work. If we consider with how small a power he began, 
and what a really great dominion he had brought together, 
the solid foundation of the empire which was to be the 
source of institutions and law for the Middle Ages, we can- 
not refuse to Clovis, savage though he was, the tide of one 
of the great men of history. 

132. The Ostrogoths conquer Italy. — During the years 
of Clovis' life another German kingdom had been founded 
which deserved a better fate than awaited it, by a man as 
great or even greater than Clovis. After the death of 
Attila, the Ostrogoths, now independent, had crossed the 
Danube and settled on its southern side, where they made 
an arrangement with the emperor in the East. About the 
same time that Clovis became the king of the Franks, the 



§ ^33] The Character of TJieodoric s Rule 



141 



young Theodoric became their king. Like Alaric and 
Attila under similar circumstances, he was probably moved 
by ambition to attempt new conquests. 

Italy was the province which he finally selected as the 
seat of his kingdom. Here Odovakar was still in power, 
and Theodoric did not find it an easy task to conquer him. 
He only succeeded in the end by murdering Odovakar with 
his own hand after a nominal peace had been made between 
them. 

133. The Character of Theodoric's Rule. — This act, 
however, was not followed by others like it. Theodoric's 
reign was wise and liberal. He seems to have desired to 
lead the two races, German and Roman, to live in harmony 
and to rule as the king of all his people. Though he was 
an Arian, he respected the religion of his Catholic subjects 
and did not persecute them. In the later years of his life, 
when perhaps his mind had been darkened by family and 
public misfortunes, he showed more of the disposition of a 
tyrant, and put to death several of the leading Romans on 
suspicion of conspiracies to restore the rule of the emperor. 
Among these was the philosopher Boethius, whose books 
were in such common use during the Middle Ages. Out- 
side his own kingdom, Theodoric's influence was very great 
over all the Germans of the West. He was connected with 
almost all the states by marriage alliances or other ties, and 
came as near to exercising a universal rule as was possible 
at the time. For twelve years during the minority of their 
king he acted as king of the Visigoths, and the two parts of 
the race were united again as they had been before the attack 
of the Huns. In government, Theodoric, though he was him- 
self a German king, retained much of the machinery of the 
Roman state, and there promised to be made among the 
Ostrogoths a thorough and early union of the two sides of 
future civilization, German and Roman. 

But it was the Franks who were in the end destined to 
make this union of German and Roman, and not the Goths. 
No king like Theodoric came after him, and in not many 



Theodoric 
the Great. 



The conquest 
of Italy, 
489-493. 



The wisest 
and best of 
the early Ger- 
man kings. 
Bryce, Holy 
Roman Em- 
pire, zj-zg. 



His influence 
international. 



The Ostro- 

gothic 

kingdom 

short-lived, 

493-555- 



142 77/1? Founding of the German States [§§ 134? ^y:> 



Divisions, 
artificial and 
real. 



New- 
conquests. 



The " do- 
nothing" 
kings. 

Zeller, II. 



years the kingdom of the Ostrogoths was overthrown and 
the race annihilated. 

134. The Growth of the Frankish Power. — The dominion 
of the Franks, on the other hand, continued to grow. Clovis' 
kingdom was divided on his death between his four sons, 
and divisions of the kingdom continue to be frequent in 
Frankish history, but these do not spht the race or tlie 
empire into permanent fragments. Towards the west, in 
the lands which had a large Roman population, the Franks 
themselves were slowly becoming Romanized, and as those 
to the east remained German there was beginning in this 
way a division in the race which was to be permanent and 
to have most important consequences in history. It was, 
however, many generations before these consequences be- 
gan to appear. 

In the meantime new conquests were made. The Bur- 
gundians were annexed and received a Frankish king. The 
Visigothic territories in southern Gaul were more com- 
pletely incorporated. ° In central Germany the Thuringians 
were conquered. Finally, southeastern Germany was in- 
cluded, and about the beginning of the seventh century the 
Frankish dominions reached their widest extent for this 
period, covering all Gaul, the valley of the Rhone, and cen- 
tral and southern Germany. 

135. The Decay of the Merovingian House. — At this 
same date the Merovingian house, the family of Clovis, en- 
tered upon a period of rapid decay and exhaustion, the 
period of the faineant or do-nothing kings. The savage 
passions of Clovis descended in his family. Its history is 
full of treachery, murder, and crimes of all kinds. In the 
last half of the sixth century two famous queens, Frede- 
gonda and Brunhilda, strove for supremacy and triumph 
over one another, in a most barbarous and brutal conflict 
from which begins the corruption of the strength of the 
line. Dagobert, who was king from 628 to 638, was the last 
of the Merovingians who really ruled. After him the con- 
trol of the state passed into the hands of the great officers 



§ i3S] The Decay of the Merovingian House 143 



who were called the mayors of the palace, and the kings 
were reduced to mere shadows, with no voice in the con- 
duct of affairs. 

One characteristic of the Frankish constitution made the prankish 
dissolution of government comparatively easy. The ma- count. 



The 




EUROPE 

About 525 

SCALE OF MILES' 
b 100 200 300 400 



/O longitude East from Gre en inch 



Barmay i Co., N. Y. 



chinery of the state was very simple. The chief adminis- 
trative officer was the count, or graf, an officer of the 
primitive Germans whose duties had been enlarged under 
Roman influence. The territory of the state was divided 
into districts called counties, each of which was adminis- 



144 ^/^^ Founding of the German States [§§ 136, 137 



Changes in 
Italy. 



Cha acter of 
the Empire 
in the East. 



justi lian, 
527-565, 
Bury. 

Em/>: e, Bk. 
IV., Chap. 
II.; Oman, 
Byzantne 
Empir'. 
(Natiois), 
Chaps. VI. 
and VII. 



tered by a count. In his hands were concentrated all the 
various functions of the state. He collected the taxes, ad- 
ministered and enforced the laws, presided in the courts of 
justice, was the military head of his county, and repre- 
sented the interests of the state in all directions. So much 
power in the hands of an individual, who was often, to begin 
with, one of the great landholders of his county, made it 
very easy for the count, especially when the central govern- 
ment was weak, as in the age of the " do-nothing " Merovin- 
gians, to throw off his dependence upon the government, 
and become practically the independent ruler of a httle 
principality. 

136. The Roman Empire in the East. — In the meantime, 
the Ostrogothic kingdom estabhshed and made so powerful 
had come to an end, and Italy had been taken possession 
of by another German race. This change was due to a 
sudden revival of strength in the eastern half of the Em- 
pire and to a desire of the emperor to rule the West once 
more. 

Since the death of Theodosius and the final division of 
the Empire the East had taken but little interest in the af- 
fairs of the West. Its own difficulties were enough for all 
its strength. To be sure it was not exposed to the full fury 
of the German attack, but the Huns were long a threaten- 
ing danger, and the new Persian Empire was constantly 
trying to push towards the West, while civil and religious 
strife was frequent within the borders. On the whole, how- 
ever, the Empire in the East was well maintained through 
the stormy times of the fifth century. 

137. The Reign of Justinian. — Early in the sixth cen- 
tury, an Illyrian peasant, Justin, a brave soldier, obtained 
the throne, and prepared the way for his nephew, Justinian, 
whose reign is the last great period in what may be called 
Roman history in any true sense. The cherished purpose 
of Justinian was to restore the old Roman Empire by the 
recovery of the provinces of the West from their German 
conquerors. Fortune favored him in this purpose, for it 



§138] Justinian s Work for Civilization 145 

gave him in Belisarius a general of great ability, and in the 
weakness and dissensions of the German states a compara- 
tively easy task. 

The kingdom of the Vandals in Africa was first attacked. The Vandals 
They had never got on well with their subjects, largely be- conquered, 
cause as Arians they were inclined to persecute the Catho- 
lics, and the provincials stood ready to welcome the conquest 
of Justinian,. The king and his army made a brave defence, 
but it was unskilful, and the task of Belisarius was not dif- 
ficult. The province of Africa remained under the Em- 
pire of the East until its conquest by the Arabs a century 
later. 

Belisarius was next sent against Italy. There he found a The fall of 
task which required all his powers. The Ostrogothic race '^^*^ Ostro- 
was not as strong as it had once been, but its resistance was Bury, 
long and heroic. Once when everything seemed at an end Empire, Bk. 
they recovered possession of nearly all they had lost. If tt'7^?^'^' '' 
they had had the leadership which they deserved they Theodoric 
might have been successful, but they were not fortunate (Heroes), 
in their kings and the protracted conflict undermined their ^'^' " 
strength. Finally they were entirely overcome and the race 
was practically annihilated, for the few survivors passed into 
Spain where they were absorbed in the Visigoths. 

In Spain a civil war among the Visigoths enabled Justinian A part of 
to obtain possession of some territory in the southeastern ^P^'" ^ 

, -^ recovered. 

quarter, but there his successes were hmited. He had not 
reestablished the old Empire of Rome, but he had taken 
vengeance on the first conquerors of the West, and he had 
added new strength to the name and idea of the Empire. 

138. Justinian's "Work for Civilization. — The greatness Building, 
of Justinian's reign is not measured by his wars alone. He 
was a great builder both of fortresses for defence and of 
beautiful buildings like the church of St. Sophia in Constan- 
tinople, and the revived interest in architecture in his reign 
long influenced the art of building even in the West. 

But his greatest title to fame of all is his codification of 
the Roman law. In this work the great body of the Roman 
I. 



146 TJie Founding of the German States [§ 139 



Tht codifica- 
tion of the 
Roman law. 
Ex '.acts 
froni the 
Itis':tutes, 

Stit.iies, 
No. 10. 

Jusiinian's 
code in the 

West. 



The Lom- 
bards enter 
Italy, 568. 



Character of 
the Lombard 
conquest. 



law, which had been growing for so many centuries, was put 
into systematic and easily accessible form. The work com- 
prised three parts : the Code proper, containing the laws 
made by the emperors ; the Digest, based upon the writings 
of the great Roman lawyers the jurisconsults ; and the 
Institutes, treating of the fundamental principles of the 
law, as an introductory text-book for the law student. 

This system of law Justinian's conquest introduced into 
Italy, where it remained in use, and whence it spread, some 
centuries later in the Middle Ages, to the other countries of 
the West, becoming at length powerfully influential in the 
formation of the national law of all the continental states, 
as well as in the development of the royal power at the 
expense of the feudal system. Probably there is no text- 
book of law in such extensive use to-day as the Institutes of 
Justinian. 

139. The Invasion of the Lombards. — The possession 
of Italy by the Eastern Empire was not of long duration. 
The conquest by Justinian had merely opened the way for 
another German tribe. The Lombards had followed the 
Ostrogoths across the Danube, and now they followed them 
into Italy. Justinian had been dead but three years when 
they descended into the valley of the Po and took posses- 
sion of that part of Italy almost as easily as if it were a 
vacant land, only a very few of the cities making any resist- 
ance. Of the rest of the country, however, their conquest 
was very slow and never complete. 

The Lombards were very rude and uncivilized, in a 
backward stage of political development, and not yet 
thoroughly accustomed to a national government. For 
some years after the conquest they lived without a king, 
ruled in little states by dukes, while others were trying to 
make new states for themselves in the unconquered parts 
of the country. These later conquests were made without 
much order or system, wherever it pleased the leader of the 
band to settle. Thus it happened that the eastern Romans 
retained many fragments of territory scattered about in the 



148 TJie Founding of the German States [§§ i4o» 141 



The Eastern 
Empire re- 
tained parts 
of Italy. 



The attack 
began before 
the Romans 
withdrew. 

Church, The 
Count of the 
Saxon Shore 
(novel). 

The first 

settlement, 

449. 



The develop- 
ment of 
government. 



peninsula, and separated from one another by the Lombard 
lands. 

This fact had very important consequences in later history. 
Southern Italy remained a part of the Eastern Empire for 
almost five hundred years. Rome and Naples, Genoa, 
Venice, and Ravenna escaped the Lombard occupation, and 
though the exarch of Ravenna was in form the representa- 
tive of the emperor, he could exercise no very effective 
control over the cities which were separated from his by 
Lombard territory. This meant local independence, and in 
the case of Rome it meant the beginning from which grew 
the pope's temporal sovereignty. 

140. The Saxons in Britain. — One German settlement 
remains to be described, and one in which we are especially 
interested, the Saxon. They had begun to make plunder- 
ing raids along the coasts of Britain, exactly after the fashion 
of their later relatives the Northmen, long before the Roman 
troops withdrew from the island. After this had occurred, 
about the year 407, the abandoned provincials suffered 
severely and were not able to protect themselves, either from 
the Saxons or from the uncivilized Celts of the north and 
west. 

By the middle of the century the German invaders had 
begun to make little settlements along the coasts. The first 
of these was probably made in the isle of Thanet, at the 
southeastern corner of England, by the Jutes — invited to 
assist in keeping off the wilder Celts. They did not long 
remain satisfied, however, with Thanet, but spread over the 
neighboring territory by conquest, and established the first 
of the German kingdoms, that of Kent. 

141. The Saxon States. — Other settlements followed 
during the next hundred years, the Saxons occupying the 
southern coasts and the Angles the eastern. The Saxons 
had at this time no idea of a national government, and those 
who remained in the original home on the continent did not 
have even at the time of their conquest by the Franks more 
than two centuries later. The new conditions, however, 



§ 142] No Roman Elements in Saxon States 149 



which arose from their making a conquest and occupying a 
conquered land, led the Saxons in England to transform 
their leaders into kings and to a steady increase of the 
royal power. 

Of the earliest states we know almost nothing. They 
seem, however, to have been very small, and to have tended 
early to coalesce, by conquest or voluntary union, into larger 
states. From this stage of their history there emerge seven 
larger kingdoms of which we have some definite knowledge. 
They are the kingdom of the Jutes in Kent ; three Saxon 
kingdoms, Sussex and Wessex on the south coast and Essex 
on the north side of the lower Thames ; and three states of 
the Angles : East AngUa, now the counties of Suffolk and 
Norfolk, Northumberland, stretching finally as far north as 
Edinburgh, and Mercia, the last to be settled, a kingdom of 
the interior lying to the west of East Anglia. These are the 
kingdoms known sometimes as the Heptarchy, a term which 
must be understood to mean merely that there were seven 
states, not that they were united in any kind of union 
which could be called by this name as a government. 

142. No Roman Elements in the Saxon States. — In one 
very important respect this Saxon conquest differs from 
those made by the other Germans. Whatever may have 
been their treatment of the Romanized provincials, whether 
they drove them entirely out of the land which they occu- 
pied or made subjects of them, and we are not quite sure 
which they did, they underwent themselves no Romaniza- 
tion. Their strictly legal and political institutions show no 
traces of Roman influence. No union of German and Ro- 
man was made in these states, but the development was 
purely Teutonic. In institutions of a more economic char- 
acter, especially in those relating to the holding of estates 
of land and the management of their cultivation, there may 
have been a more direct Roman influence. 

One line of connection with ancient civilization was, how- 
ever, established not long after the conquest in the conver- 
sion of the Saxons to Christianity. The new faith had been 



The so-called 

Heptarchy. 

Green, 

E7igUsh 

People, 

I., Chap. II. 



Pure Ger- 
man govern- 
ment and 
law. 
Green, 
Making of 
England, 
131-152; 
Church, 
Early 
Britain 
(Nations). 



The conver- 
sion of the 
Saxons. 



15© The Fojinding of the German States [§ 142 



Translation 
of Bede in 
Bohn, 34-40 ; 
Letters of 
Pope 

Gregory to 
Augustine ; 
Gee and 
Hardy, 2-10. 

664. 



introduced into the island under the Romans, and still 
endured among the unconquered Celts of the west and 
north, an earlier and less developed form of Christianity 
than that which now prevailed upon the continent. After 
the introduction of Roman Christianity by the mission of 
St. Augustine to the Saxons in 597, these two types of faith 
and practice became rivals for the adherence of the new 
German rulers. In the Synod of Whitby the decision was 
made in favor of the Roman forms, a decision which brought 
the Saxons into contact at once with the best remaining chan- 
nel of influence from ancient civilization, with the growing 
unity of all the Christian West under the papacy, and with 
the contemporary life of the continent. 



Topics 

How did the Prankish conquest differ from that of the other Ger- 
mans? What conquests were made by Clovis? What was Arianism? 
What difference did it make whether Clovis became an Arian or a 
Catholic? State all the changes which took place among the Franks 
under Clovis. The character of Theodoric's government in Italy. 
Divisions in the Prankish state. Territories of the Franks at their 
widest extent. What is meant by the "do-nothing" kings? The 
duties of the count. The conquests of Justinian. The fall of the 
Ostrogoths. The codification of the Roman law. The geographical 
character of the Lombard conquest. How did the Saxons get their 
first footing in Britain? What effect had the conquest on their govern- 
ment? Was there anything like this in Prankish history? What is 
meant by the Heptarchy? What states composed it? Roman in- 
fluence on the Saxons. 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

The character of Theodoric's rule. Gibbon, Chap. XXXIX. Bradley, 
Goths, Chap. XVII. Hodgkin, llieodoric the Goth (Heroes), 
Oman, Periods, 20-32. Hodgkin, The Letters of Cassiodorus 
(Provvde), gives in translation a large number of the letters of 
Theodoric's minister, which illustrate the character of his govern- 
ment and the Roman elements in his state. 

Compare or contrast Theodoric and Clovis. 



Topics for Assigned Studies 151 

Tlie codification of the Ruinan law. Bury, Jivtpire, Book IV., Chap. 
III. Gibbon, Chap. XLIV. Hadley, Introduction to Roman 
Lazv (Appleton), Lectures I. and II. Sheldon Amos, Roman 
Cu'il Law (London, Kegan Paul), Part I., Chap. IV.; Part 
III., Chaps. I. and II. 

The first Saxon settlement. Green, Making of Englajtd (Harper), 
13-54. Green, History of the English People (Macmillan), I. 
22-27. Social England (Putnam), I. 116-121. Church, Early 
Britain (Nations). Translation of Bede in Bohn's Library, 
23-26. There is also a translation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 
in Bohn. 



\y^^\\ 



XT l»t' CiT 



i\Vl5VTKtVS.|aVKTVRL^ 
^^ulu 5 1 il^ ^otep T lo^^ uitelliiiaAUi?u5f |:u 

>*xUlXpeiiUm >*Ul> 5 TAM t IN* 

Blxto<rtir5ua'»iw>Uiwecc-s5e-e5'^ 

uel\u|ieo p ua"»ocnM lucni^pAeC^ lojjutvi utie- 
le^Atipv'te^xcohJsiiiuiu^usppacTusuT 
bep*^5iul^*r».ru]2^xpexUcuiu«stia'»ppuctu^ 

Fragment from the Digest of Justinian 



CHAPTER V 



THE FRANKS, THE ARABS, AND THE PAPACY 



The Caro- 
lingian 
family. 
Sergeant, 
The Franks 
(Nations), 
Chap. XIV. ; 
Hodgkin, 
Charles the 
Great 

(Macmillan), 
Chap. II.; 
Zeller. II. 

Sources of 
their power. 



The mayor 
of the palace. 
Sergeant, 
The Franks, 
194-200. 



Pippin, 
Grimoald, 
and Arnulf. 



143. The Second Frankish Dynasty. — The conditions 
which have been described as existing in the Frankish state 
under the later successors of Clovis — turbulence, civil war, 
and weak kings — were very favorable to the rise of some 
strong man into power alongside the king to exercise the 
authority which the kings failed to exercise. This is the 
way in which the second dynasty of Frankish history, 
the great family of the Carolingians, obtained its power. 

Aside from the opportunity which the general condition 
of things gave them, the new family was assisted in its rise 
by two important facts. One was their own great wealth 
and resources, especially when in the third generation the 
possessions of two of the richest families of the Rhine valley 
were united in their hands. The second was that they early 
obtained a practically hereditary hold upon the office of mayor 
of the palace in Austrasia, the eastern kingdom. This office 
seems to have been that of a kind of steward of the royal 
estates, from which the Frankish king's revenue was chiefly 
derived. It therefore gave its holder some control over 
the disposition to be made of the lands and of the revenues, 
and so put into his hands a means of influence, of favoring 
his friends, and of punishing his enemies, of great value to a 
growing power. 

144. The First Carolingians. — The first of this line was 
Pippin of Landen, who was mayor of the palace under 
Dagobert I. His son Grimoald, under weaker kings, exer- 
cised almost royal authority for nearly twenty years. At 
last he made a premature attempt to transfer the crown to 

152 



§§ i45> h6] The Government Sirengt/wjied 153 

his son, and was killed by the other nobles, who were not 
willing to allow a strong king to take the place of a weak 
one, and who were not yet used to seeing the royal author- 
ity in the hands of any family but the Merovingian. Grimo- 
ald's sister carried on the line through her marriage with 
the son of Arnulf of Metz, who had been a most influential 
man in the days of the first Pippin. Their son was the sec- 
ond Pippin, of Heristal, and he recovered the power of his 
grandfather and uncle. 

145. Their Power established. — In the meantime, in the Differences 
west Prankish kingdom, Neustria, a similar course had been 'between 

,,,,,. , , , 1 Neustria and 

run, except that no really hereditary power had been created Austrasia. 
by the mayors of the palace who ruled for the kings. The 
difference between the Romanized Frank of the West and 
the pure German of Austrasia had, however, been increasing, 
and many wars had been fought between the two states. 
Perhaps one result of the difference was that Neustria, after 
the Roman model, was a more centralized state than Aus- 
trasia, and the nobles were less independent there. In 687 
the two states and the two differing systems came to a deci- 
sive conflict in the battle of Testry. Here Pippin and the The battle of 
east Franks gained a complete victory. This battle gave to Testry. 
Pippin the control of both kingdoms and of all the Franks, 
which he retained to the end of his life and passed on to Hodgkin, 
his descendants. But its results were more than this. It Charles the 
gave ascendency again to the German element in the nation, ' ' 
and it checked for a time the development of an absolute 
monarchy. 

146. The Government strengthened. — Pippin had won Centraiiza- 
his victory as the representative of a loose organization and *'°" of the 
of an independent aristocracy. But when he was once in 
possession of the supreme power he naturally strove to make 

it as great as possible. The next stage of Prankish history 
then is filled with a new conflict between the central power 
in the hands of Pippin, and after him of his son Charles 
Martel, and the aristocracy. It is a conflict in which the 
central authority was finally successful, and Charles Martel 



154 The Franks, the Arabs, and the Papacy [§ 146 

passed on to his son, the third Pippin, a strong government 
in which, however, he still ruled in the name of the king, not 
having ventured to try again the experiment of transferring 
to himself the crown in whic.i the line had once so disas- 
trously failed. 




The Kaaba at Mecca 



Under Charles Martel a new line of influence of the great- 
est importance enters the history of Europe, having had its 
rise in the Orient some time before. This was Mohamme- 
danism. 



§§ 147; 148] MoJianimcd and his Rclis^ion 



155 



147. Arabia before Mohammed. — Up to the time of 
Mohammed Arabia had had no part in the history of the 
world. The most of its territory was occupied by wandering 
tribes, and only along the shore's of the Red Sea was there a 
commercial and agricultural population with some develop- 
ment of city life. The Arabs had no national government, 
nor anything which could be called a national culture or 
religion. Mecca was the centre of what national feeling 
existed, and there was the Kaaba, a temple full of idols 
from many sources, under the charge of the priesdy family 
of the Koreishites. Idolatry prevailed in general through- 
out the country, and in some parts the worship of the stars. 

148. Mohammed and uis Religion. — Mohammed was 
born in 571. Left an orphan while a mere child, he spent 
a youth of poverty, and finally obtained employment as 
a driver in a caravan. His employer, a widow named 
Khadijah, was attracted by his high character, fidelity, and 
gentle disposition, and married him. This was the turning- 
point in his career, for her wealth gave him the influence in 
the community which he had lacked before, and the leisure 
necessary for his work. He could now give play to the 
strongly religious and mystical tendency of his nature. He 
began to have visions and to receive revelations. His wife 
encouraged him to believe in them, and to obey the injunc- 
tions which he received to teach to Arabia the true character 
of God and a new religion. 

So far as the religion itself is concerned, which Mohammed 
taught, it was a distinct advance upon anything in Arabia 
before his time. In its conception of God and of responsi- 
bility in the future life for conduct in this life, in its influence 
upon the position of woman, and upon many lines of con- 
duct, it reveals the fact that Mohammed had studied some 
at least of the results of the best religious and ethical think- 
ing of mankind up to his times. His religion reveals also 
its human origin in the appeals which it allows to the lower 
side of human nature, and in the fact that progress under 
its influence seems possible only up to a certain point ; but 



No unity of 
national life 
or of religion. 
Bury's 
Gibbon, 

V. 311-333. 



Moham- 
med's early 
life. 



The 

character of 
Moham- 
med's 
religion. 
Muir, The 
Coran, its 
Composition 
and Teaching 
(S.P.C.K.); 
all important 
passages 
translated. 
See also the 
common 
translation 
by Sale ; and 
Fling, 
Studies, 
II., No. 3. 



156 TJie Franks, the Arabs, and the Papacy [§ 149 



riie Hegira, 
622. 



Conversion 
by the sword. 



Reasons for 
the rapid 
expansion of 
Moham- 
medanism. 
Freeman, 
History and 
Conquests of 
the Saracens 
(Macmillan). 



certainly to more than one race in the lower stages of 
advancement conversion to Mohammedanism has been fol- 
lowed by rapid progress in civilization. This was its origi- 
nal effect upon the Arabians. 

At first his converts were confined to his own relatives. 
Mecca, and especially the priestly family of the Koreishites, 
who feared the loss of their influence, could not be per- 
suaded. In 622 Mohammed fled from persecution in 
Mecca and found refuge in the rival city of Medina. This 
event in Mohammedan history is called the Hegira, and is 
the date from which the Mohammedan chronology begins 
to reckon. It seems to have produced a change also in the 
character of Mohammed, and in that of the revelations 
which he received. The idea began now to be cherished 
that men may, for their own good, be forced to accept the 
truth even against their will, and this idea was carried out 
in Mohammed's lifetime in the conquest of Arabia. After 
the death of Mohammed the central and eastern portions of 
Arabia revolted and the unity of the nation was reestab- 
lished only after a violent civil war. 

149. A Religion of Conquest. — In the meantime con- 
quest outside Arabia, which IVIohammed had foreshadowed, 
had already begun. In an incredibly short time the Ara- 
bians created the largest empire of civilized history, the 
largest at least before the nineteenth century. Provinces 
indifferent to a change of masters or states weak and de- 
cayed offered no adequate resistance to the tremendous 
enthusiasm of the new nation. The religion also was dis- 
tinctly that of a conquering race. With its doctrine of fate 
— that the moment of every man's death is absolutely fixed — 
and with its promise that the soul of the martyr dying in battle 
should be admitted at once into the joys of paradise, it tore 
down the ordinary barriers of prudence and gave enthusiasm, 
unchecked sway. From the heretical Christian sects along 
the borders of Arabia, who had descended from Arianism, 
Mohammed had learned also to put the enormous emphasis 
which he did upon the doctrine that " God is one God." 



§ ^5°] The Conquests of the First Cent my 157 



This teaching, together with the tolerant character of the 
early Mohammedanism, made its victory not unwelcome to 
the oppressed sectaries of the Eastern Empire. 

150. The Conquests of the First Century. — Syria and 
Persia were conquered within ten years of the death of 
Mohammed, Egypt in about five more. By the close of 
the century their empire had practically reached the Atlan- 
tic, the hmits of the Roman Empire, on the west, and on 
the east and northeast in Asia those of Alexander the Great. 
Ten years later the turn of Europe came. The Arabs 
crossed the straits of Gibraltar and easily overthrew the 
great Visigothic kingdom of Spain, which was now weak 
and full of civil strife. Only a little land remained Christian 
behind the mountains in the northwestern corner. 

During this time repeated and fierce attempts were made 
to get possession of Constantinople, which the Saracens 
seem to have thought indispensable to their empire, like 
the Russians of modern history. We are told that the city 
was saved by the mysterious Greek fire, but the Empire 
evidently had some reserve of strength and was able even to 
dispute the possession of Asia Minor with the Arabs. 

With Spain in their hands, it was natural that the Saracens 
should try to make further conquests in Europe. But north 
of the Pyrenees they came in conflict with a new kind of 
enemy, a race as young and powerful as themselves, the 
Franks. The struggle between them for the rule of southern 
Gaul lasted for twenty years, and for twenty years longer the 
Saracens held a little portion of the southeastern corner. The 
great battle of the time, sometimes called one of the greatest 
battles of history, is that which we name the battle of Tours, 
though it was fought nearer the city of Poictiers, not far 
south of the Loire. Here Charles Martel, the son and suc- 
cessor of Pippin of Heristal as mayor of the palace and ruler 
of the Franks, totally defeated and drove back the greatest 
invasion of the period. He had much fighting afterward to 
recover the lands along the Rhone which the Mohammedans 
had occupied, as did his son the third Pippin, but this great 



In Asia, 
Africa, and 
Europe. 
Bury's Gib- 
bon, V. 
397-486. 



Spain, 

Bradley, 

Goths 

(Nations) ; 

Chap. 

XXXV. 

Attacks on 
Constantino- 
ple. Oman, 
Byzantine 
Empire 
(Nations), 
Chaps. XII. 
and XIV.; 
Oman, A?t 
of War, 
545-548. 
Greek fire. 
Bury, Em- 
pire, 1 1. 319; 

Moham- 
medan ex- 
pansion 
checked by 
the Franks. 

The battle of 
Tours, 732. 
Zeller, II. 



158 The Franks, the Arabs, and the Papacy [§151 



End of the 
age of con- 
quest. 



The Caliphs. 
Muir, The 
Caliphate 
(Lond. Rel. 
Tract Soc). 



The rise of 
the Abhas- 
sides. Muir, 
Caliphate, 
422-429. 



The empire 
divided. 
Lane, Ara- 
bian Society 
in the Middle 
Ages. 



The most 
important 
service of 
Mohamme- 
danism to 
civilization. 



victory and his vigorous defence of Gaul strengthened the 
hold of his house on the government of the Frankish nation. 

151. The Revolution of 750. — The age of conquest in 
Mohammedan history goes to about the year 750, Then 
occurs a dynastic revolution which is followed by a division 
in the empire, and a change in the character of the Saracen 
civilization. 

Mohammed made no arrangement for the government 
after his death. The first caliphs, or " successors," whose 
reigns were mostly short, were chosen from the companions 
of Mohammed. During this period the constitution of the 
empire was gradually taking shape. In 661 the caliph Ali, 
the nephew of Mohammed, was murdered and the heredi- 
tary dynasty of the Ommiads seized the throne and made 
Damascus the capital of the empire. They ruled the 
united empire during the whole age of conquest. 

A little before 750 leaders who claimed a descent from 
Abbas, another uncle of Mohammed's, raised an insurrec- 
tion to avenge the wrongs of Ali. Their insurrection was 
successful. The Ommiads were overthrown and cruelly 
punished, and the dynasty of the Abbassides took their 
place. One prince of the Ommiads escaped and later 
appeared in Spain, which recognized him as caliph and made 
itself independent. From this time on the Saracen empire 
was divided into two, an eastern and a western, as the 
Roman had been. Not long afterwards another dynasty, 
claiming descent from Ali himself and Fatima the daughter 
of Mohammed, established the independence of Egypt. 
The Abbassides changed the capital from Damascus to 
Bagdad on the Tigris, and this city became speedily the 
centre of a rich and brilliant civihzation which has left us 
an extremely interesting picture of itself in the Arabian 
Nights. 

152. Arabian Science. — In its influence upon the larger 
history of the world, the most important feature of this 
civilization was its scientific character. For work of this 
kind the early Mohammedan people seem to have had as 



§ 152] 



Arabian Science 



159 



great a liking as the Greeks. From every ancient civiliza- 
tion with which they came in contact, they absorbed what 
could be learned, — Greek science, Persian philosophy, Hin- 
doo mathematics, — and these they wrought into a single body 
of scientific teaching. To what they had borrowed they made 
some additions of their own, especially in astronomy, chem- 




TOMB OF THE CALIPHS AT CAIRO 



istry, and mathematics, though their work in advancing The founda- 
science was less important than in transmitting it. For this *'°" °f 

, , , 1 , r • 1 T-.I ■ modern 

the world owes them a great debt of gratitude. I he service science. 
which the church and the Franks performed in handing on 
Roman institutions and law, the Mohammedans rendered to 



i6o The Franks, the Arabs, and the Papacy [§ i54 



Decay of the 
Abbassides. 



The Seljuk 
Turks. 



The early 
Merovingian 
conquests 
recovered. 



Greek and Oriental science, preserving it through the dark 
ages as the foundation of modern science when the revival 
of learning finally came. 

153. The Coming in of the Turks. — The decline of this 
brilliant Mohammedan civilization was as rapid as its rise. 
In the East the Abbassid family fell into speedy decay hke 
the Frankish Merovingians, whom they rivalled in cruelty 
and corruption. In the days of their greatness they had 
begun the introduction of Turkish slaves to form a royal 
bodyguard, and when the age of decline came on these sol- 
diers and their officers were able to usurp the real rule as 
the Carolingians did among the Franks, restricting the 
caliphs to a religious headship. In the eleventh century the 
Seljuk Turkish dynasty established itself in the political 
power, and it was with them that the first crusaders fought 
for the possession of the Holy Land. When the Turks 
came into power civilization speedily died in the eastern 
caliphate, as it has everywhere under the Turk. In the 
West the Spanish caliphate had a long and varying history, 
at times weak through dissension and civil war, at other 
times reinforced by a revival of enthusiasm in the Moham- 
medan world of Spain or Africa. Its history is closely con- 
nected with the growth of the Christian states of Spain, 
which will be followed later. 

154. The Frankish Empire restored. — In the Christian 
world of the West, the eighth century is one of steady 
recovery in the Frankish state under the princes of the 
Carolingian house. The reconstruction of the authority of 
the central government has been already noticed. At the 
same time is carried on the reestablishment of the rule of 
the Franks over the early Merovingian conquests, which as 
in the case of the Bavarians, for example, had tended to 
become independent during the age of weakness in the 
state. The work of recovery in this direction was not com- 
pleted by the first two Carolingian princes, but goes on 
through the time of the third. Pippin the Short. Charle- 
magne, the son of Pippin, began his reign over no more 



§ '55] TJie Pope's Independence Threatened i6i 



territory than the Franks had ruled in the days of Dago- 
Dert I. 

But some new things had been done by Pippin the 
Short. About the middle of the century he came to believe 
that the experiment of Grimoald could be safely tried again, 
and that he might be king in name as well as in fact. But 
he felt obliged to proceed with great caution. Something 
of divinity might still attach in the popular feeling to the old 
house. The change must carry with it a religious sanction 
which all would recognize. So application was made to the 
pope to lend the weight of his approval to the assumption 
of the crown. This was quickly granted, and in addition 
the new king was consecrated with holy oil by a religious 
ceremony which was an imitation of that by which in Old 
Testament times David had been anointed king in the place 
of Saul. 

This reference of the question to the pope shows us 
clearly the position which the pope had come to hold in the 
West at this time. Pippin could as easily have obtained 
the sanction he desired from the assembled bishops of his 
own realm. It is manifestly Pippin's judgment, however, 
that the opinion of the pope will have more authority and 
carry more weight than that of the church of Gaul. 

155. The Lombards threaten the Pope's Independence. — 
But the pope at this time had as great need of Pippin as 
Pippin had of him. We have seen how at first the Lombard 
conquest of Italy had not been complete. Rome and some 
little territory about it had remained as before. Nominally 
it was under the rule of the exarch of Ravenna as the rep- 
resentative of the emperor at Constantinople. But he 
could not easily exercise any practical control in Rome, cut 
off as lie was from any quick or safe communication with it. 
As a result the conduct of political affairs drifted steadily 
into the hands of the pope, as the only one to whom it 
seemed naturally to belong. Gregory I., the great pope of 
the end of the sixth century, assumed the direction of politi- 
cal affairs, and exercised almost all the functions of a tem- 

M 



Pippin made 
king of the 
Franks, 751. 
Hodgkin, 
Charles the 
Great, 
Chap. IV. 



The influ- 
ence of the 
papacy. 
Carr, Church 
and the 
Ko7nan Em- 
pire, Chap. 
XXIV. 

The origin of 

the papal 

states. 

Oman, 

Periods, 

198-203. 



Gregory the 

Great, 

590-604. 

Barnaby, 

Gregory the 

Great 

(S. P. C. K.). 



1 62 TJie Franks, the Arabs, and the Papacy [§ 156 



The Lom- 
bard ad- 
vance. 
Oman, 
Periods, 
Chap. XVI. 



The appeal 
to the 
Franks. 



The donation 
of Pippin. 



poral sovereign in his little state. This sovereignty, assumed 
by the popes because it was necessary for them to do so 
without any thought of what it might grow into, became in 
the course of time the sovereignty of a little state in central 
Italy, of which they were the kings, though they did not 
bear the title, a position which lasted until the Franco- 
Prussian War in 1870, and which is known in history as the 
"temporal power" of the pope. 

After almost a century of this partial occupation of Italy, 
the Lombards now began to press forward to obtain the 
rest. Dissensions which had sprung up between the popes 
and the emperors over the use of images in the churches, 
which the emperors called idolatry and wished to prohibit, 
had also divided Roman Italy into parties, and gave some 
prospect of success to the Lombard attempt. For the pope, 
to be brought under the rule of a king of Italy, near at hand 
and constantly under temptation to interfere, would threaten 
very seriously the position which he had now come to oc- 
cupy in the West. The danger must be avoided if it could 
be in any possible way. 

156. The Franks protect the Pope. — The emperor would 
not or could not protect the pope. The Franks were the 
only other power capable of checking the Lombard advance. 
The first invitation to interfere in Italy was sent to Charles 
Martel, but he was still too busily occupied in the work of 
reconstruction at home to suspend it in any foreign interest. 
In 753, Pope Stephen II. went in person to Gaul to induce 
Pippin to come to his aid. His mission was successful. 
Pippin returned with him at the head of his army, and 
forced the king of the Lombards to restore all that he had 
taken of the lands which the pope claimed. After the re- 
turn of the Franks, however, the Lombard king forgot his 
promises and even laid siege to Rome. Pippin at once 
came to the rescue of the pope, and with complete success. 
This time he made sure of the surrender of his conquests by 
the Lombard king. These included the exarchate of Ra- 
venna on the eastern side of Italy, in which the pope had 



§ 156] The Franks protect the Pope 163 

never exercised any authority, but instead of restoring these 
lands to the emperor, Pippin made a formal gift of them 
to the pope. By this gift the state over which the pope 
exercised temporal sovereignty was carried over to the Adri- 
atic and assumed the geographical outlines which it retained 
through almost the whole of history. 

So far as concerned the Franks this was no immediate 
extension of their empire, but it prepared the way for Char- 
lemagne's invasion of Italy and annexation of the Lombard 
kingdom to his own. 



Topics 

What things aided the rise of the second Frankish dynasty? The 
office of mayor of the palace. What mistake was made in the second 
generation of the new family? Why was it a mistake? Points of 
difference between Neustria and Austrasia. Results of the battle of 
Testry. The events of Mohammed's life. What changes did he make 
in Arabia? Mohammedanism as a religion. The Hegira. The ex- 
tent of the Mohammedan conquests at the year 750. What changes 
occurred with the accession of the Abbassides? The services of the 
Arabs to science. The beginning of Turkish rule. How was the 
crown changed from the Merovingians to the Carolingians? What 
does this show of the position of the pope? How had the popes 
obtained a political authority in Italy? In what way was this 
threatened by the Lombards? What bearing had these facts on 
Frankish history? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Study carefully the opening paragraph of the story of the Forty Thieves 
in the Arabian Nights, and notice what it implies as to facts re- 
garding Arabian life, the position of woman, and certain points of 
law. 

Mohammed. Muir, Alahomet. (London, Rel. Tract Soc.) Gibbon, 
Chap. L. Bury, Empire, Book V., Chap. VI. 

The appeal of the Popes to the Franks. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, 
34-41. Sergeant, Franks, 207-212. Bury, Empire, II. 499. 
Oman, Periods, 286, 327-332. 



CHAPTER VI 



THE EMPIRE REVIVED. CHARLEMAGNE 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Einbard, Life of Charlemagne. Contemporary. Translation by Turner 
in Harper's Half Hour Series (15 cents), and by Glaister (Bell). 

Hodgkin, Charles the Great. (Macmillan; 75 cents.) 

Mombert, Charles the Great. (Appleton; $5.00.) 

Cutts, Charlemagne. (S. P. C. K.; E. & J. B. Young; #1.25.) 

Mullinger, Schools of Charles the Great. (Longmans.) 

West, Alcuin. (Scribner; $1.00.) 

Abel and 'Himson, Jahrhilcher des frankischen Reichs nnter Karl des 
Grossen. 2 Bde. (Leipzig.) 



The begin- 
ning of Char- 
lemagne's 
reign, 768. 
Zeller, IIL 



Bavaria in- 
corporated 
in the Prank- 
ish state. 



157. The Way prepared for a Great Empire. — Charle- 
magne succeeded his father as king of the Franks at the age 
of twenty-five. The last two generations of his house had 
prepared the way for a great reign. The government of the 
king was once more strong and well obeyed, though con- 
stant watchfulness was necessary against the perpetual tend- 
ency to independence on the part of the local aristocracy 
and of the counts who acted for the government. The old 
conquests, also, of the early Merovingians had been practi- 
cally recovered, so that the kingdom existed once more as 
in the days of its greatest extent under Dagobert I. Every- 
thing was ready for a new age in the history of the Franks, 
an age of expansion, and this is the character of the reign of 
Charlemagne. 

One bit of work in the way of reconstruction remained to 
be done, the complete incorporation of the Bavarians of 
southeastern Germany in the Frankish kingdom. This 
Charlemagne accomplished without much effort, and more 

164 



§§ 158? 159] The Conquest of tlic Saxons 



165 



thoroughly than it had ever been done before. Their native 
dynasty was deposed, and disappeared from history, and 
they submitted entirely to the rule of the Franks, though 
they retained their identity of race. 

158. The Conquest of Italy. — In four directions Charle- 
magne added to the territory of the Franks. In Italy his 
father had prepared the way. The Lombards were no 
match for the Franks, but they had not yet learned how 
thoroughly in earnest their new enemies were in protecting 
the pope, or perhaps in controlling Italy. Soon after the 
accessions of Charlemagne, the Lombard King Desiderius 
marched against Rome. The pope was probably not sorry 
to have an opportunity to call upon the Franks once more, 
so much was to be gained from them, and he sent at once 
to Charlemagne to ask his aid. 

As soon as other interests would permit, the king came 
down into Italy with a great army, and though Desiderius 
made a brave resistance he was forced to yield. Charle- 
magne sent him into a cloister, and had himself crowned 
king of the Lombards. He made but few changes in gov- 
ernment or in the Lombard laws, and the people were so 
well satisfied with his rule that they made no effort to re- 
cover their independence. To the pope Charlemagne con- 
firmed the donation of his father. 

The papacy was now relieved from this danger. It was 
some centuries before another power arose in Italy strong 
enough to threaten the independence of the little state 
which the pope ruled as a temporal sovereign. For Charle- 
magne the greatest gain from this conquest was in the fact 
that it brought into his kingdom the city of Rome with all 
that Rome still stood for in the minds of men. 

159. The Conquest of the Saxons. — Before his expedi- 
tion into Italy, Charlemagne had begun another conquest 
which was to occupy three-quarters of his reign, that of the 
Saxons of North Germany. This proved about as difficult 
a conquest as ever was made. The obstinacy of the Saxons 
in refusing to see that they were conquered, apparently a 



Tlie Lom- 
bards renew 
their attack 
on Rome. 



Charlemagne 
invades Italy. 
Hodgkin, 
Chap. V. ; 
Mombert, 
86-100. 

774- 



Results of 
this conquest. 



A long 

struggle, 

772-802. 



ter of the 
war, 



mit 



1 66 The Empire Revived. Charlemagne [§ i6o 

hereditary trait of the race, was only equalled by Charle- 
magne's patience in doing the work over again year after 
year until it was finally completed. 
The charac- Charlemagne would enter the country early in the sum- 
mer with a great army, easily overcome the resistance of 
the Saxons in the field, establish Frankish garrisons and 
colonies of monks and priests, force the people, in so far 
as he could get hold of them, to accept Christianity in 
form, and return home at the end of the summer, leaving 
the land apparently subdued. But after he was gone, the 
Saxons rose, massacred his priests and garrisons, and threw 
off every mark of subjection, including Christianity, and all 
the work had to be repeated. 
The Saxons Gradually the intervals between the insurrections became 
longer, and at last the Saxons submitted, overcome, it 
would seem, not so much by the military force of the 
Franks as by conviction, by the influence which the real 
teachings of the Christian religion were beginning to have 
over them, and by the realization of the fact that the gov- 
ernment of the Franks was in every way better for them 
than their own. The Saxons of a later time looked upon 
Charlemagne with gratitude, as the great apostle to their 
race and the founder of its civilization. 
In Spain. i6o. Charlemagne's other Conquests. — The other con- 

Chap VIII <^"^^ts of Charlemagne were less important and occupied 
but little of his own attention. By invitation of one of the 
factions of Mohammedan Spain, he crossed the Pyrenees 
and marched through the northern part of the country. 
Little was gained in this expedition, but afterwards the 
Frankish dominion was slowly pushed over a small triangle 
of territory in northeastern Spain, including the city of 
Barcelona. 
In the East. Against the Tartar Avars in the Danube valley, who could 
Ze^Uer III "°^ abandon their old habit of making plundering inroads 
on German territory, Charlemagne conducted one great and 
successful campaign and then left the conquest to be com- 
pleted by others. In wars with the emperor at Constanti- 




Charlemagne 



1 68 



TJic Empire Revived. CJiarlcmagne [§ i6i 



The belief 
that the Em- 
pire still 
existed. 



The pope 
crowns 
Charlemagne 
emperor, 800. 



nople he also gained lands east of the Adriatic, and thus 
joined his territories in Italy with those of Germany, and 
carried his boundaries nearly to those which had marked 
the Western Roman Empire on the east. Many of the 
Slavic tribes that joined the Germans on the east acknow- 
ledged his supremacy, and the Danes were taught to respect 
his power. 

161. The Revival of the Roman Empire. — The territories 
of Charlemagne were, by the year 800, practically those of 
the old Roman Empire in the West. All the lands of the 
continent, which were still Christian and which had ever 
been Roman, were now in his hands, and Germany besides. 
To all men who thought about it, it would seem that the 
Western Empire had been reconstructed. The theory of 
the eternal dominion of Rome had not been forgotten, es- 
pecially not in Italy. In a vague way, sometimes in a real 
way in the case of the pope, the supremacy of the emperor 
at Constantinople had been recognized, and even after the 
quarrel about the worship of images, the rights of the 
emperor were not denied, only those of the wicked em- 
peror who refused to follow the true Christian faith. No 
one who knew anything of the past realized that the Empire 
of Rome had come to an end. 

Now the time had come when the West could have its 
own emperor again. On Christmas day, 800, as Charle- 
magne was wo»^hipping in St. Peter's church, the pope 
crowned him emperor of Rome. In this way was begun a 
new succession of emperors of Rome in the West, which 
continued through medieval and modern history to the be- 
ginning of the nineteenth century. This title must be care- 
fully distinguished from that of king in all history which 
follows the crowning of Charlemagne. There could be, as 
men thought, only one emperor, the emperor of Rome. 
There was no emperor of Germany nor of Austria until 
Napoleon changed the fashion of things by making himself 
emperor of the French. Since then emperor has meant 
but little more than king, but before, it had been the highest 




i.r,.^, iCo..«.ri 



§§ 1 62, 163] Charlemagne s Schools 



169 



of all temporal titles, and in medieval times, when men be- 
lieved in what they called the Holy Roman Empire, the 
emperor was thought to have the same sort of headship of 
the temporal world that the pope had of the religious. 

162. The Missi Dominici. — This title added but little to 
Charlemagne's real power, though much to his position in 
the minds of men. But the power which he actually exer- 
cised was growing as his territory grew. As great a states- 
man as he was a warrior, Charlemagne devised a new 
political institution to overcome the constant tendency to 
local independence, and to hold the counts under a close 
responsibility to the government. This institution was the 
office of the jnissi dominici, or king's messengers. 

The counties of the Empire were grouped together into 
circuits. To each of these circuits were sent every year 
two officers from the court. In each of the counties 
assigned them they were to hold an assembly of the free- 
men, or they held a great assembly for the whole circuit, 
and in these assemblies the counts must make a report of 
the way in which they had administered their office, com- 
plaints were heard against them, and all abuses were in- 
quired into. On their return the missi made Charlemagne 
familiar with the condition of things throughout the whole 
Empire. 

It was an institution admirably adapted to keep a great 
empire closely centralized and under control, to overcome, 
that is, the tendency to local independence which we have 
noticed in the case of the counts, and it was destined to a 
long life. In the age that followed Charlemagne it lost 
something of its efficiency, but it passed from the Franks to 
the Normans, and, revived in England still later to serve 
something like its original purpose, it finally grew into the 
Anglo-Saxon circuit court system. 

163. Charlemagne's Schools. — Charlemagne was also 
greatly interested in education. He called from England 
Alcuin, who passed for the most learned man of the time, 
and other teachers from Italy, and tried to organize a gen- 



A new 

institution of 

government. 

Hodgkin, 

242-245 ; 

Adams, 

Civilization 

during 

Middle Ages, 

159-162. 



To hold the 
counts to a 
strict re- 
sponsibility. 

Edict con- 
cerning the 
Afissi, 
Henderson, 
189-201. See 
also Zeller, 
III. 



This institu- 
tion has 
come down 
to us. 



A kind of 
public school 
system. 
Zeller, III. 



I/O The Einpire Revived. Charlemagne [§ 164 

eral system of schools throughout the Empire. In the school 
of the palace his own children were taught, with others from 
various parts of the Empire, who were especially promising ; 
the monasteries and cathedral churches were expected to 
maintain good schools, and even the parish priests to give 
elementary instruction. As an organized system Charle- 
magne's reforms were not permanent, but the impulse which 
he gave to learning lasted. Some of the individual schools 




Signature of Charlemagne 



A turning 
point in 
history. 
Bryce, Holy 
Roman 
Empire, 

63-75- _ 
Hodgkin, 
Chap. XIII. 



survived, men knew more of books, and wrote better Latin 
than they had done before, and those who wished to learn 
found it easier to do so. 

164. Charlemagne's Place in History. — Charlemagne's 
reign fills but a short time in the long period of the Middle 
Ages, but it binds the whole together. In him is completed 
the process which runs through the first half, the Germani- 
zation of the Roman Empire. There was a Roman Empire 
again uniting Christian Europe together, but it was, as it 



Topics 1 7 1 

called itself later, " The Roman Empire of the German Na- 
tion." The ruling race was German and the emperor was 
a Frank. From the end of his reign, also, begins the process 
which runs through the second half, the formation of the 
modern nations, independent members of an international 
system, which we call now, not the Roman Empire, but 
Christendom. All the forces of union and of civilization 
were strengthened by his reign, and though his empire was 
not permanent, its influence never ceased. 



Topics 

How had the way been prepared for what Charlemagne was to do? 
How did the position which he took in Italy differ from his father's? 
The character and results of the Saxon War. Why were not the Span- 
ish conquests carried further? State the territories finally embraced 
in Charlemagne's empire. In what points was this like the Western 
Roman Empire? Why, in your opinion, was the title Emperor of 
Rome revived in 8oo? How did "emperor" differ from "king" in 
meaning before Napoleon? The duties of the missi dominici. Char- 
lemagne's school system. His place in history. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The Saxon wars. Einhard, Chaps. VII. and VIII. Hodgkin, Chap. 

VI. Mombert, 101-153. 
The revival of the Empire. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire^ 44-61. 

(Three original accounts translated.) Hodgkin, Chap. XI. 

Mombert, 357-368. Sergeant, The Franks, 243-247. 
The school system. Mullinger, Schools, 68-108. Einhard, Chaps. 

XXIV. and XXV. Mombert, 241-270. Hodgkin, 235-238. 
Charlemagne as a landlord. The capitulary de villis. Penn., HI., 

No. II. Zeller, HI. 

Topics for Review- 
Compare Nero's reasons for persecuting the Christians with those of 

Marcus Aurelius. 
Compare the conversion of Clovis with that of Constantine. 
Trace the passage of the Visigoths from their entrance into the empire 

until their final settlement. 



172 The Empire Revived. CJiarlemagne 



Trace the history of the Roman law through the whole of this period. 

What historical events in succession were witnessed by " Father Rhine " 
during this period? 

Of each province of the Western Empire, state what German or other 
conquerors occupied it in succession, and by whom it was per- 
manently held. 



A.D. 



14 
180 
250 
284 
323 
325 
378 
379 
410 

449 
476 



Important Dates 

Death of Augustus. 

Death of Marcus Aurelius, 

An invasion of the Goths. 

Diocletian emperor. 

Constantine emperor. 

The council of Nicaea. 

The battle of Hadrianople. 

Theodosius emperor. 

Capture of Rome by Alaric. 

First German settlement in Britain. 

Romulus Augustulus deposed. 



The Teutonic Nations 

486. Clovis' first victory. 
493. Theodoric, king in 

Italy. 
553. End of Ostrogothic 

kingdom. 



638. Dagobert I.d. The 
last strong Mero- 
vingian king. 

687. Battle of Testry. 



751. Pippin, king of the 
Franks. 

768. Charlemagne, king 
of the Franks. 

800. Charlemagne, em- 
peror. 

814. Death of Charle- 
magne. 



The Church 



590. Gregory I., the 
Great, pope. 

597. Augustine's mis- 
sion to England. 



738. Lombards attack 
Rome. 

756. The donation of 
Pippin. 



The East 



527. Justinian, emperor. 



622. The Hegira. 



661. The Ommiad ca- 
liphs. 

750. The Abbassid ca- 
liphs. 



PART V 

THE FORMATION OF THE NATIONS 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages. (Bell, 
Macmillan; ^I2.00.) 5 vols, now translated, to beginning of the 
XIV. century. A history of the papacy and of the Middle Ages 
as related to Rome. 

Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire. 8th edition. (Macmillan; ^i.oo.) 

Jenks, Law and Politics in the Middle Ages. (Holt ; $2.75.) Insti- 
tutional history. 

Lavisse, General View of the Political History of F. it rope. (Long- 
mans; ^1.25.) Suggestive outline sketch. 

Luchaire, Manuel des Institutions Fran^aises sous les Capetiens directs. 
(Paris; 15 francs.) 

Schroder, Lehrhuch der deutschen Rechtsgeschichte. (Berlin.) 
Both very valuable on all points of institutional history. 

Qrctr\, History of the English People. 4 vols. (Harper; $10.00.) 

Tx2J^, z^xiox. Social England. 6 vols. (Putnam; $3.50 per vol.) 

Ys\\.z\ivv\, History of France. 3 vols. (Clarendon Press; $2.60 per vol.) 

Henderson, History of Germany in the Middle Ages. (Bell, Mac- 
millan; $2.60.) 

Reher, Mediaval Art. (Harper; $5.00.) 

Tout, Empire and Papacy. "Periods" series, 918-1273. (Mac- 
millan; $1.75.) 

'Emtxion, MedicEval Europe. 814-1300. (Ginn ; $1.65.) Gives ref- 
erences to the chief collections of sources. 

Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages. (Scribner; $2.50.) 
The connection and significance of historical events. 

Bohn's Libraries (Macmillan) contain many translations of medieval 
sources, especially of English chronicles. These are specifically 
referred to in the course of this part. 
173 



174 Breaking up of Charlemagne's Empire 

Summary 

The strong union of Christian Europe which Charlemagne 
had formed did not long survive him. The forces of disunion 
were many and powerful, and his descendants were not able to 
deal with them. The Empire was broken up after a time into 
many states, but its first real successor was the feudal system 
which had begun to assume its final form even under Charle- 
magne — a system which allowed great independence, both 
economic and political, to the fragments of the state while main- 
taining in form the general government. The anarchy of the 
time and the need of local protection were greatly increased by 
the inroads of the Northmen and of the Hungarians. The North- 
men established permanent colonies in northern France and in 
England, and in the latter country postponed for some time the 
union of all the Anglo-Saxon states into one which had been 
rapidly advancing under the West Saxons. On the extinction 
of the family of Charlemagne in Germany a native dynasty was 
elected, and under the first kings of the Saxon family there was 
great promise of the formation of a strong nation. In France 
somewhat later a native dynasty also obtained the throne in the 
family of the Capetians, but here the kings remained very weak 
for several generations. In England still later real national 
existence began, first under the Danish king Cnut, and then 
under William the Conqueror. The German kingdom was so 
strong under Otto I. that a revival of the Roman Empire of 
Charlemagne seemed a natural thing, but this step fatally weak- 
ened the government at home, and it brought the new Empire, 
the Holy Roman Empire, into a long rivalry and conflict with 
the other great medieval world power, the papacy. The govern- 
ment of the Church was now beginning to assume its modern form 
under the influence of the ideas of Cluny, carried out by the great 
statesman Hildebrand, Pope Gregory VII. The first period of 
the conflict between these ideas and the Empire under the Fran- 
conian emperors ended in a compromise in the Concordat of 
Worms, but it was really a victory for the papacy, which was 
never again subject to the control of the Empire. The second 
period of the strife under the Hohenstaufen emperors saw not 
merely the destruction of the imperial power, which could never 
afterward be reconstructed, but also the dissolution of the Ger- 
man nation into a host of independent and even hostile frag- 
ments ; and Italy experienced a similar fate. At the close of this 
conflict the age of the crusades was also closing. Europe had 



§ i65j 



Causes of Division 



175 



thrown itself upon the Saracen world to recover the Holy Land 
with immense enthusiasm, but without definite system or good 
leadership, and after establishing the kingdom of Jerusalem had 
ended by losing all. But the economic and indirect political 
results of the crusades constituted a revolution in history. Com- 
merce increased rapidly, great cities multiplied and accumulated 
wealth and through wealth power, money circulated in larger quan- 
tities, the condition of the .serf was improved, the third estate 
rose to political influence, the state by taxation and a paid army 
was made independent of the feudal system, and in alliance with 
the new conditions overthrew that system. It was the time 
when medieval economic and political conditions passed away 
and modern began. France and England were the two states in 
condition to profit the most from these changes, and their later 
medieval history is that of one long struggle, on the part of 
France to secure possession of all her territory and to organize 
a strong state, and on the part of England to retain her French 
possessions. For a century France gained nothing. Then 
Philip Augustus conquered northwestern France from John, and 
his son and grandson secured southeastern through the troubles 
of the Albigenses. After an interval came the long struggle of 
the Hundred Years' War, in which twice the English nearly 
conquered France and an English king was crowned in Paris 
but in the end the French nation, under the lead of Joan of Arc 
expelled their enemies and reestablished their independence. 
In the meantime in government the French kings had been able 
to create an absolutism, and the English barons and commons 
a limited and constitutional monarchy. Germany had never 
recovered either the imperial power or national unity, nor were 
national governments possible in Italy or Spain. 



CHAPTER I 

THE BREAKING UP OF CHARLEMAGNE'S EMPIRE 



165. Causes of Division. — The unity of Christian Europe 
which Charlemagne had established did not last. The time 
had been too short to weld the different peoples together 
into a single nation, and the causes of separation were too 
many and too powerful to be overcome. Local patriotism 



Numerous 
influences 
working 
against unity. 



176 Breaking up of Charlemagne s Empire [§ 166 



Communi- 
cation from 
place to place 
very slow 
and difficult. 



The locality 
becomes the 
economic 
and political 
unit. 



or tribal feeling, — we may very soon begin to speak of this 
as national feeling, — the constant tendency of the counts 
and barons to make themselves independent, the working of 
the Frankish idea that the king's territories must be divided 
among his heirs, combined with the fact that the genius of 
the Carolingian house comes to an end with Charlemagne, 
were too strong for the still feeble idea of the Empire and 
even for the more real world monarchy of the Church. 

166. Economic Condition. — One great difficulty in the way 
of ruling so large a state as Charlemagne's underlay all the 
others, and made it almost impossible for a united govern- 
ment to be maintained. This was the difficulty of commu- 
nication from one place to another in those days. Roads 
and bridges had fallen rapidly out of repair when the Roman 
supervision had come to an end, and the means of convey- 
ance were now very primitive and slow. It was a time 
when there was very little commerce carried on between one 
part of the country and another, and even very little money 
in circulation. Each httle portion of the country depended 
very largely on itself to supply its own needs. Now we may 
be very sure that if the difficulties in the way of commerce 
were so great that men gave up such a universal practice as 
trying to make money by conveying goods from one place 
to another, the government would find it very difficult to 
keep up communication, to know what was going on in dis- 
tant parts of the state, and to maintain its authority in widely 
separate places. Charlemagne's institution of the inissi 
dominici had been very wisely planned to meet this difficulty 
by carrying the authority of the king down into each locality, 
but this office rapidly lost its efficiency under his successors, 
and even went out of general use. 

The result was that each little locality was thrown upon 
its own resources to supply not merely what it needed in the 
way of goods, but also what it needed in the way of govern- 
ment and protection. This meant at last the local indepen- 
dence of the count or baron against which the Carolingians 
had so long struggled. In other words, this meant the final 



§§ 167, 1 68] The Treaty of Verdun 



177 



establishment of the feudal system, and this is the age when 
feudaHsm becomes the prevailing form of political organiza- 
tion for Europe, and its growth is one of the forms of the 
dissolution of the Empire. 

167. Lewis I. the Pious. — The Empire of Charlemagne 
passed to the next generation undivided, for only one of his 
sons survived him. He was called Lewis the Pious, because 
of his devotion to the Church, and in his case this meant a 
degree of submission which seems to us superstitious in a 
sovereign. He has also been called Lewis the Debonnaire, 
which means the Good-natured, and in such times to be 
a king who seemed to everybody good-natured was to be a 
weak king. This was the character of Lewis. He was a 
weak king. He could not keep control of things as his 
father had done. In the last years of his reign he had many 
quarrels with his three sons, who were anxious to enter into 
the inheritance, but were never satisfied with the divisions 
of it which were made. At his death, Lothair, the eldest, 
became emperor, and kingdoms were given to the other 
two, — Lewis and Charles. 

168. The Treaty of Verdun. — The brothers quarrelled at 
once, and in just a year after the death of their father, the 
great battle of Fontenay was fought, the two younger being 
united against Lothair. The two brothers won the victory, 
and the next spring cemented their alliance by the " Oath 
of Strasburg," which has come down to us and is the earliest 
specimen we have of the languages which have grown into 
modern French and German. Lothair was forced to accept 
their terms, and in the following year the great treaty of Ver- 
dun was made — the most permanent in its influence on the 
map of Europe of any treaty ever made. The way in which 
these three brothers divided their father's empire should be 
carefully fixed in mind because it helps us to understand 
many things that have happened in history even down to the 
present time, and it explains some of the peculiar features 
of the map of Europe as it now exists. 

Lothair was recognized as emperor. Li all the divisions 



Lewis I., 
814-840. 
Zeller, III. 



The " Oath 
of Stras- 
burg." 
Oman, 
Periods, 
408-409 ; 
Emerton, 
Europe, 
25-28. 



843- 

Oman, 

Periods, 

410-412; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 28 ; 

Bryce, 

Empire, 

76-78. 



178 Breaking up of Charlemagne s Empire [§ 169 

The division of these times the Empire is never divided. Every one 
made by the beheved that to be one and indivisible. The territory of the 
Verdun Empire might be cut up into kingdoms, but there was only 

one emperor. To Lothair was given a very peculiar terri- 
tory, and in this lies the significance of the division for later 
history. He was given Italy of course, because that con- 
tained Rome, and starting from Italy a long narrow strip of 
land following first the course of the Rhone and then that of 
the Rhine to the North Sea. As Charles' kingdom after- 
wards became France, and Lewis' Germany, the effect of 
this arrangement was to put between these two states a very 
important strip of territory to which at the beginning neither 
had a valid claim. When some time later the title of em- 
peror became attached to the kingdom of Germany, this 
fact seemed to give that country the best right in the inter- 
mediate land, and for a time at least Germany did acquire 
the larger share of it, but after a time the French language 
began to make inroads into these regions, and following it 
the French government obtained possession of many pieces 
of the territory. Some of these Germany has recently re- 
covered, and very possibly the question to whom they shall 
finally belong is not yet settled. 
The place of It was in this territory of Lothair also that small states 
thehttie j^^j ^^ opportunity to form themselves. Five of these have 

stcitcs 01 

Europe. had some important place in history, and three of them, 

Holland, Belgium, and Switzerland, still exist. Just south 
of Switzerland was the county of Savoy, which grew into the 
duchy of Savoy, and then into the kingdom of Sardinia, and 
finally into the present kingdom of Italy. As near Switz- 
erland on the other side was the county of Burgundy, which 
became attached later to the French duchy of Burgundy 
and promised with it at one time to grow into a rich and 
powerful state and to include nearly all the northern part of 
Lothair' s land. 

169. The End of the United Empire. — In the period 
which followed this treaty many subdivisions were made, 
and the power of the general government, that is of the 



§ 169] TJie End of the United Empire 



179 



Empire, was constantly growing less. For a little time The last 
Charles the Fat, son of Lewis of Germany, became king of c'hari™^ ° 
all the larger kingdoms as well as emperor, but he could not magne's 




The Cathedral at Worms 



master the difficulties which confronted him, and was finally whole 

deposed. This may serve as well as any event of the time ^P""^- 

to mark the dissolution of Charlemagne's united empire, periods, 

and the point at which the organization of the modern 440-443- 



i8o Breaking tip of Charlemagne' s Empire [§ 170 



Saracens, 
Hungarians, 
and North- 
men. 
Oman, 
Periods, 
Chap. XX IV. 



The last of 
the German 
migrations. 
Keary, 
Vikings in 
Western 
Chris/endom 
(Putnam) ; 
Johnson, The 
Normans in 
Europe 
(Epochs). 

The extent 
of the incur- 
sions of the 
Northmen. 
Johnson, 
Normans, 
Chap. II. 

In America, 
Am. Hist. 
Leaf. No. 3; 
Old South, 

31; 
Fiske, 

Discovery of 
America, 
I. 151-226. 



nations begins. It is some time yet before they have a defi- 
nite existence, but their formation is the most important 
fact of the period which follows. 

170. The New Barbarian Invasions. — The difficulties 
which general government had to contend with in this age 
were greatly complicated, and the insecurity which made easy 
the growth of little local powers was everywhere greatly 
increased by incursions of barbarians from almost all direc- 
tions. The Saracens troubled the southern frontiers. The 
Hungarians were beginning the invasions from the east 
which lasted a long time and finally gave rise to modern 
Hungary. But most harassing of all were the attacks of the 
Northmen, which affected every coast and which were so 
unexpected and swift that general defence was almost impos- 
sible and each locality had to do the best it could for itself. 

The invasions of the Northmen were the last of the Ger- 
man invasions. They were the only German people left 
who had not already taken part in this movement. That 
they made their attacks by sea was due to their situation, 
and in this fact and in all details of method their invasion 
is exactly like the earlier Saxon conquest of Britain. Danes 
and Norwegians composed most of the bands which went 
to the west, and the Swedes those going east, where in the 
neighborhood of the Baltic a kingdom was established under 
the dynasty of Ruric, which in after times expanded into 
the empire of Russia. 

171. The Northmen. — All the coasts of the world which 
were within reach were visited by these adventurous rovers : 
all the British islands, the Atlantic coasts of Europe and 
Africa down to the desert, the whole Mediterranean, and to 
the west Iceland, Greenland, and some part of eastern 
North America. Wherever they found anything which they 
wanted they took it, and all Europe was in fear of them for 
a hundred years. They made people everywhere extremely 
concerned about the means of defending themselves, and 
this led to a great age of building walls around towns, and 
of strong castles which might protect the country districts. 



§172] 



Rollo in Normandy 



I8l 



Such a time sifted out also the skilful leaders of defence 
from the poor ones, and some of the later great families of 
Europe got their start in this way. 

The Northmen founded a number of colonies ; for ex- 
ample, in Iceland, northern Scotland, and northeastern 
Ireland. But we are especially interested in two of their 
colonies, because they had so much to do with our own his- 
tory, — that of Normandy in northern France, and that of 
England itself. 

172. Rollo in Normandy and the Danes in England. — 
Early in the tenth century a great force of the Northmen 
was in northern France, where they had seized Rouen and 
were threatening the rest of the kingdom, when the Caro- 
lingian king, Charles the Simple, proposed to their leader, 
Rollo, that he should settle down with his men in perma- 
nent possession of the country and become his vassal for it. 
This Rollo consented to do, and so was created in the course 
of time the great duchy of Normandy, which came up the 
Seine almost to Paris, and embraced the whole north cen- 
tral coast of France. Here more and more Northmen set- 
tled. They became Christians and were quickly civilized, 
dropping their own language and customs and adopting 
those of their new home. The dukes of Normandy were 
in general faithful vassals of the French kings, but they were 
very independent and were for a long time as powerful as 
their sovereigns. 

In England the colonization affected a larger portion of 
the country, and the whole of it was at one time a Danish 
kingdom. The conquest of the island by the Saxons had 
founded, as we have seen, seven independent kingdoms. 
The next stage in the history of England was the formation 
of a single kingdom by the union of all the seven. But it 
took a long time to decide which one of the kingdoms was 
to unite the others under its rule. For a while Northum- 
berland and Mercia strove with one another for the su- 
premacy. Then just after the close of Charlemagne's 
reign, Wessex rose to be the ruling state under King Ecg- 



The leader 
of the North- 
men becomes 
duke of 
Normandy. 
Freeman, 
Norman Con- 
quest, 1. 107- 
120; 

Johnson, 
Normans, 
34-41- 



The North- 
men were 
called Danes 
in England. 
Green, Con- 
quest, Chap. 
II.; Keary, 
Vikings, 
Chap. XII. 



1 82 Breaking up of Charlemagne'' s Empire [§ ^11 



Alfred the 
Great, 871- 
901. 

Stubbs, 62 ; 
Powell, 
Alfred and 
the Danes 
(Contem- 
poraries). 



A united 
England 
forming. 



A Scandina- 
vian empire. 
Green, C071- 
gziest. Chap. 
VIII.; 
Freeman, 
Norman Con- 
quest, I., 
Chap. V. 



berht. But in the next generation, and before the union 
was completed, the attacks of the Danes became very fre- 
quent. Soon after the middle of the century they began to 
make permanent homes in England and speedily overran 
the country north of the Thames. Here they made one of 
their leaders king, and at once advanced to the conquest 
of Wessex. 

173. .Alfred the Great. — This was the condition of 
things when ^-Elfred became king. He was a brave and 
skilful warrior, but at first the enemy was too strong for him, 
and he was forced to abandon the field and even to conceal 
himself in the swamps and among the peasantry. Finally 
he collected new forces and gained a great and decisive vic- 
tory at the battle of Ethandun. After this the Danes were 
willing to make peace, to recognize Alfred as the lord of 
their king, whose kingdom was bounded by the Thames, to 
become Christians, and to settle down peacefully in the 
land, .Alfred reigned for nearly twenty-five years after this 
treaty, and ruled in his little kingdom as wisely as Charle- 
magne in his great empire. He did a great deal for learn- 
ing, translated many books himself, reorganized the army 
and the navy, improved the laws, and left to his people the 
memory of a noble character. 

174. The Second Danish Invasion. — The successors of 
Alfred undertook the work of recovering northern Eng- 
land from the Danes, and pushed it steadily though slowly 
forward until by a little past the middle of the tenth cen- 
tury they had carried their rule as far as Edinburgh. A 
united English nation was rapidly forming throughout the 
territory occupied by the Teutonic settlers, Saxons, Angles, 
and Danes, when at the end of the tenth century there 
came a new Danish attack. This differed from the earlier 
one in the fact that its object was less to find a new land for 
the Danes to dwell in than to conquer England and annex 
it to a great Scandinavian monarchy ruling the whole north 
of Europe. 

Two Saxon kings strove. to defend England against these 



§ 174] The Second Danisli Invasioji 183 

invasions, ^thelred the Unready, or the king without coun- 
sel, — so called because he never seemed to know what to 
do, — with very little success, and his son, Eadmund Iron- 
side, with greater skill and vigor. Eadmund died, however, 
within a few months of his father, and then the Danish 
king, Cnut, of whom so many stories are told us, became The reign 
undisputed king of all England. Cnut was really a great of Cnut, 
man, and he ruled a great kingdom, uniting England, Den- s°ubbs 73. 
mark, and Norway, and other lands about the Baltic. Eng- 
land he strove to rule not as a conqueror, but as a native 
king, as indeed he was to a large portion of the people, and 
in his reign the union of all the various elements into a 
nation went rapidly forward. Cnut's kingdoms separated 
on his death ; and though two of his sons succeeded in turn 
in England, their reigns were short, and on the death of 
the last the English were glad to restore the old West Saxon 1042. 
hne in the person of Eadward, the brother of Eadmund 
Ironside. 



Topics 

Why was not the united government created by Charlemagne main- 
tained? What was the condition of commerce? Why? The effect 
on government? What would be the effect on our civilization of a re- 
turn to the last century's methods of travel and transportation? The 
character of Lewis I. Give the boundaries of the divisions made by 
the treaty of Verdun, and state the influence of this division on the 
later map of Europe. How long after Charlemagne's death did his 
empire remain united in name? What parts of the Empire were 
attacked by the barbarians? The character of the attack of the 
Northmen. What parts of the world did they visit? Their per- 
manent settlements in France and England. Reign and character of 
Alfred. Character of the second Danish invasion of England. The 
empire of Cnut. By which one of the original Saxon states was the 
united kingdom of England formed? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Lewis the Pious. Oman, /Vr?Wj, Chap. XXIIL Henderson, Germany, 
Chap. VI. Emerton, Europe, 13-25. Adams, Civilization, 170- 
173. Zeller, in. The Division of 817. Henderson, 201. 



184 Breaking up of Cliarlcniagiic s Empire 

Alfred the Great. Hughes, Alfred the Great. (Macmillan.) Pauli, 
Alfred the Great (Bohn), contains translation from .Hfred. 
Green, Conquest of England (Harper), Chap. IV. English 
People, I. 75-82. Freeman, Norman Conquest, I. 33-35. Keary, 
Vikings, 384-404. 

Cnut. Green, Conquest, Chap. IX. English People, I. 99-102. Free- 
man, Norma7i Conquest, I., Chap. VI. 



CHAPTER II 

THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 

175. The Conditions which gave Rise to Feudalism. — Partly po- 
While the older Empire was falling to pieces and the new I't'cai, partly 
independent monarchies were taking on their first forms, a 
great system, half political and half economic in character, 
was coming into existence, — a system which has had a 
most profound influence on all later history. This was 
feudalism. The double character of this institution, partly 
political and partly economic, shows that two distinct sets 
of causes were at work to produce it. Underlying both was 
probably one prevailing condition of things which favored 
the action of these causes. This was the difficulty of in- 
tercommunication which followed the destruction of the 
Roman system of roads and bridges, and the substitution 
of more primitive methods in both government and com- 
merce for the highly organized Roman civilization. 

As government proved by degrees in the age of decline The inde- 
unable to do its work throughout the wide extent of the pendenceof 
Empire, the localities were more and more thrown on them- hood^ingov-' 
selves to provide for their own necessities in the way of emment and 
protection and order and the enforcement of law. So also commerce, 
economically, with the decline of commerce and the in- 
creasing scarcity of money, each locality was in the same 
way thrown on its own resources to supply its own needs. 
Again, it was inevitable that in a time of httle commerce 
the chief form of wealth should be land; and on one side 
that, in a time of a very scanty currency, the rich man, who 
would get an income from his wealth, should be obliged to 

18s 



1 86 



The Feudal System 



[§176 



The im- 
portance of 
land. 



Taine, An- 
cient Regime 
(Holt). 5^. 



Their origin 
Roman. 



The feudal 
theory of the 
state. 
Emerton, 

Europe, 

494-507 : 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
217-222. 



rent his land for services, and on the other, the man who 
had only his personal services with which to earn his sup- 
port should be obliged to sell them for the use of land. 
Both these causes tended to the same result. The state 
was broken into fragments becoming more and more in- 
dependent. The rich and strong man who could furnish 
protection to a smaller or larger territory became its ruler. 
The duties and rights usually belonging to the government 
passed into his hands. The military force and the? local 
fortification, which kept off the enemy, — that is, the c^tle, 
— belonged to him. The court which enforced the law was 
his court. He was able to obtain and pay his little army 
by renting his lands to the fighting class, who paid him in 
military service. He and they furnished support to the 
laboring class by renting these same lands to the men who 
cultivated them and so paid for them by their work in 
ploughing and harvesting, thus forming the serf class at the 
bottom of this system. 

176. The Forms of the Feudal System. — The institutions 
which regulated these relations and formed the foundation 
of the feudal law go far back for their origin into Roman 
times, when the imperial government began to decline and 
to be unable to protect the provinces, but by the ninth 
century they had been so transformed by the operation of 
these new causes as to be quite different from their originals. 
Some idea must be obtained of the forms into which they 
grew, because of their permanent influence on social organi- 
zation and on some departments of law. 

The theory of the feudal system which has come down 
to us represents it as a much more orderly and regular or- 
ganization than it was in reality at the time of its height 
in the tenth and eleventh centuries. This is because the 
theory was put into shape by lawyers, who drew up law 
books based upon the feudal law at a time when the system 
itself was falling into decay, and who naturally systematized 
the law as far as possible. This is, however, of less impor- 
tance for our present purpose, because it was very largely 



§ 176] The Forms of the Feudal System 



187 



through their work that permanent influence was given to 
feudal institutions. In this theory the king was the lord, 
or- suzerain, of the whole kingdom. Next to him were the 
great barons, or peers of the realm, who held large portions 
of the kingdom as his vassals. Their territories in turn were 




Edinburgh Castle 



divided among their vassals, who were thus the rear vassals 
of the king, and so on down to the smallest piece of land 
which would give a man income enough from its cultivation 
by serfs to enable him to make fighting his whole business. 
The name " vassal " must not be supposed to have carried 
with it any reproach or dishonor in feudal days. Quite the 



The Feudal System 



[§§ 177, 178 



France the 
most feudal 
of countries. 
Tout, 

Periods, 82- 
93, with map. 



Relief, hom- 
age, and in- 
vestiture. 
Hallam, 
Middle Ages, 
I. 170-181; 
Emerton, 
Europe, 488- 



contrary. The vassal was a noble, and throughout the feudal 
ranks all were at the same time vassals, except the highest, 
and suzerains, except the lowest ; indeed, so strong was 
the idea that all land must be held of some one, that it 
was sometimes said that the king was God's vassal for his 
kingdom. 

177. The Feudal System in France. — It was in France 
that the facts most nearly corresponded to this theory, but 
the correspondence was by no means complete even there. 
The kingdom was divided up into a number of great feudal 
baronies. In the north was the duchy of France, which 
belonged to the Capetian family, the duchy of Normandy, 
which was held by the descendants of Rollo the Northman ; 
the county of Brittany at the western corner, and that of 
Flanders at the eastern ; while nearer to the duchy of France 
lay on the west the county of Anjou, and on the east the 
county of Champagne. In the centre on the eastern side 
was the duchy of Burgundy, sometimes held by the Cape- 
tians ; and in the south was the great duchy of Aquitaine 
and the county of Toulouse. But these great baronies were 
not all held of the king, nor were they equal in rank, while 
by no means all the lords of the smaller baronies held their 
lands of the great barons. Some of them were the king's 
immediate vassals. It was only when the feudal system was 
overthrown as a political institution and the feudal baron 
was transformed into the modern noble, that the grades of 
rank and title became regular and fixed. In the tenth and 
eleventh centuries, customs and practices — and these were 
what made law then — differed very widely in the different 
localities, and the real feudal system is characterized by a 
great deal of what seems to us confusion. 

178. The Feudal Rights and Obligations. — When a vas- 
sal died his heir had no legal right to succeed to the fief 
because it was land which his father had held merely as a 
tenant. He must obtain the lord's permission, and pay a 
large sum for it, called the " relief," though the lord was re- 
quired by custom to grant this permission unless he had 



§ 179] 



The Serf Class 



189 



some very good reason for not doing so. Before succeed- 
ing, the vassal must perform the ceremony of "homage," 
and take an oath to be faithful to his lord, and sometimes, 
also, an oath of fealty or political allegiance. He then re- 
ceived " investiture " of the fief, and this completed his legal 
right to the holding. When certain circumstances arose 
affecting the lord or his family, the vassal was required to 
pay an "aid." There were usually only three of these: 
when the lord was taken prisoner and had to be ransomed ; 
when his eldest son was knighted ; and when his eldest 
daughter was married. In certain other circumstances, 
affecting the vassal, the lord had a right to a payment or to 
the fief itself. One of these was the rehef just spoken of. 
Another was the right of wardship when the vassal was a 
minor. This gave the lord all the income of the fief as long 
as the minority lasted. A third was the right of marriage, 
or the right of the lord to select a husband for the heiress 
of a fief, on the ground that he must be sure that the new 
holder of the land would be acceptable to himself and fully 
able to perform the duties by which the fief was held. Very 
often the lord simply sold to the heiress the right to make 
her own selection. Escheat occurred when the vassal left 
no heirs, and then the fief fell back entirely into the posses- 
sion of the lord. 

179. The Serf Class. — These regulations, and indeed 
the whole body of the feudal law, affected the vassals only, 
or the fighting class. But these lands had also to be culti- 
vated to keep people alive. This was done by the serf, or 
laboring class, and the same lands which were held by the 
vassals under the feudal regulations, or as the expression 
was, by " noble " tenures, were also held by serfs under dif- 
ferent regulations, or by servile tenures. Each lord, instead 
of granting out to vassals who paid military service the whole 
of the fief which he held, kept in his own hands a part of it, 
which was called the " domain " lands of the fief. This he 
granted to serfs, who paid him in labor or by giving him a 
part of the crops which they raised, and these payments of 



494; Duruy, 
Middle Ages, 
201-206 ; 
Penn. IV., 
No. 3; 
Fling, 

Studies, II., 
No. 4. 

The three 
feudal 
" aids." 



The culti- 
vators of the 
soil. 

Emerton, 
Europe, 
510-520; 
Duruy, Mid- 
dle Ages, 
208-213. 



1 90 



The Feudal System 



[§i8o 



riie origin of 
t.ie serf class 
(see p. 128). 



The serf is 
the slave on 
the way to 
freedom. 
Adams, 
Growth of 
French 
Nation, 66- 
68. 



the serfs formed the main support of the lord and his 
family. 

We have seen how the serf class began to be formed in 
the last days of the Roman Empire, on account of the grow- 
ing scarcity of laborers. To keep the soil in cultivation, the 
state gave to the slave a little piece of land, and took away 
the master's right to remove him from it. It was not a very 
large amount of legal right which the slave secured in this 
way, but it was a beginning, and it led in time to the 
change of the whole slave class into serfs. By the end of 
the tenth century the slavery of Christian men by Christian 
men had almost entirely disappeared from Europe, and it 
never returned. In the history of labor, serfdom represents 
an intermediate stage between slavery and free labor. It 
is the condition through which the slave passes in being 
transformed into the freeman. 

180. The Condition of the Serf slowly Improving. — 
Looked at in this way the serf is one who has a part but 
not all of the rights of a freeman. As time goes on he is 
securing more and more of these, until at last he cannot be 
distinguished from a freeman. This is exactly the history 
of medieval serfdom. The general condition which had 
led to the change at first, the scarcity of cultivators, con- 
tinued throughout the whole period, and kept securing to 
the serf better and better terms for his labor. The prog- 
ress was very slow during the first half of the Middle Ages, 
because until the cities began to fill up and manufactures 
to increase there was almost no place to which the serf 
could go to better his condition. If he left the piece of 
land which he held, he ran great risk of starving to death. 
But there was much new land brought into use during these 
centuries by clearing and draining, and this made now and 
then a strong demand for labor from which the serf always 
gained something. In the last half of the Middle Ages we 
shall see new causes coming into operation which carried 
on this advancement much faster. 

As serfdom represents a transition stage in the history of 



§ I So] Condition of the Serf slowly I nip roving 191 

labor, we should expect to find the individual serfs on a Numerous 

domain standing in different grades of that transition. And g^dations 

, • • , , 1- • <- 1 • o r r .1 of serfdom. 

this IS the usual condition of things. Some serts 01 the Haiiam, 

manor at the bottom are hardly to be distinguished from Middle Ages, 

slaves. Their rights are very few, and the lord's arbitrary gjubbs'^^V/ r 

power over them is very great. Others have made more ush Constim- 

advancement and are protected in a larger number of tionai His- 

rights, while at the top may be a class hardly to be distin- gection 817 
guished from freemen. 

In picturing to ourselves the organization of society in Vassals were 

feudal times, we should be careful to distinguish between "° ^^'^^^ 
the vassal and the serf. They were two entirely distinct 
classes, subject to different kinds of law, and very sharply 
separated from one another in the days when the feudal 
system was at its height. 



Topics 

What economic conditions assisted in the rise of feudalism? What 
political? Why was the land so important in the feudal system? Why 
was protection, which we obtain so easily, so difficult to get in those 
days? How far back in time do the forms of the feudal system go? 
What was the feudal theory of the state? Where most nearly realized? 
How nearly there? Explain the most important feudal rights and 
obligations. Explain the terms " suzerain " and " vassal." State fully the 
difference between vassal and serf. What was the place of the serf in 
the feudal system? How did the serf class originate? How did the 
general feudal conditions improve the position of the serf? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The origin of the feudal system. Adams, articles in Andovei- Reviezv, 
Vol. VII., and Civilization, 194-217. Emerton, Introduction to 
the Middle Ages, Chap. XV. Penn. IV., No. 3. 

The manor and its working population. Penn. III., No. 5. Andrews, 
The Old English Manor. (Johns Hopkins Press.) 



CHAPTER III 



THE RISE OF THE NEW NATIONS 



Three states 
assume their 
modern 
form. 



No real 
national 
unity yet 
possible. 



Tribal 
disunion. 



i8i. General Conditions. — While the Danes were attack- 
ing and conquering England, great changes were also 
taking place on the continent of Europe. The dynasty 
of the Carolingians disappeared from history in all its 
branches, and the great states which were emerging from 
the empire of Charlemagne began to assume the appear- 
ance and to organize the governinents which they were 
to retain until almost the present time. These were the 
states of Germany, France, and Italy. 

One fact, it must be remembered, characterizes all these 
countries alike during this period ; that is, separation into 
fragments, the lack of any real national unity. We saw in 
the age that followed Charlemagne the causes which were 
at work to make it impossible to maintain unity. In the 
tenth century these causes were still at work, and it was 
still impossible to overcome them entirely. With this 
century we come to a time when something like modern 
national feeling begins, and aids very possibly in the 
establishment of new dynasties, but it is not strong enough 
to unify the nation, or even to assist in the establishment 
of a strong government. We have to notice how in these 
various countries the new dynasties take the place of the 
old, how they attack the difficulties of government, with what 
degree of success or failure, and to what extent these states 
are coming to be like the modern ones of the same name. 

1 82 . The Beginning in Germany. — In Germany the 
ordinary causes of separation were reinforced by the old 

192 



§ i«3] 



The Saxon Kings 



193 



tribal differences which had not yet died out and which 
in one way strengthened themselves in this period. Saxons, 
Franks, Bavarians, and Alemanni or Suabians, each retained 
a local patriotism, and in the weakness of the state tended 
to rally around some one of the local families which by 
getting possession of the office of duke strove to found a 
local dynasty. The state was weakened also by the plun- 
dering raids or more serious attempts at conquest of the 
Hungarians, a Tartar race that had followed the Huns and 
the Avars into the Danube valley, and who were now trying 
to force their way up the river into central Germany, as the 
Turks did later. 

On the deposition of Charles the Fat the Germans chose 
as king Arnulf, a German Carolingian who strove with much 
energy and success to maintain a strong government ; but 
his line died out in a few years, and they were obliged to 
make a new choice. Disregarding the French Carolingians 
the other side of the Rhine, they selected Conrad of Fran- 
conia. Like Arnulf he struggled manfully to maintain the 
authority of the crown, but with less success. The power 
of the dukes was greater than it had been, and Conrad 
came at last to recognize the fact that the king must 
depend for the power to rule the state on the resources of 
his own family. With remarkable patriotism, before his 
death he advised the Germans to transfer the crown to the 
strongest of the dukes, Henry of Saxony. 

183. The Saxon Kings. — Both Henry and his son Otto I. 
were very able men. They beat off the Hungarians, and 
forced the great nobles who were striving for independence 
into submission. They attempted also to bring about a 
permanent reduction of the power of the dukes by with- 
drawing from their control all the lands belonging to the 
king within their territories, and by granting to the bishops 
the same political powers over their lands that were pos- 
sessed by the counts and the dukes. These measures were 
for a time successful, and by the year 950 the king of 
Germany was really master of the state, and the German 
o 



Arnulf, 

888-899. 

Oman, 

Periods, 

Chap. 

XXVII.; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

90-100. 

Conrad I., 

911-918. 

Oman, 

Periods, 475 ; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 100 ; 

Henderson, 

Germany, 

117. 

Henry I., 

918-936. 

Otto I., the 

Great, 

936-973- 

Tout, 

Periods, 

12-29 ; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

103- 1 14; 

Henderson, 

Germany, 

119-128 ; 



194 



The Rise of the Nezv Nations [§§ 184, 185 



Scheffel, 
Ekkekard ■ 
(novel). 
Map, 
Putzger, 
No. 15. 

No national 
government 
had taken 
form in Italy. 
Henderson, 
Germany, 
128-141 ; 
Emerton, 
Europe, 
1 15-129. 



962. 
Bryce, 
Empire, 
80-88. 

The title of 
emperor 
attached to 
that of king 
of Germany. 
Bryce, 
Empire, 
122-145. 



Otto III., 
983-1002. 
The emperor 
of Rome 
loses power 
as king of 
(jermany. 
Bryce, 
Empire, 

145-149 ; 

Tout, 
Periods, 

40-47 ; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

149-161. 



nation was in a fair way to be formed. Then occurred an 
event which had the most momentous consequences both 
for Germany and for .the world. Otto was invited to go 
down into Italy. 

184. The Empire revived by Otto I. — Italy, like all the 
states at this time, was broken into fragments. It diifered 
from the others, however, in the fact that no one of the local 
dynasties was strong enough to establish even the form of 
a national government which could have any permanence, 
and begin the construction of a nation. They were in per- 
petual conflict with one another for suprem-'oy, and out of 
this conflict came the invitation to Otto. In 951 he made 
a first expedition, in which he contented hiiiiself with forcing 
several of the local princes to recognize him as their lord. 
Ten years later he responded to another invitation, and this 
time he was crowned king of Lombardy and emperor of 
Rome. 

Since Arnulf, no king of Germany had been crowned 
emperoi of Rome, but the act of Otto united the two 
crowns in such a way that from his time the chosen king 
of Germany was supposed to have a right to the imperial 
crown if he would go to Rome to receive it. This was the 
founding of " the Holy Roman Empire of the German 
Nation," which lasted in form at least to the opening of the 
nineteenth century. It was destined to have most disas- 
trous consequences both for Germany and for Italy, and 
these began to show themselves at once. 

185. The Eifect of the Revival of the Empire. —The short 
reign of Otto II., filled with strife and a third of it spent in 
Italy, wa" followed by a long minority, and then Otto III. 
became kin<? and emperor. He was of a highly imaginative 
mind, and because he was descended through his mother 
from one of the Greek dynasties which had held the Empire 
at Cons*^ -cinople, he believed that he represented in a 
peculiar way the ancient emperors. Germany seemed to 
him of little account, and all his life was centred in Italy and 
Rome. In the reigns of these two Ottos the power of the 



§ 1 86] 



TJie Bes'iniiinz in France 



195 



German king which the first two Saxons had built up with 
such difficulty went rapidly to pieces. The last sovereign 
of the family, Henry II., was a good man, but not a strong 
king, and he could only begin the recovery of what had been 
lost. 

On the death of Henry II. the Saxon family became ex- 
tinct, and the Germans went back to Franconia and elected 
another Conrad, probably of the same family as Conrad I. 
He proved to be a vigorous and determined king and 
rapidly reconstructed the royal power. The kingdam of 
Burgundy was annexed to the Empire in his reign, and 
though he sought the imperial crown in Italy, he did not 
allow his interests there to interfere with his power in Ger- 
many. Since the time of the first Conrad the feudal system 
had been introduced into Germany, and one of the ways by 
which Conrad II. strengthened his power was by encouraging 
the independence of the smaller nobles and protecting their 
interests against the dukes and great barons. At his death 
Conrad left the royal power far stronger than it had ever 
been before, and Germany more thoroughly centralized 
under a single government. The reign of his son Henry III. 
opens a new age in the history of the Empire. 

186. The Beginning in France. — By this time also a 
new dynasty had firmly established itself in France. In the 
troublous times which followed the first attack of the North- 
men, a family of unknown origin had come into possession 
of Paris, because they furnished the most skilful and vigor- 
ous leadership to be had against the invaders. T -om this 
point their lands grew into a little feudal state including 
Orleans and commanding the two great rivers'.of northern 
France. 

On the deposition of Charles the Fat, the hen of this 
family, Eudes, son of Robert the Strong, was made king of 
France. But this was not a permanent change of dynasty. 
He was succeeded by Charles the Simple, a Carolingian, 
who gave Normandy to Rollo, and for a hundred years the 
crown was transferred back and forth from one family to the 



The second 

German 

dynasty. 

Recovery 

under the 

first 

Franconians. 

Conrad II., 

1024- 1039. 

Tout, 

Periods, 

47-60 ; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

162-185 ; 

Henderson, 

Germany, 
166-173. 

The feudal 
policy of the 
Franconians. 



The origin of 
the Cape- 
tians. 
Adams, 
French 
Nation, 54. 



Two families 
rivals for the 
crown. 
Kitchen, 
France, 
I. 169-178; 
Tout, 
Periods, 
Chap. IV.; 



196 



The Rise of the Nezv Nations [§§ 187, i! 



Einerton, 
Europe, 
400-420 ; 
Zeller, IV. 



The first four 

Capetians, 

987-1108. 

Kitchen, 

France, 

I. 185-189 ; 

Adams, 

French 

Nation, 

Chap. VI. 



The last 

Saxon king, 

Edward the 

Confessor, 

1042-1066. 

Green, 

English 

People, 

I. 103-107; 

Stubbs, 76. 



Other. Hugh the Great, who was the head of the new 
family during the middle years of the tenth century, might 
have made himself king if he had chosen, but he preferred 
to sustain the Carolingians. On the death of Louis V. in 
987, Hugh Capet was made king, and from his reign on the 
Capetians have held the throne of France in unbroken suc- 
cession as long as kings have reigned there at all. 

187. Kings of Little Power. — In truth, during all this 
time and for another century still the king had only nominal 
power. The feudal system was at its height in France, and 
the great barons who divided its territory among themselves 
were really independent sovereigns, each in his own land, 
and they would allow to the king no control over their 
subjects. The early Capetians had a strong position in 
northern France and ruled as their own one of the most 
powerful of these feudal states, the duchy of France, and 
they were very faithfully supported by the Church. These 
two things were the source of what power they had as kings, 
but the next three kings after Hugh Capet, — Robert, Henry, 
and Philip, — whose reigns fill the whole eleventh century, 
could do no more than make a beginning. They kept se- 
cure possession of the crown and prepared the way for better 
things, and that was success enough in such an age as theirs. 

188. The Norman Conquest of England. — In England as 
well as in these other states the old dynasty comes to an 
end and a new one takes its place. After the two sons of 
Cnut the English made Eadward the Confessor king, brother 
of Eadmund Ironside, but a very different man. He had 
passed his youth during the time of the Danish kings in 
Normandy, which was his mother's home, and he had be- 
come more Norman than Saxon. He liked to follow Nor- 
man ways, and to have Normans about him at the court. 
Besides, he was a man of rather weak character, likely to be 
under the influence of some one else. As a result much of 
his reign was occupied with the struggle of Saxon and Nor- 
man parties which prepared the way for the Norman con- 
quest after his death. 



§Ii 



TJie Norman Conqtiest of England 



197 



Eadward left no children, and the English elected Harold, 
son of the great Earl Godwin who had been the leader of 
the Saxon party ; but William, duke of Normandy, insisted 
that the throne had been promised to him by Eadward, and 
that Harold had taken an oath to support his claims. He 
immediately collected a great army and soon landed on the 
southern coast of England not far from the town of Has- 
tings. Harold, who had only just beaten an invading army 
under the king of Norway in the north of England, made a 
brave fight for his crown in the battle of Hastings, but was 
defeated and slain. William then marched through the 
country, turning a great circle to the north side of London, 
which then surrendered and accepted him as king. There 
was some resistance in other parts of the kingdom and some 
rebellion against the Norman king, but William subdued all 
opposition with vigor and often with great severity, and 
finally the whole land was brought into obedience. 



Topics 

What three states of the continent began to assume a modern form 
after the dissolution of Charlemagne's empire? How near was this to 
national unity in each case? What difficulties were there to be over- 
come in Germany? What was done by the Germans on the extinction 
of their branch of the Carolingian house? The two great kings of 
the first German dynasty. Their measures to strengthen the royal 
power. Why were these interrupted? The situation in Italy. The 
effect on Germany of the revival of the Empire. On Italy. What was 
the relation of the two titles, " Emperor of Rome " and " King of Ger- 
many " ? How does the reign of Otto III. show the effect of the re- 
vival of the Empire? Policy followed by the second German dynasty 
to strengthen the royal power. The origin of the Capetians. Com- 
pare the substitution of a local dynasty in France for the Carolingians 
with that in Germany. The power of the crown under the first four 
Capetians. The character of the last Saxon king. What did the Eng- 
lish do on the extinction of the Saxon line? Had William any right 
to the English throne? How did he get the throne? 



Harold king. 

Freeman, 

William the 

Conqueror 

(Macmillan), 

51-62 ; 

Tennyson, 

Harold. 

(drama) ; 

Bulwer, 

Harold 

(novel). 

The battle of 

Hastings, 

1066. 

Freeman, 

William the 

Conqueror, 

82-99 1 Social 

England, 

I. 231-244; 

Sources, 

Stubbs, 

79-91 ; Gee 

and Hardy, 

54-59; Penn. 

HI., No. 2; 

Henderson, 

7 ; Kingsley, 

Heretvard 

(novel). 



198 The Rise of the Nezv Nations 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

The Holy Roman Empire. Dante's De Monarchia ; translated in 
Church, Dante. (Macmillan.) Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, 
Chap. VII. Freeman, essay in Historical Essays, I. 

The battle of Hastings. Freeman, Norman Conquest, III. 301-339. 
Original accounts, all in Bohn : Orderic, I. 480-488. William of 
Malmesbury, 274-281. Henry of Huntingdon, 209-212. Mat- 
thew of Westminster, I. 559-564. See the controversy on the 
battle in the volumes of the English Historical Revieiv. 



CHAPTER IV 



EMPIRE AND PAPACY 



189. The Papacy during the Tenth Century. — During 
the age when the feudal system was at its height, the 
papacy had suffered in common with all general govern- 
ments a great decline. At the middle of the tenth century, 
its authority in Europe was almost nothing, and in Italy 
and Rome it was used as the tool of local factions in their 
conflicts with one another. From this condition it was 
rescued for a time by the Ottos, who appointed a series of 
reforming popes and brought the papacy under the control 
of the Empire as it had been in the days of Charlemagne. 
These reforms were followed by a speedy relapse, as soon 
as the hand of the Emperor was less felt, in the reigns of 
Henry II. and Conrad II. Soon after the death of Conrad 
we find three popes at once, each claiming the papacy and 
each refusing to recognize the rights of the others. It was 
a situation which called for the intervention of the emperor 
as loudly as in the time of Otto I. 

In the meantime there had been forming and growing 
stronger and stronger in the Church a theory of the absolute 
power of the pope, as the especial representative of God in 
his moral government, which was much clearer and more 
logical than any that had been taught before. It may be 
put briefly in this way : The Spirit of God dwells in His 
Church, guiding it in the right path on all important occa- 
sions. The pope as the centre and representative of the 
whole Church is especially under this divine influence, and 
will not be allowed to make any serious mistake in deciding 

199 



Great decline 
of papal in- 
fluence. 
Alzog, 
Church His- 
tory, II. 292- 
298 ; Schaff, 
Church His- 
tory, I V. 279- 
287; Adams, 
Civilization, 



Three rival 
popes. 



A clear 
theory of 
papal su- 
premacy. 
" Dictate " 
of Gregory 
VII. Hen- 
derson, 366 ; 
also in 
Mathews. 



200 



Empire and Papacy 



[§ 190 



disputed questions. Therefore all parts of the Church 

should yield him implicit obedience, 
reforms'^'^^ 190. The Reforms of Cluny. — These ideas had been 

Adams, embodied in the law books which were now current in the 




Milan Caiueukal 



Civilization, 

239-244; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

194-200. 



Church, and they had been taken up and made still more 
definite by the leaders of a strong reform movement which 
had started from the monastery of Cluny in eastern France. 
These reformers saw more clearly than had ever been seen 
before that if the ideal papacy was to be realized in fact, 
the Church and the pope must be entirely independent of 



§191] Power of the Empire under Henry III 201 

the State. The special reforms which they demanded were 
all directed to this end. In the first place, the pope must 
be chosen by the Church. The emperors must have no 
longer any power of appointment. In the second place, 
the bishops and great officers of the Church, also, in the 
different countries must be freely elected by the Church 
without dictation from the State, nor could the State even 
be allowed to grant to the prelate investiture of the lands 
which formed the endowment of his office. These lands in 
the feudal age were looked upon as a fief, and the bishop 
was considered a baron, so that the State had really some 
right to claim a voice in his appointment. It was the 
demanding of this reform which gave rise to the great 
investiture conflict with the Empire. Finally the rule which 
had been of long standing in the Church, that priests should 
not be married, was to be rigorously enforced, and all the 
clergy separated entirely from the world and its interests. 

To carry out these reforms would demand very great Circum- 
changes, and it hardly seemed possible that they could be stances favor 

,. , . r , • -r, 1 • 'lie Church. 

realized ui an age 01 so general corruption. But the time 
proved more favorable than could have been anticipated, 
and the century which followed saw an enormous increase 
in the independence of the Church and in the power of 
the pope. 

191. The Power of the Empire under Henry III. — The Henry ill., 
result of the policy which Conrad II. had followed in Ger- 1039-1056. 
many had been to make the king very strong again. His Periods 
son, Henry III., is the most powerful German king of 96-103. Map, 
history, and Germany in his reign had the strongest govern- P^'^s^r, 
ment and was the nearest to a united nation in the modern 
sense of any of the states of Europe. The strength and 
the union depended, however, far more on the character 
and vigor of the monarch than in a modern state, and the 
government was likely to go to pieces very quickly if any- 
thing went wrong with the king. But for the time being 
the State was so strong that Henry III. could safely give 
much attention to affairs in Italy. 



202 



Empire and Papacy 



[§ 192 



The emperor 
gives the 
papacy to the 
reformers. 
Stephens, 
HUdcbra/td. 
(Epochs 
Ch. Hist.). 
20-22 ; 
Fisher, 
Church His- 
tory, 173. 



The minority 
of Henry IV. 
Stephens, 
Hildebrand, 
Chap. VI. 



The car- 
dinals. 
Alzog, 
Church His- 
tory, II. 
344-348 ; 
Fisher, 
essay in 
Discussions 
(Scribner) ; 
the decree 
in Mathews. 

The investi- 
ture strife. 
Alzog, 
Church His- 
tory, II. 

481-511; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

Chap. VIII.; 

Tout, 

Periods, 

Ch.ip. VI. 



The three popes whom he found in Rome were all 
deposed, and another was appointed in their place. He 
was a German, and in succession Henry appointed four 
popes, all Germans and probably all reformers. Certainly 
with the third of these popes, Leo IX., the party of the 
Cluny reformation came into possession of the papacy, and, 
if not under Leo, at least soon after, the man who is 
especially identified with this great age of papal history 
began to direct the policy of the Church. This was Hil- 
debrand, who afterward himself became pope as Greg- 
ory vn. 

192. The Beginning of the Conflict. — If Henry III. had 
lived longer, he would probably have continued to control 
the popes, and the Church would have been unable to 
secure its independence so early as it did. But his early 
death was the opportunity of the papacy. Henry's son was 
then but six years old, and a long minority followed during 
which Germany was divided between hostile factions, and 
no continuous or determined intervention in Italy was 
possible. By a decree of 1059 the papacy declared its 
independence of the emperor in the choice of the pope,- 
which was to be henceforth made by the college of cardi- 
nals. 

In Germany the strifes of the long minority had greatly 
weakened the government, and when Henry IV. himself 
began to rule, his character did not make it easy for him 
to recover the power of his father. A great rebellion of 
the Saxons was hardly subdued, when he found himself 
involved in open and desperate conflict with Gregory VII., 
who had just been made pope. This conflict fills the whole 
of his reign and almost the whole of his son's. It was 
upon the special question of the appointment of bishops, 
and is known as the investiture strife, because of the great 
interest of both Church and State in this ceremony in the 
feudal age. In reahty it was a struggle for the indepen- 
dence of the papacy from the Empire, and for a position 
of equality with it as a great European power. 



§ 194] Third German Dynasty, tJic HoJicnstaiifcn 203 



193. The Conflict and its Results. — At first things went 
decidedly in favor of the pope. All the elements of oppo- 
sition to Henry in Germany joined the party of the pope, 
and the emperor's friends even stood aloof, for his life was 
such that many believed the excommmiication was deserved. 
The isolation of Henry forced him to that famous scene of 
humiliation at Canossa, where he met Gregory, humbly con- 
fessed his sins as a penitent, and received the absolution of 
the pope. There could be no reconciliation between the 
Empire and the papacy at this time, but Henry succeeded 
in dividing for the moment his enemies and in gaining an 
opportunity to form the party of his friends. When he was 
excommunicated a second time, it was easier to see the 
political motive of the act than in the first case ; and only 
at the end of his life, when his son turned against him, did 
his fortunes again reach the lowest point. 

Henry V., though he had joined the party of the Church 
against his father, was obliged to take up his father's cause 
as soon as he became emperor himself The strife was only 
settled in 1122 by the Concordat of Worms, which was a 
fair compromise, giving to the Church the choice of the 
bishop, but allowing the State to reject the candidate if it 
did not approve of him. In the larger question of the in- 
dependence and power of the pope, the conflict closed with 
a great victory for the papacy, which never again came un- 
der the control of the emperors, as it had once been, and 
which was from this time on one of the greatest powers of 
the world. 

194. The Third German Dynasty, the Hohenstaufen. — 
Henry V. was the last of the Franconian dynasty. After 
the interval of a single reign, a new dynasty obtained the 
crown of Germany and of the Empire, the Hohenstaufen, 
one of the most brilliant families of all history. But Ger- 
many was now greatly changed from the times of Henry HI. 
The power which had been lost in two generations of civil 
war could not be recovered. The great emperors of this 
new age, Frederick I., Henry VI., and Frederick II., seek to 



The scene at 

Canossa, 

1077. 



Henry V., 
1106-1125. 

The Con- 
cordat of 
Worms. 
Henderson, 
408 ; also in 
Mathews ; 
in England, 
Gee and 
Hardy, 63; 
Emerton, 
Europe, 269 ; 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
246. 

The empe- 
rors abandon 
Germany for 
Italy. 
Adams, 
Civilizatio?!, 

247-252 ; 

Balzani, The 
Popes and the 
Hohenstaufen 
(Epochs 
Ch. Hist.). 



204 



Empire and Papacy 



[§§ 195, 196 



Absorption 
in an Italian 
state. 



The Norman 



kingdom dl 

Sicily. 

Tout, 

Periods, 

103-109 ; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

223-229 ; 

fohnson, 

Normans 

(Epochs), 

75-81 ; 

Gibbon, 

Chap. LVI 



form in Italy rather than in Germany the basis of the im- 
perial power. Frederick I. does not actually abandon Ger- 
many. It still remains, nominally at least, his residence ; 
but he makes many and long visits to Italy, and freely 
spends all the resources he can draw from Germany in the 
attempt to conquer his enemies there. Henry VI. and 
Frederick II. hardly visit Germany at all, and plainly regard 
it as second in importance and interest to Italy. 

195. The Danger to the Papacy. — The policy of the 
Hohenstaufen emperors to form a strong government in 
Italy brought them at once into conflict with two deter- 
mined and powerful enemies. The one was the pope. If 
Italy were formed into a single state, the^ independence of 
the popes would be destroyed, as they believed, and the 
great power which they had now attained in Europe and 
even their headship of the Church would be threatened. 
It was the same danger over again which had menaced the 
papacy in the advance of the Lombards in the eighth cen- 
tury. It is very probable that these fears would have been 
realized in the Middle Ages, though when the temporal 
sovereignty of the popes was at last destroyed by the pres- 
ent Italian kingdom, these consequences did not follow. 

This danger became a very immediate one when the mar- 
riage of Henry VI. with the heiress of the Norman kingdom 
of Sicily brought that rich and military state into the hands 
of the emperor. Some Norman adventurers had established 
themselves in southern Italy early in the eleventh century, 
and begun a little state which grew rapidly and soon be- 
came formidable. After some wars with the popes, the 
Norman rulers formed an alliance with them, and were 
accepted as the vassals of the papacy by Nicholas II. This 
alliance had proved of great assistance to the popes in their 
conflict with the Franconian emperors, but now the Norman 
kingdom was on the side of their enemies, and was to be 
made the very foundation of their power. 

196. The Cities of Northern Italy. — The other enemy 
of the Hohenstaufen, and the one which finally prevented 



§196] 



TJic Cities of NortJiern Italy 



205 



the accomplishment of their plans, was the great cities of Frederick I., 
northern Italy. These had been growing rapidly rich and 1152-1190- 

Bryce litn- 

strong during the Franconian period through the develop- ^/^^_ chap. 
ment of commerce, and had made themselves as indepen- XL; Free- 
dent as were the feudal princes of Germany. That indepen- ™^"' '" ^"' 
dence was of course as much threatened by the plans of the Essays, i.; 




Harbor of Palermo 



Hohenstaufen as was that of the popes, and the cities were Emerton, 

resolved to protect it to the utmost. They allied themselves ^'"'"'P^- 

. . . ■' 282-312; 

with the popes, and formed with one another the Lombard Tout, 

League, that they might use their united strength. Frederick Periods, 

L found some alHes among the cities, and was at first sue- Henderson 

cessful. At one time the city of Milan, which was the lead- 410-430. 

ing city of the League, was totally destroyed. The ancient 



206 



Empire and Papacy 



[§§ 197. I! 



The Lom- 
bard 
I^eague. 
Duffy, Tus- 
can Republics 
(Nations), 
Chaps. VII. 
and IX.-XI. 

The battle of 
Legnano, 
1 176. Peace 
of Venice. 
Henderson, 
425, and 
Mathews. 
Peace of 
Constance, 
Mathews. 

The Guelphs, 
the German 
rivals of the 
Hohen- 
staufen. 



Their power 
broken by 
Frederick I. 
Tout, 
Periods, 
264-269. 



Innocent 
III., 

1198-1216. 
Alzog, 
Church His- 
tory, II. 
574-586; 



Roman law, which had begun to be actively studied in these 
cities with the growth of commercial interests, Frederick 
tried to some extent to use to assist his plans, because it 
was the law of a strong monarchy and because he was in 
name the emperor of Rome. Finally, in the great battle 
of Legnano, Frederick's army was destroyed, and he was 
forced in the treaty of Constance to recognize the virtual 
independence of the cities. 

197. Guelf and Ghibelline. — Frederick might perhaps 
have succeeded in this battle if it had not been for the oppo- 
sition in Germany of the great rival house, that of the Guelfs. 
They had been rivals of the Hohenstaufen for the crown to 
succeed the Franconian dynasty, and had never become rec- 
onciled to their defeat. As the most conspicuous leaders of 
the opposition to the emperor, their name was taken as that 
of the party of the pope and the cities in Italy, while those 
who favored the emperor were called Ghibellines. These 
names continued in use for the political parties in the Italian 
cities, and become of especial interest to us again in con- 
nection with the life of Dante. After the battle of Legnano, 
Frederick turned his whole strength against Henry the Lion, 
who was the head of the Guelfs, drove him into exile, and 
confiscated his lands. The Guelfs never recovered their 
power in Germany, though the son of Henry the Lion, Otto 
IV., became emperor for a few years after the death of 
Henry VI., — and as emperor was forced to be a Ghibelline 
against the pope. They recovered part of their lands, and 
some of these, Hanover and Brunswick, they retained into 
the nineteenth century. 

198. The Papacy at its Highest Point of Power. — Henry 
VI. was a very able diplomatist, and he came near accom- 
plishing by negotiation what his father had failed to do by 
force. But as his plans seemed on the point of being real- 
ized he suddenly died, leaving his son, the future Frederick 
II., a mere infant. The long minority which followed is filled 
with the reign of the most powerful pope of history, Inno- 
cent III. Circumstances favored him throughout all Europe, 



§ iqS] The Papacy at its Highest Point 



207 



and he exercised a power which was really above kings, and 
came near to being that imperial power which the theory of 
the Holy Roman Empire would have given to the emperors. 
He humbled the kings of England, France, and Germany ; 
directed a great crusade ; and destroyed the first great 
heresy which had arisen in the west, that of the Albigenses. 
Frederick H. owed the possession of the throne of Germany 
and of the Empire to the support of Innocent HI. against 
the Guelf emperor, Otto IV., but he was soon involved in 
the old conflict with the papacy and the cities. In this 
strife he depended mainly on the resources which he could 
draw from Sicily, and though this kingdom was rich, it proved 
unable to sustain the long strain of this war. Frederick 
gained some great victories, but in the end he failed as his 
grandfather had done. The city states of Italy secured their 
local independence. In Germany, also, left so long to itself, 
the cause of local independence strengthened itself, and 
both these great states pass at this time into that condition 
of hopeless division into fragments from which they have 
been rescued only in recent times. The papacy gained even 
more from the conflict than had the little states of Italy and 
Germany, and is henceforward one of the great powers of 
Christendom, not in military strength, but in influence and 
moral power, while the Empire, which had behind it such a 
great past, sinks now to be a mere title and a theory. 



Emerton, 

Europe, 

314-344; 
Tout, 
Periods, 
Chap. XIV. 



Frederick 1 1., 
1 215-1250. 
Alzog, 
Church His- 
tory, II. 
586-60Q ; 
Freeman, 
essay in 
Historical 
Essays, I. 

The first 
result of the 
conflict. 
Adams, 
Civilization, 

'Z\'J-2.\Z, 

256-257- 




Papal Keys 



2o8 E^npire and Papacy 

Topics 

Position of the papacy during the tenth century. The idea of the 
reformers in regard to the position of the pope. The three great re- 
forms demanded by Cluny. What circumstances favored the reform 
party? The power of Henry III. and his relation to the papacy. Ef- 
fect of the death of Henry HI. What was the " investiture " question? 
Begun by what pope? What led Henry IV. to go to Canossa ? How 
was the question finally settled ? What was the policy of the third 
German dynasty in regard to the Empire ? Why was this especially 
dangerous to the papacy ? W^hy opposed by the Italian cities ? The 
origin of the Kingdom of Sicily. Its relation to the papacy. How did 
the Hohenstaufen family obtain it ? Its bearing on their plans ? 
What was the Lombard League ? The result of the Italian plans of 
Frederick I. The original and the later meaning of the names Guelf 
and Ghibelline ? The power of Innocent HI. The result of the 
reign of Frederick II. What change had taken place in this period 
in the positions of the Empire and the papacy ? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Henry IV. at Canossa. Stephens, HiliMrand (Epochs, Ch. Hist.), 
125-134. Tout, Periods, 129-132. Emerton, Europe, 251-255. 
Henderson, 385. 

Guelf and Ghibelline. Browning, Guelphs and Ghibellines (London ; 
Methuen). Machiavelli, History of Florence (Bohn), Book I., 
Chap. V. Duffy, Tuscan Republics (Nations), Chap. X. Tout, 
Periods, Chaps. X., XI, 



CHAPTER V 

THE CRUSADES 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Kugler, Geschichte dcr Kieuzziige. (Berlin; ii marks.) The best 
manual of the external facts of the age. 

Prutz, Kulturgeschichte der Ki-euzziige, (Berlin; 14 marlvS.) Very 
full on all sides of the life of the age. 

Von Sybel, Geschichte des ersten Kreiizztigs. 2d edition. (Leipzig; 
10 marks.) Detailed and critical. A translation of the first 
edition is antiquated. 

Archer and Kingsford, Kingdom of Jerusalem. (Nations.) 

Cox, The Crusades. (Epochs.) 

Chronicles of the Crusades. (Bohn; ^1.50.) Translations of chronicles 
of crusades of Richard I. and Louis IX. 

Pears, The Fall of Constantinople. Fourth crusade. (Harper; $2.50.) 

Gray, The Children's Crusade. (Houghton; ^1.50.) 

Oman, Art of War in the Middle Ages. (Putnam.) Military criti- 
cism of the crusades, pp. 229-350. 

199. Place of the Crusades in History. — Almost at the The turning- 
same time with the beginning of the conflict between the pomt toward 

_ . , , ... , „ modern 

Empire and the papacy, there begms another great Euro- i^jstory. 
pean movement, which is as thoroughly characteristic of 
the Middle Ages, but which also forms the turning-point 
towards modern history, — the crusades. In the causes 
and motives which brought them about, the crusades are 
typically medieval ; in the results which followed from them 
they began the transformation of the medieval into the 
modern. 

200. Motives of the Crusaders. — The crusaders them- Religious 
selves were personally influenced by two very strong ^nd worldly 
motives. One was the religious — the belief that pilgrim- together, 
ages, especially to such holy places as those in Palestine, 

p 209 



2IO 



The Crusades 



[§ 20I 



Adams, 

Civilization, 
259-268 ; 
Archer, 
yenisale/u, 
1-17; 
Cox, 

Crusades, 
Chap. I. 



The advance 
of the Turks. 
Archer, 
yeriisalein, 
17-25- 



Council of 
Clermont. 
Cox, 
Crusades, 
Chap. II.; 
Archer, 
yerusalem, 
28-34; Penn. 
I., No. 2. 
The march 
of the first 
crusade, 
1096. 
Archer, 
Jerusalem, 
Chap. III.; 
Scott, Count 
Robert of 



would be the best penance for their sins. The other was 
the love of adventure and the enjoyment of personal combat, 
which is a little later so prominent a feature of the age of 
chivalry. Mingled with these motives were, even from the 
beginning, more selfish ones — the desire of the leaders 
to secure principalities for themselves from the conquests 
made, and motives of commercial gain, which become 
especially active in the later crusades. 

201. The Beginning of the First Crusade. — The special 
occasion of the first crusade was the advance of the Seljuk 
Turks. We have already seen their rise into power in the 
caliphate of Bagdad, and they continued to push steadily 
to the west. About twenty years before the first crusade 
they captured the city of Jerusalem from the Fatimite 
caliphs of Egypt, and the pilgrims from the west began at 
once to suifer grievously from their more barbarous disposi- 
tion. At the same time their progress in Asia Minor 
alarmed the Greek emperors at Constantinople, who began 
to fear the total destruction of their empire. Their call 
upon the West for help came just at the time when the 
West was beginning to be aroused by the stories of the 
returning pilgrims, and when the rapidly increasing power 
of the popes gave them an interest in heading a great Euro- 
pean religious movement of the sort. 

Pope Urban II. proclaimed the crusade and preached it 
at the council of Clermont in southern France, where his 
sermon aroused great enthusiasm. " God wills it," cried 
the great audience, and this became the watchword of the 
crusaders. The first crusade was composed almost wholly 
of Frenchmen or Normans. It marched in four divisions 
to Constantinople, one from the region of Lorraine, west 
of the Rhine, one from the north, and one from the 
south of France, and one led by the Normans of southern 
Italy, The year before their march a great crowd of un- 
armed peasants and rabble of the lower orders had been 
led in advance by Peter the Hermit and Walter the Penni- 
less, expecting to take possession of the Holy Land by 




Bird's-eye View of Rhodes, Time of the Crusades 



212 



The Crusades 



[§202 



Paris 
(novel). 



miracle, but perishing miserably of hunger and by the 
sword of the Turks in Asia Minor. 
The conquest 202. The Rcsults of the First Crusade. — The real cru- 
.^^^^'^^y sade had much trouble at Constantinople in arranging 




Lonijitudt' East 



Land. 

Cox, 

Crusades, 

60-77; 

Archer, 

Jerusalem, 

Chap, v.; 



matters with the emperor, who had not expected quite so 
much help, and feared the crusaders almost as much as 
the Turks, and after getting free from Constantinople, the 
crusaders met with great suffering and loss in their march 
through Asia Minor. At the northern end of Palestine 
the great fortress of Antioch had to be taken. This was 



§ 202] The Results of the First Crusade 



213 



accomplished only after a long siege and very heavy losses, Penn. I. 
and the crusaders had no sooner obtained it than they were ^°- 4- 
besieged in turn by a great army of Turks which was 
advancing to occupy the Holy Land. The Turks finally 




retired, however, after inflicting still further losses on the 
Christians, and the way was at last open to Jerusalem. That 
city had been recovered by the Saracens of Egypt, and 
from them the crusaders took it by storm in the middle of 
the summer of 1099, three years after their departure from 
Europe. 



214 



TJie Crusades 



[§ 203 



The kingdom 
of Jerusalem. 
Archer, 
'Jertisalem, 
Chap. VII. 



The second 
crusade, 
1 147. 
Archer, 
yerusalem. 
Chap. XIV. 
Cox, 

Crusades, 
Chap. V. 



The third 
crusade, 
Saladin and 
Richard I., 
Cceur-de- 
Lion, 
1189-1192. 
Scott, The 
Talisttian 
(novel) . 



The army of the crusaders was now reduced to less than 
one-tenth the number with which they were said to have 
left Europe, and nearly all of these returned home on the 
capture of Jerusalem. The garrison left in the Holy Land 
would hardly have been able to hold it but for the divisions 
and civil war which existed among their enemies, and the 
reinforcement constantly received from small bodies of 
knights who came every year to make individual crusades 
of their own. The conquests of the first crusade were 
organized at its close as the kingdom of Jerusalem, but as 
the only political system with which the crusaders were 
familiar was the feudal, the king, Godfrey of Bouillon, the 
ablest and least selfish of the leaders, had no real power. 
The great barons of the kingdom were as independent as 
those in France at the same time. 

203. The Second and Third Crusades. — Europe was 
aroused to the second crusade, about fifty years after the 
first, by the capture of Edessa by the Turks. This was a 
fortress to the east of the Euphrates, and its loss seemed 
to expose the Holy Land to a dangerous attack from that 
side. The crusade was led by Conrad HL, king of Ger- 
many, and Louis VH., king of France. They tried to reach 
Palestine by the overland route, but failed to force their 
way through Asia Minor, and made the last part of the 
journey by water. An attempt to take Damascus failed, and 
the crusade really accomplished nothing. 

A little later the power of the great Sultan Saladin arose 
in Egypt, and in 1187 he captured the city of Jerusalem. 
This called forth the third crusade, the most brilliant and 
the best known of the series. The old Hohenstaufen Em- 
peror Frederick L, Philip Augustus, of France, and Richard 
the Lion-Hearted of England were its leaders. Frederick 
died on the way, Richard and Philip quarrelled, and the king 
of France returned home, and though the strong fortress 
of Acre was captured from the Saracens, little else was 
accomplished, and Jerusalem remained in the hands of 
Saladin. 



§ 204] 



TJie Later Crusades 



215 




Knight Templar 



204. The Later Crusades. — -The fourth crusade started 
almost immediately on the failure of the third. It was pro- 
claimed by Innocent III., the most powerful of the popes, 
and was organized with the 
highest hopes. Its decision 
to go by water, however, and 
the bargain which it made 
with Venice for transporta- 
tion, placed it at the mercy 
of that unscrupulous com- 
mercial republic. With much 
hesitation the crusaders con- 
sented to attack Constanti- 
nople, with some idea of 
obtaining a base of opera- 
tions against Palestine, but 
really in the interest of Ven- 
ice in her conflict for control 
of the commerce centring 

there. The attack was successful. The Greek emperor was 
driven out. The so-called Latin Empire was established 
with Baldwin of Flanders as emperor. The territory of the 
Empire was divided into feudal states, and the Venetians 
obtained the supremacy which they desired. This Empire 
maintained a declining existence for about sixty years, when 
the Greek emperors in alUance with the Genoese, the com- 
mercial rivals of the Venetians, recovered their old position. 

The later crusades are of little interest. The emperor 
Frederick II. recovered Jerusalem by a treaty, but it was re- 
tained only a short time. Louis IX. of France, just before 
the middle of the thirteenth century, made an attack on 
Egypt to conquer the Holy Land there, but was unsuccessful. 
His attack on the Turks in Tunis twenty years later is usu- 
ally reckoned the last of the regular crusades. Individual 
efforts continued to be made for some time later, but Euro- 
pean states and sovereigns could no longer be aroused to 
such great expeditions as once. Other interests had arisen 



The fourth 
founds the 
Latin Em- 
pire, 1202. 
Pears, Con- 
sta7itinoplc ; 
Oman, 
Byzantine 
Empire, 
(Nations), 
Chaps.XXII. 
and XXIII. ; 
Penn. III., 
No. I. 



1261. 



The decline 
and end of 
the crusades. 

Chronicles 
(Bohn), 
Penn. I., 
No. 4. 



2i6 TJie Crusades [§ 204 

to occupy their attention which seemed to them of more 
immediate importance, and indeed the spirit of the whole 
world had changed, largely through the influence of the 
crusades themselves. 



Topics 

Why is the age of the crusades a most important one in history? 
What motives especially influenced the crusaders? What had the ad- 
vance of the Turks to do with the first crusade? What divisions com- 
posed the first crusade ? What did it accomplish? The character of 
the kingdom of Jerusalem. What was the occasion of the second 
crusade? How did its route differ from that of the first? What did 
it accomplish? What event led to the third crusade? Who were its 
leaders? What did it gain? The peculiar character of the fourth 
crusade? How was Venice interested? Why was the government 
established by this crusade called the " Latin Empire " ? How long 
did the age of the regular crusades continue? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The crusade of Richard I. Archer, Crusade of Richard I. (Con- 
temporaries.) Chronicles (Bohn). Archer, Jerusalem (Nations), 
305-348. Cox, Crusades (Epochs), Chap. VH. Tout, Periods, 
295-304. 

Arms and armor of crusading age. Oman, Art of War, Book VI., 
Chap. VI. Archer, Jerusalem (Nations), Chap. XXIII. Fling, 
Studies, XL, No. 5. 




0" 



Saracenic Arms 



CHAPTER VI 



THE CHANGES WHICH FOLLOWED THE CRUSADES 



205. The Direct Results of the Crusades. — The crusades 
had a most profound effect on the people of Europe. The 
age was one of great stir and stimulus. Mind was aroused. 
The crusaders were brought into contact with better civiliza- 
tions than their own, and were taught that they had many 
things yet to learn. Before the age of the crusades had 
closed, and produced at least in part by them, there occurs 
the great intellectual epoch of the thirteenth century which 
created the scholastic system in philosophy and founded the 
universities of Europe. This intellectual and scientific awak- 
ening of Europe we shall take up in detail at a later point. 

An even more immediate effect of the crusades was the 
stimulus which they gave to commerce, and the changes 
which followed in this direction were as far reaching and 
profound as the intellectual. There had always been some 
commerce since the days of the Romans, specially in some 
parts of Europe as in the towns along the seacoasts, but in 
most regions of the West it had been very scanty and irregu- 
lar. There are indications of increasing trade all through 
the eleventh century, but the crusades when they began 
acted immediately to increase commercial intercourse in 
various ways. They created a strong demand for transpor- 
tation both of men and of supplies. They brought a num- 
ber of new articles into use in the West for which there 
arose at once a good demand. An interesting example of 
these new articles is sugar. They also introduced the mer- 
chants of Europe to new peoples with whom to trade, and 

217 



Intellectual 

stimulus. 

Adams, 

Civilisation, 

270-276 ; 

Emerton, 

Europe, 

388-397- 



The growth 
of commerce. 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
279-290 ; 
Emerton, 
Europe, 
521-540. 

Zimmern, 

Hansa 
(Nations), 
1 1-20, 



2i8 Changes zuhich folloivcd the Crusades [§206 



Increase in 
number and 
power of the 
cities. 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
290-300 ; 
Fling, 

studies, II., 
Nos. 8 and 9. 

The "third 

estate." 

.■\dams, 

Civilization, 
304-310. 



The demand 
for securitv. 



The demand 
for better 
law. 



improved their knowledge of commercial routes and of the 
science of navigation. 

206. The Rise of the Third Estate. — Certain results of 
this increased commercial activity began to appear at once. 
One of these was the rapid growth of cities in all the coun- 
tries of Europe, with large population and with great ac- 
cumulations of wealth. This meant the rise of a new class 
beside the others who had up to this time controlled public 
affairs. This fact is called the rise of the third estate. In 
medieval language the first estate was the clergy, and the 
second was the baronage. Now for the first time there 
appears a third, that of the mercantile and manufacturing 
class, and from its numbers and its wealth it has power to 
make its demands listened to and to enforce them. The 
two older estates can no longer control the state alone. 
They must now share their power with the third estate. 

207. The Third Estate on the Side of Strong Government. 
— One of the things which this new class began to demand 
at once was security — both for the protection of property 
■and for safer and better means of communication. The 

growing government of the state found great assistance from 
this source in its efforts to suppress lawlessness, and to 
bring the private wars of the barons to an end. The in- 
dividual noble also soon found it profitable to put the roads 
and fords of his fief in order and to build bridges, charging 
the merchants tolls for his services, or to furnish an armed 
escort to their caravans of wagons from one place to an- 
other. He did not realize that in doing these things he 
was aiding to destroy the economic conditions which sus- 
tained the feudal system and his own power. 

Another demand of the third estate was for better systems 
of law and of law courts. It was of great importance to the 
merchant that law should be uniform and should be system- 
atically enforced. To supplement the defective local laws 
for this purpose they brought into use in many parts of 
Europe the old Roman law, which had been highly de- 
veloped on the side of commercial law. The study of the 



§207] 



The Rise of the Third Estate 



219 



Roman law in the code of Justinian had begun in Italy just The Roman 
before the crusades, and from there it had spread to other '^^^• 
parts of Europe, especially after the founding of the univer- 
sities. As for law courts the purposes of the commercial 
classes were better served by national courts than by the 
local courts of the feudal baronies. 



/' 11 



eA'** 






^Wfj'i 














Grand Canal, Venice 



In these ways the growth of the towns and of their wealth The growth 



assisted, directly or indirectly, in the great political trans- 
formation which took place in Europe from the beginning 
of the thirteenth century on — the substitution of more gen- 
eral and more uniform government for the narrow and local 
political arrangements of the feudal system. The Roman 
law, if taken by itself alone, was a strong influence in this 
direction, for it was the law of a centralized and powerful 



of stronger 
government. 



220 Changes ivhicJi followed the Crusades [§ 



jo8 



Destroys the 
economic 
foundation 
of the feudal 
system. 
See very 
interesting 
statement, 
Dialog, de 
Scac. I., 
VII., in Hen- 
derson, 55, 
and Stubbs, 
193 ; Ashley, 
English 
Economic 
History, I. 
43-49- 



Taxation 
begins to 
support the 
State. 



Feudalism 
attacked on 
all sides. 



government, and it breathed throughout the spirit of such a 
system. 

208. The Effect of the Increased Use of Money. — An- 
other most important result of the increase of commerce 
was the large amount of money which it necessarily brought 
into use. This fact was even more destructive of the feudal 
system than the rise of the third estate with its new de- 
mands, for it cut from under that system its whole economic 
foundation. The regime of barter was no longer necessary. 
The owner of land could now obtain an income from it in 
the form of money, and he could purchase with this the 
services which he needed to much greater advantage than 
when he rented his land directly for services. So the man 
who had services to sell could now exchange them for 
money. The feudal relationship had become so strongly 
intrenched in society that naturally it passed out of use very 
slowly, but the specially important change now made is that 
it became no longer necessary. The purpose which it had 
once served better than anything else was now still better 
served in another way. 

The increased use of money also affected the feudal sys- 
tem as decisively on its political side. The State was no 
longer dependent on it for the formation of its army or for 
any other public service. The government could now 
derive an income in money from a regular system of taxa- 
tion, and with the money thus obtained it could provide an 
army, more effective because more directly and completely 
under its control, and it could provide in the same way for 
all other public necessities. In England the king had be- 
gun to take money from his vassals in place of their military 
services before the third crusade, and from the beginning 
of the thirteenth century the governments of the different 
states gradually introduced regular taxation and made them- 
selves independent of the feudal services. 

209. The Fall of the Feudal System. — Of course the 
natural inclination of all sovereigns was to develop their 
governments along just these lines, for their own power was 



§§2 10-21 1 ] Institutions of the Cities 



221 



in this way very greatly enlarged and strengthened. Thus 
in all ways, by the natural ambition of the kings, by the 
demands of the commercial classes for security and uniform 
government, by the destruction of its economic foundation, 
and by the growing financial independence of the State, the 
feudal system was attacked and gradually destroyed both as 
a poUtical and as an economic system. In two ways it re- 
mained and exerted an influence on later times. One was 
as a system of land law by which the ownership, inheritance, 
and sale of land were regulated. The other was in the 
systems of nobilities which took the place of the feudal 
baronage in all the European countries. The titles, legal 
distinctions, social privileges, and various caste regulations 
of these nobilities were based on feudal usages, though 
very much modified from the earlier days when they were 
something more real than the marks of mere nobilities. 

210. Changes affecting the Serf Class. — Upon the serf 
class these economic changes had as great an effect as upon 
any other. The growth of the towns offered the serf a place 
to which he could escape from the hard conditions of agri- 
cultural life. The rise of manufactures gave him the pos- 
sibihty of a livelihood by which he could support himself. 
Soon the landlord found himself forced by this competition 
to grant them better and better terms if he wished to retain 
his laborers. The introduction of money transformed, for 
the serf as well as for the vassal, payments of services into 
payments of money, and left him free to sell his services 
for the best terms he could make. This was the emanci- 
pation of the serf and his transformation into a free laborer. 
Like the other, it was a slow change, and was only completed 
in the Middle Ages in a few of the more advanced regions 
of the West. In some of the more backward, indeed, it 
was not made until in the nineteenth century. 

211. Institutions of the Cities. — In the cities the mer- 
cantile and manufacturing classes were universally organized 
in corporations or guilds, somewhat like our trades unions. 
They differed radically from these, however, in one or two 



The perma- 
nent influ- 
ence of the 
feudal 
system. 



Increased 
competition 
for labor. 



In what 
emancipa- 
tion con- 
sisted. 
Ashley, 
Euglisk 
Econofitic 
History, I. 
19-33- 
The guilds. 



222 



Changes whicJi follozvcd the Crusades [§211 



points. Employers and workmen were members together 
of the same guild, and the masters or employers passed 
regularly through the lower grades of apprentice and jour- 
neyman before reaching the higher grade. The purpose 
of the guild was not so much to look after the interests of 




A Hanseatic Ship 

laborers or of capitalists in their conflict with one another, 
— labor and capital were closely identified, almost in the 
same set of persons, — as to regulate methods of manufac- 
ture, the quality of goods, and prices, and other conditions 
of competition. In a very large number of the mediev^al 
gov^emed ^the towns, these guilds were the governing bodies, electing the 
towns. aldermen and other officers of the city, and having the sole 



§211] 



Institutions of tlic Cities 



223 



direction of its affairs, so that persons desiring the right of 
voting or taking part in the government sought the privilege 
of being enrolled in some one of these guilds, though they 
might have nothing to do with the trade which it represented. 

In some countries, where the government did not prove The city 
strong enough to reunite the State after the period of divi- 
sion into the feudal fragments, especially in Germany, the 
cities sought to protect their interests and accomplish the 
results which should have been brought about by the gen- 
eral government, by means of unions among themselves. 
The greatest of these was the Hanseatic League, which 
almost made a state and which was very powerful in the 
north of Europe for several generations. 



leagues. 
Zimmern, 
Tlie Hansa 
Towns 
(Nations). 



Topics 

What was the intellectual effect of the crusades? The commercial? 
What was the effect upon the cities? What is meant by the third 
estate? What is the class corresponding to the third estate at the 
present time? Why was the third estate interested in the formation of 
strong governments? What change in the matter of law did it assist 
in bringing about? Why does more money come into circulation at 
this time? What effect has this on the feudal holding of land? How 
does it affect the relation of the State to feudalism ? The beginning of 
modern taxation. How was the position of the serf affected by these 
changes? In what did the emancipation of the serf consist? The 
purposes served by the guilds. The city leagues. The Hanseatic 
League. Make a list of all the ways in which the feudal system was 
affected in this age. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The medieval towns, chiefly English. Green, Town Life in Fifteenth 
Century. 2 vols. (Macmillan.) Luchaire, Les Communes 
Fran^aises. (Paris; 7.50 francs.) Cunningham, Groivth of Eng- 
lish Industry and Commerce (Cambridge Press, Macmillan), I. 
197-214. Green, English People, I. 206-225. Zimmern, Hansa 
(Nations), 82-125; Penn. H., No. i; Stubbs, 82, 87, 164,307. 

The English guilds. Gross, Gtiild Merchant (Clarendon), I. 106- 
126, 167-191. Cunningham, Industry and Commerce, I. 309-318. 
Ashley, English Economic History (Putnam), I. 68-96., H., 
Chap. II. 



CHAPTER VII 



THE FORMATION OF THE FRENCH NATION 



The State 

attacks the 

feudal 

system. 

Adams, 

Civilization, 

311-313- 



The first 

Capetians. 

Tout. 

Periods, 

70-82 ; 

Adams, 

French 

Nation 

(Macmillan), 

Chap. VI.; 

Zeller, IV. 

Four great 

kings. 



See table of 
French kings 
on p. 235. 



212. General Conditions in France. — In the various 
ways which have just been described, the economic changes 
which followed the expansion of commerce undermined and 
weakened the feudal system. At the same time in the most 
fortunately situated countries feudalism was exposed to a 
vigorous attack from without. The time had now come 
when national governments could be formed, and their ex- 
istence necessarily meant the destruction of the local inde- 
pendence of the feudal baron. These new governments 
arose first of all in France and England, and these two 
countries are so closely connected during all this period of 
the Middle Ages that their history is almost that of a single 
state. 

We have seen how weak the first Capetian kings were, 
and how little their authority was recognized in fact by the 
great feudal barons who divided the land of France among 
themselves. The first four generations of the Capetian dy- 
nasty seein to have been able to do no more than to secure 
possession of the crown for their family. The real work 
of making the French government and forming the French 
nation began with Louis VI. 

In the first two hundred years, — the period which laid 
the foundations and made success certain, — there were 
four kings who did the most of the work, whose reigns 
accomplished far more than all the others in bringing about 
the final result. These were Louis VI., Philip II., Louis IX., 
and Philip IV. During the reigns of the other kings of the 

224 



§§213,214] The Work of Louis VI 



225 



period, but little which had been won by the great kings 
was lost even if but little was done to advance the work. 

213. Two Great Difficulties. — To create modern France 
these early Capetian kings had two very difficult things to 
accomplish. They had in the first place to bring the terri- 
tory of France under their direct rule ; that is, to recover it 
from the possession of the great barons. This was in many 
cases a work of real conquest and annexation, so inde- 
pendent were many of the feudal lords, and it was made 
still more difficult by the fact that one of these barons, the 
duke of Normandy, was also king of England. In the 
second place, they had by degrees to create new institutions 
of government, to form the constitution of the State, as their 
rule was gradually extended over more and more of France. 
One of the chief reasons why the government of France 
down to the French Revolution was an absolute monarchy 
is to be found in the fact that the work of making the con- 
stitution fell to the kings alone. The barons, who in Eng- 
land had so much to do in forming the constitution, were 
occupied in France in defending their own independence 
against the king, and were at last conquered and forced to 
complete submission. 

214. The Work of Louis VI. - — Louis VI. was hardly able 
to do more than to mark out the road which later kings 
were to follow, but his vigorous opening of the way was at 
the time a great advance. His greatest actual success was 
in reducing the minor barons of his own feudal state, the 
duchy of France, to obedience, so that its resources were 
entirely at the command of later kings. He asserted, how- 
ever, the superior rights of the sovereign over the great fiefs 
as opportunity served, and began the policy so long followed 
of taking advantage of the frequent quarrels in the English 
royal family and of trying to get their French lands into the 
hands of some one who was not at the same time king of 
England. 

Just at the end of his reign Louis secured a great oppor- 
tunity for his son by marrying him to Eleanor, the heiress of 
Q 



To recover 
and unite 
the territory 
of France. 



To create a 
government 
for the 
nation. 



Louis VI., 
1108-1137. 



Kitchin, 

France, 

I. 249-260 ; 

Tout, 

Periods, 

orji^-iZ^ ; 

Adams, 

French 

Nation, 

73-78 ; 

Zeller, IV. 

Eleanor, 
heiress of 
Aquitaine. 



226 



Formation of the FrencJi Nation [§§ 215, 216 



The 

dominions of 
Henry II. of 
England. 
Green, 
Henry II. 
(Macinillan), 
Chap. II. 



Philip II., 
1 180-1223. 
Tout, 
Periods, 291- 

294. 393-405 ; 

Adams, 
French 
Nation, 
81-88; 
Zeller, IV. 



the duchy of Aquitaine, the largest of the feudal baronies 
of France. But Louis VII. and his wife did not get on well 
together. He lacked the energy of his father, and Eleanor, 
who was masculine in character and lively in disposition, 
had but little respect for him and took no pains to conceal 
the fact. Finally Louis divorced her, and she immediately 
married Henry of Anjou, who shortly became King Henry 
II. of England. 

215. France threatened by the Angevin Empire. — This 
marriage made the dominions of Henry almost an empire ; 
for besides the whole southwestern quarter of France which 
his wife brought him, he held also the northwestern quarter, 
partly from his father, the count of Anjou, and partly from 
his mother, who was the granddaughter of William the Con- 
queror. This was about two-thirds of France as it then 
existed, and it was more than six times the territory which 
Louis VII. had under his direct rule. It seemed almost as 
if all France would be united in the end under the king of 
England and the two nations become one. This would not 
at that time have been so difficult as later, because the 
French language was quite generally spoken in England by 
the higher classes, many of whom looked upon themselves 
as more French than English. 

216. The First Great Advance. — Against this danger the 
next king of France, Philip II., contended most vigorously. 
He took the part of Henry's sons in their wars upon their 
f.xther, and when Richard became king, of John against him, 
and then of Arthur of Brittany against John, always against 
the reigning king of England whoever he might be. He 
gained but little success, except to prevent the growth of 
the English power, until John became king. Then his 
opportunity came. John was not lacking in ability or 
courage, but he was careless, and selfishly bent on his own 
pleasures, and his energy only flashes up at intervals into a 
strong defence against the French king's attack. His cause 
was a bad one, for he had committed some serious offences 
against the feudal law. He had married the betrothed bride 



§2l6] 



First Great Advance 



227 



of one of his own vassals, and had refused to appear at the Hutton, 

court of his suzerain, PhiUp, to answer to the charges made ^''■^^'P 

1 • 1 • r> 1 11111 Augustus 

against him on this account. So the court had decreed the (Macmiiian), 

confiscation of his French fiefs, and PhiHp was executing 63-87. 

this sentence. There was a suspicion also that John had France gains 

murdered Arthur, whom he had taken prisoner, and this did ^'°™i^"dy 

* ' and Anjou. 








Rife I ''^*^ 



Notre Dame, Paris 



not help his cause, though it never has been proved that 
Arthur was murdered. Philip was entirely successful, and 
the English king lost all his lands north of the Loire. This 
was the first great success of the Capetian kings and one of 
the greatest in their history. It multiplied the territory in 
their hands by three or four and almost made the kingdom 
of France a reality. 



228 



Formation of the FrencJi Nation [§217 



The 

Albigensian 
crusade, a 
step in the 
expansion of 
France. 
Hutton, 
Philip 
Augustus, 
180-196 ; 
Emerton, 
Europe, 

333-342 ; 

Waldenses, 
Hale, In His 
Name 
(novel). 



The begin- 
ning of 
government 
institutions. 
Hutton, 
Philip 
Augustus, 
123-138 ; 
Emerton, 
Europe, 

423 ff- ; 

Adams, 
Civilization, 
321 ff. 

Louis IX., 

1226-1270. 

Tout, 

Periods, 

405-427 ; 

Adams, 

French 

Nation, 

89-95; 
Zeller, V. 



The way was prepared in the reign of Philip II. for an- 
other great annexation in southeastern France by the Albi- 
gensian crusade, though these lands were not actually added 
to the king's domain till some time later. The Albigenses 
were a sect accused of heresy, and they certainly held some 
peculiar religious notions. Theirs was the first great re- 
bellion against the medieval Church, and it was very severely 
repressed. The pope proclaimed a crusade against them ; 
that is, he offered the same spiritual rewards to all who 
would go to make war upon them that would be gained by 
going to the Holy Land. The crusade was led by a French 
baron, Simon de Montfort, the father of Earl Simon, so fa- 
mous in English history, and many took part in it, while the 
king watched it from a distance, conscious no doubt that 
France would reap the greatest advantage in the end from 
the ruin of the local barons, as was indeed the case. 

The territory of France had expanded so greatly under 
Philip that the simple machinery of earlier times no longer 
sufficed to do the business of the State, and a beginning of 
institutional growth was made. The lands under the rule 
of the king were divided into districts, and to each of these 
an officer was appointed whose duty it was to represent 
the king, to look after his interests, and to see that his law 
was obeyed by all. This was the beginning of an adminis- 
trative system which has continued with some slight changes 
of form and name under all the governments which France 
has had down to the present time. 

217. The King begins to make himself Obeyed. — The 
reign of Philip's son, Louis VIII., was a short one, and 
Louis IX. began his reign with a long minority. An attempt 
of the French barons with the help of the English king, 
Henry III., to undo the work of the last hundred years was 
a failure, and Louis found, when he reached his majority, 
the royal power undiminished. He is known in history as 
St. Louis, and as he supremely loved justice and peace, his 
canonization was deserved. The universal confidence of 
the people in his character was of great assistance in the 



§2l8] 



The King Supreme in France 



229 



chief work of his reign — the suppression of private war 
and the estabhshment of national law courts. These two 
rights were chief among those which marked the indepen- 
dence of the feudal baron — the right of making war at 
his will and that of holding a court from which there was 
no appeal to any higher court. Both these rights Louis 
attacked and greatly limited without completely destroying 
them. Louis also continued the work of his grandfather by 
developing the administrative machinery, and he prepared 
the way for that of his grandson by beginning the organiza- 
tion of the national finances, 

218. The King becomes the Strongest Power in France. 
— The grandson of Louis who continued his work, was 
Philip IV., the Fair. In the making of French institutions 
his reign was the greatest of all. By its close the monarchy 
was the strongest power in France, and the political inde- 
pendence of the feudal baron was practically broken. All 
parts of the government machine shared in this advance, 
while the chief work of the reign was to complete the 
organization of the courts, to introduce a modern system gf 
taxation and national financial machinery, making the State 
independent of the feudal system for its income, and to 
begin a national legislature by the addition of representa- 
tives of the third estate, the cities and towns, to the other 
two estates, creating thus the Estates General. This institu- 
tion contained of course a danger for the monarchy in the 
possibility that it might, as in England, bring the kings 
under a responsibility to itself for their acts. But there 
never came a time when the Estates General were able to 
do this. The kings called it together only when they had 
need of it for their own purposes, and managed to keep it 
almost always under strict control. 

Philip IV. had thought at one time soon after the begin- 
ning of his reign that the time had come to complete the 
conquest of the English lands in France, and he had brought 
on a war with King Edward I., but he soon found his 
hands so occupied with a strife with Pope Boniface VIII. 



Philip IV., 

I285-I3I4. 

Rapid pro- 
gress in 
institution- 
making. 
Kitchin, 
France, 

i.3S4ff".;- 

Adams, 
I'reiich 
Nation, 
Q5-103 ; 
Zeller, V. 



An attempt 
to conquer 
southwestern 
France. 



230 Fonnatio7i of the French Nation. [§§ 219, 220 



Boniface 
VIII. 
I'oole, 
\Vy cliff e 
(lipochs, 
Ch. Hist.), 
Ciiap. I.; 
his bulls, 
Henderson, 
432 ft'. ; Gee 
and Hardy, 
87. 

The succes- 
sion strictly 
limited to the 
male line. 
Adams, 
French 
Nation, 
103-107 ; 
Kitchin, 
France, 
I. 384. 



Philip VI., 
1328-1350. 
The Hun- 
dred Years' 
War begun. 
Warburton, 
Edivard III. 
(Epochs), 

37-41 ; 

Kitchin, 
France, 

I- 391-399; 
Froissart, 
Chronicles 
(Macmillan); 
Zeller, VI. 

The first 
period of 
the war. 
The English 
victorious. 
Froissart, 
Chronicles, 
Bk. I. 



over the question whether the lands of the Church should 
be subject to his new system of national taxation, and also 
with the people of Flanders, who were the allies of the 
English from commercial reasons, that he was obliged to 
give up these plans. They could not be taken up again 
until the reign of Philip VI., the first king of the Valois 
family. 

219. The Salic Law. — Three sons of Philip IV. had suc- 
ceeded him in rapid succession, and each of these had left 
at his death no son. Under these circumstances that law 
of succession to the French throne was adopted which 
was afterward called the Salic law, according to which the 
crown could not descend to a woman nor be inherited 
through a woman. On the death of Charles IV., the last 
son of Philip, Edward III. of England, who was Philip's 
grandson, laid claim to the throne, but the French nation 
applied the Salic law strictly, as it was natural that they 
should against the king of England, and gave the crown to 
Philip of Valois, the cousin of Charles IV. 

220. The First Period of the Great Struggle with Eng- 
land. — There were grounds in plenty on which to renew 
the conflict with England, and soon after his accession 
Philip opened the long war which is known as the Hundred 
Years' War. Though France suffered terribly during this 
period, Philip can hardly be blamed for bringing on the 
war, for it was a necessary one both for the monarchy and 
for the nation. So long as the English held great portions 
of the national territory there could be no permanent peace, 
and France could not be complete. Soon after the war 
opened Edward assumed the title of king of France, 
though he evidently did so as a war measure and with no 
expectation of making himself actual king. 

The Hundred Years' War, during its first period, is one 
of the most brilliant and interesting wars of history, the last 
war of the age of feudalism and chivalry, now rapidly com- 
ing to an end. It was, however, entirely indecisive of the 
real question at issue. The English gained the overwhelm- 



§221] Henry VI. becomes King of France 231 



ing victories of Cr6cy and Poitiers against great odds by the 
use of the terrible long-bow, and they captured the seaport 
of Calais, and made it a strong fortress to protect their com- 
merce passing through the Channel from the French priva- 
teers. France, exhausted by the English invasions, by the 
Black Death, and by her own revolted peasants, with her 
king, John, a prisoner in London, captured in the battle of 
Poitiers, did, indeed, agree in the treaty of Br^tigny to grant 
Guienne in full sovereignty to Edward in return for his sur- 
render of the title of king of France ; but the treaty was 
never carried out, and Charles V., the successor of John, 
after careful preparation, renewed the war. 

Success now turned to the French side. Their cause was 
very skilfully managed, allowing no advantage to the Eng- 
lish, but taking carefully every advantage which they offered. 
Edward III. seems to have lost his mind in his old age, and 
the Black Prince was suffering from the disease of which he 
soon died, so that there was no good leadership on the Eng- 
lish side to match that on the French. Slowly they were 
driven back to a small territory near the sea, but the great 
city of Bordeaux with the lands around it the French could 
not yet recover. In government Charles V. was as skilful 
as in war. He held the Estates General in check, and laid 
the foundations of royal independence in taxation and in 
a standing army, thus advancing greatly the French absolute 
monarchy. 

221. The King of England becomes King of France. — 
The reign of Charles V. is a little period of prosperity in 
France between two long periods of disaster and suffering. 
His son, Charles VI., was insane during the most of his 
reign, and the nation was divided into factions contending 
for power and finally fighting with one another in open civil 
war. England, during the same time, was hardly in better 
condition, and the war between the two countries was practi- 
cally suspended. At last Henry V. came to the throne in 
England, young and full of ambition, and he was tempted 
by the helpless state of France to renew the war and to 



John, 
1350-1364. 
Zeller, VI. 



Charles V., 
the " Wise," 
1364-1380. 
The French 
victorious. 

Kitchin, 
France, 

1-454-473; 
Adams, 
French 
Nation, 
1 19-125 ; 
Zeller, VII. 



An insane 
king. 

Charles VI., 

1380-1422. 

Kitchin, 

France, 

I. 485-499 ; 

Zeller, VIII. 

Monstrelet, 

Chronicles, 

Bk. I. See 

especially 

Chaps. 

36, 146, 210. 



232 Formation of the French Nation [§§222,223 



Henry V. of 
England 
almost com- 
pletes the 
conquest 
of France. 
Church, 
Henry V. 
(Macmillan); 
Kitchin, 
France, I. 
500-512. 



The tide 
turned 
against the 
English. 
Lowell, 
Joan of Arc, 
(Houghton) ; 
Green, Eng- 
lish People, 
1-552-558; 
Kitchin, 
France, I. 
522-539. 
Monstrelet, 
Chronicles, 
Bk. n., first 
successes. 
Chaps. 

57-64 ; 

capture, 86 ; 
trial, 105. 



hope that he might really make himself king of that 
country. 

Everything went at first in his favor. He won the great 
victory of Agincourt, which was almost a repetition of those 
of Cr^cy and Poitiers ; he occupied the whole northern and 
southwestern parts of France, including Paris. The duke 
of Burgundy, one of the most powerful princes of the time, 
went over to his side, partly because his father had been 
murdered by the leaders of the opposite faction, the Or- 
leanist, and partly because the commercial connection be- 
tween England and Flanders, which was now under his rule, 
was still so strong ; and finally the court party, the queen 
acting in the name of the insane king, recognized his right 
to the throne in succession to Charles VI. Henry died 
before Charles, but his son, Henry VI., was crowned king 
of France in Paris. The English soon after laid siege to 
Orleans, and, if it should fall, apparently all France would 
be theirs, and Charles VII., the rightful king, would be 
forced to seek refuge abroad. 

222. Joan of Arc. — At this moment appeared Joan of 
Arc, a simple country girl, who was fully persuaded that 
she was called by divine voices, which had spoken to her 
in visions, to drive out the enemies of France. Her un- 
wavering belief in herself and her inspired mission restored 
to the French soldiers and nation the confidence they had 
lost. The tide began to turn against the English. The 
siege of Orleans was raised. The way was opened for the 
crowning of Charles VII. in the city of Rheims, where 
the French kings had always been crowned. With this 
event the real work of Joan — the arousing of a national 
enthusiasm and the restoration of confidence to the French 
— was finished ; but very soon after, when she fell into the 
hands of the English, they foolishly did all that they could 
to make her leadership permanent by making her a martyr, 
for they burned her at the stake. 

223. The Final Triumph of France. — Nothing which the 
EngUsh could do after this checked the advance of the 



§224] 



Louis XI. and Charles the Bold 



233 



French. Charles VII. followed the methods of his grand- 
father, Charles V., in conducting the war, and refused to 
allow the English any advantage in the field. The sym- 
pathies of the French people behind the English lines were 
always with the cause of their own nation, and they gave 
it every assistance possible. Finally the duke of Burgundy 
abandoned the English side and took up the cause of 
France. The leaders of the English did as well as they 
could with a hopeless cause, but step by step they were 
driven back, till soon after the middle of the century all 
that they had ever held in France was lost, except the 
very strong fortress of Calais, which for another century 
continued to defend the commerce of England passing 
through the Channel. 

Thus ended the long struggle which for 350 years the 
French kings had renewed in almost every generation to ex- 
pel the kings of England from the territories of France, and 
thus was almost completed also the geographical formation 
of France, as it existed at the beginning of modern history. 
Three considerable provinces yet remained to be annexed. 
Burgundy, Provence, and Brittany, but these were all joined 
to France before the fifteenth century closed. 

In the conduct of the government as in that of the war, 
Charles VII. followed the pohcy of Charles V. His reign 
completed the absolute monarchy, freed the king from all 
outside control, and reduced almost to a form the national 
legislature, the Estates General, which scarcely ever meet 
again in French history except in times of civil strife and 
disorder. 

224. Louis XI. and Charles the Bold. — Louis XI. con- 
tinued the policy of his father with even greater skill and by 
the methods of a cunning and unprincipled diplomacy. A 
combination of the princes and great nobles, formed to over- 
throw if possible the absolute power of the king, he broke 
up and defeated. The plans also of the dukes of Burgundy 
to create a strong middle kingdom between France and 
Germany ended in failure in his reign. The duke Charles 



Charles VII.. 
1422-1461. 
Masson, 
Mediceval 
France 
(Nations), 
Chap. XIII.; 
Zeller, IX. 



The geo- 
graphical 
completion 
of France. 
Kitchin, 
F?-ance, II. 
8-15. 



The absolute 
monarchy 
also com- 
pleted. 
Adams, 
French 
Nation, 
133-135- 

Louis XI., 

1461-1483. 

Masson, 

Mediceval 

France, 

Chap. XIV. 

Kitchin, 
France, II. 
53-86, with 
map; 



234 



Formation of the French Nation [§ 224 



Commines, 
Memoirs 
(Bohn) ; 
Zeller, IX.; 
Scott, Anne 
of Geier stein 
and QueJitin 
Diirward 
(novels) ; 
see p. 301. 

Austria ob- 
tains the 
Netherlands. 



the Bold was defeated by the brave mountaineers of Switzer- 
land and then slain in battle in an attempt to conquer Lor- 
raine. At once Louis seized upon the duchy of Burgundy 
as a vacant fief of the crown, and he was strong enough to 
retain it, though Mary of Burgundy kept possession of Flan- 
ders and the other territories of her father and carried them 
to the house of Austria by her marriage with Maximilian L 
With the next reign, that of Charles VIIL, France passes 
into the current of a new age, the age of transition to mod- 
ern history. 



Topics 

What was the situation of the first Capetian kings in France ? What 
was the task before them and what were its especial difficulties ? How 
much was accomplished by Louis VI. ? Of what territories was Eleanor 
heiress ? What led to her marriage with Henry II. ? The effect of 
this marriage on the position of the Capetians in France. The policy 
of Philip II. against the English. What gave him his opportunity and 
what did he gain from it ? What did France gain from the Albigensian 
crusade ? Why was this a crusade ? The institutional beginning under 
Philip II. Why was Louis IX. rightly canonized ? How did he 
strengthen the royal power ? What new institutions under Philip IV. ? 
Why could he not push the conquest of the English lands ? The 
"Salic law." What reasons had Philip VI. for beginning the Hun- 
dred Years' War ? The character of the first period of the war. The 
treaty of Bretigny. The policy and successes of Charles V. The con- 
dition of France under Charles VI. Why was Henry V. able so nearly 
to conquer France ? The situation when Joan of Arc appeared. What 
did she do for the French ? The result of the war. How nearly was 
France now. completed geographically ? How nearly was France an 
absolute monarchy ? The plans of Charles the Bold. What became 
of his lands ? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The long-bow. Oman, Art of IVar, Books VII., VIII. Arclieiy 
(Badminton Library; Longmans), 105-120. Social England, II. 
172-174. Doyle, The White Company (novel). 

The battles of Crecy and Poitiers. Oman, Art of War, 600-615, 625- 
634. Warburton, Edward III., 101-112, 154-162. Green, Eng- 
lish People, I. 416 ff. In Froissart's Chronicles, Book I. 



The Capctian Kings of France 



235 



The Capetian Kings of France 



Hugh Capet, 987, 

I 
Robert, 996. 

I 
Henry I., 1031. 

I 
Philip I., 1060. 

I 
Louis VI., 1 108. 

I 
Louis VH., 1 137. 

I 
Philip IL, 1 1 80, 

I 
Louis VHL, 1223. 

I 
Louis IX., 1226. 

I 
Philip HI., 1270. 



Philip IV., 1285. 



Louis X., Philip V., Charles IV., Isabella. 
1314. 1316. 1322. I 

Edward HI. 
of England. 



Charles of Valois. 

I 
Philip VI., 1328. 

I 
John, 1350. 

I 
Charles V., 1364. 

I 
Charles VI., 1380. 

I 
Charles VII., 1422. 

I 
Louis XI., 1461. 

Charles VIII., 1483. 



CHAPTER VIII 

ENGLAND 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Stubbs, Constitutional History of England. 3 vols. (Clarendon; 
$2.60 each.) Also full on the political history. 

Round, Fendal England. (Lond., Sonnenschein ; \2s. 6d.) — Geoffrey 
de Mandeville. (Longmans; $5.00.) Critical studies on the Nor- 
man period. 

Norgate, England under the Angevin Kings. 2 vols. (Macmillan; 

$5-00-) 
Wylie, History of England under Henry IV. 4 vols. (Longmans ; 

$20.50.) Very detailed study of the first Lancastrian. 
Ramsay, Lancaster and York. 2 vols. (Clarendon; $9.00.) The 

fifteenth century. Very fully and carefully studied, especially 

military affairs. 
The Paston Letters. Edition of Gardiner. 3 vols. (Macmillan; $6.00.) 

Edition of Fenn. (Bohn.) Very interesting pictures of life at 

about the middle of the fifteenth century. 
Gardiner, Atlas of English History. (Longmans; $1.50.) A very 

helpful little atlas. 
On all points of English history constant reference should be made 
to the articles in the Dictionary of N^ational Biography (Macmillan, 
$3.75 per volume), many of which contain the best accounts we now 
have of their portions of the history. 



A contrast to 

French 

history. 

Adams, 

Civilization, 

i38, 339 ff. 



225. General Character of English History. — English his- 
tory follows a very dififerent course from that of France. 
The government which had been established by the Norman 
conquest was a strong and powerful monarchy. All the land 
of England was subject to it, and the feudal barons had no 
independent political rights. Geographically while the Ca- 
petian kings were creating France, the kings of England 
were losing their French territories, and were extending their 

236 



§§ 226, 227] Henry II. Abroad and at Home 237 



^rule over Wales and into Ireland, and were trying to do the 
same in Scotland. In the growth of the English constitu- 
tion, also, the process was in contrast to that in France, for 
instead of growing more absolute the English kings were 
growing less so, and the new government machinery which 
was coming into use was placing all the time more and more 
limitations on the exercise of their will. This constitutional 
side of English history is, however, so important for us be- 
cause it is the constitution we have inherited, that we shall 
study it by itself. 

226. Period of the Norman Kings. — William the Con- 
queror had been followed as king of England by two of his 
sons in succession, William II. and Henry I., and both had 
ruled as very strong kings. Henry I. left no son, and he 
had pledged the English barons to accept his daughter Ma- 
tilda as their sovereign, but on his death her cousin Stephen, 
who was a brilliant and popular young man, persuaded them 
to place him on the throne instead. He proved to be a 
very weak king, and during his reign there were great dis- 
orders in England, partly because the king could not control 
the turbulent barons, and partly because Matilda and her 
party were continually trying to get the throne away from 
him. Matilda had married Geoffrey, cqunt of Anjou, and 
finally their son Henry, who had invaded England, entered 
into a treaty by which Stephen was to remain king as long as 
he should live and on his death Henry was to succeed him. 

227. Henry II. Abroad and at Home. — Within a few 
months Stephen died, and Henry of Anjou became Henry II. 
of England. He ruled wide lands on the continent, as has 
been described in connection with French history, but his 
real power was much less than it seemed, for the French 
barons were turbulent and hard to control, and in the last 
part of his reign his wife and his sons were continually at 
war with him, so that none of his plans for the extension of 
his power in France was successful. In England his chief 
work was to institute a system of king's or national courts with 
judges going about from county to county both to try cases 



The forming 
of a free 
government. 



The dis- 
orders of 
Stephen's 
reign, 

"35-1154- 
See the 
chronicles in 
Bohn: 
William of 
Malmesbury, 

509-511: 
Henry of 
Huntingdon, 
261-297. 
Roger de 
Hoveden, I. 
226-254 ; 
Stubbs, 
Plaiitagencts 
(Epochs), 
Chap. n. 

Henry H., 
1154-1189. 
Documents 
on the judi- 
cial reforms, 
in Stubbs, 
135 ff- 258; 
Penn. I., 
No. 6; Hen- 
derson, 



238 



England 



[§227 



St. Thomas 
of Canter- 
bury. 

Hutton, St. 
Thomas of 
Canterbury 
(Contempo- 
raries). 




and to hold thq 
sheriffs to their 
duties as the ad- 
ministrative and 
financial ofificers 
of the State. 
This led him to 
try to limit the 
independence 
of the Church 
courts and 
brought on a 
quarrel with his 
former friend 
Thomas Becket, 
archbishop of 
Canterbury. 
Angry words 
which he spoke 
in a moment of 
passion led to 
the murder of 
the archbishop, 
and Henry was 
forced by popu- 
lar feeling to 
yield something 
of his demands, 
but the organi- 
zation which he 
gave to the law 
courts of the 
State is still to 
be seen in our 
judicial system, 
and several of the judicial institutions whose growth he 
encouraged, like the jury, we have still in use. 



Canterbury Cathedral 



§§ 228, 229] 



Henry s Tzvo Sons 



239 



228. England and Ireland. — The English claim to rule 
Ireland dates from the reign of Henry II. The island was 
at this time in a very backward condition both in civilization 
and in religion, and the popes were anxious to bring the 
Irish Church into better order if possible. Almost at the 
beginning of Henry's reign Pope Adrian IV. is said to have 
issued a bull giving Henry the right to enter Ireland and 
take possession of it, based on the claim of the popes to all 
islands. It was many years before Henry found opportunity 
to go himself to the island, but Norman barons had begun 
to go over earlier and to enter into alliances with the native 
chiefs, and in this way to form little principalities for them- 
selves. It was probably this fact more than any other which 
finally determined Henry to cross into Ireland. He received 
the submission of the Normans and of some of the native 
chiefs, and began the reform of the Church, but his stay was 
very short, and all that he did amounted to no more than to 
establish a claim which future conquest might make a reality. 

229. Henry's Two Sons. — Two of Henry's sons, Richard 
and John, reigned after him and were both very bad kings. 
Richard had httle interest in England as compared with the 
crusade or with the more exciting feudal life of his French 
possessions. England was of use to him mainly as a place 
from which to draw money, and he did not hesitate to sell 
for cash almost any valuable right, among others the claim 
of the English kings to the overlordship of Scotland which 
had come down from Anglo-Saxon times, 

John's government led to more open opposition because 
he was himself more openly tyrannical. The increasing ex- 
penses of the State forced him to try to provide a secure 
national income, that is, to begin a system of regular taxation, 
and this could not be done without a violation of some of 
the fundamental principles of the feudal law. The angry 
barons found an ally in the most powerful of the popes, 
Innocent III., who made an issue with the king over the 
right of appointment to the archbishopric of Canterbury. 
Finally, to avoid the consequences of yielding in England, 



The begin- 
ning of the 
occupation 
of Ireland. 
Green, 
Henry II., 
Chap. VIII. 
Green, 
English 
People, I. 
175-178. 

Adrian's 
bull, 

Henderson, 
p. 10; 
Barnard, 
Strongbow' s 
Conquest of 
Ireland 
(Contempo- 
raries). 



Richard I., 
1 1 89-1199. 
Slubbs, 
Plantagenets, 
Chap. VI. ; 
chronicles in 
Bohn ; Scott, 
Ivan/toe 
(novel). 



John, 

1199-1216. 

Stubbs, 

Plantagenets, 

Chap. VII.; 

chronicles 

in Bohn; 

Shakspere, 

King jfohn 

(drama). 

John's grant 
to the pope. 



240 



Eriorland 



[§230 



Gee and 
Hardy, 75 ; 
Henderson, 
430; Stubbs, 
284. 

Forced to 
sign the 
Magna 
Charta. 
Roger of 
Wendover 
(Bohn), n. 
303-324. 



Edward I., 
1272-1307. 
Legislation, 
Tout, 
Edward I. 
(Macmillan), 
Chap. VII.; 
Social Eng- 
land, II. 
32-38 ; 
Stubbs, 457, 

469. 478 ; 
Henderson, 
148 ff. 

The con- 
quest of 
Wales. 
Tout, 

Edward /., 
Chap. VI. 

The con- 
quest of 
Scotland. 
Tout, 

Edward I., 
Chaps. X. 
and XII.; 
Stubbs, 
Plantagenets , 
Chap. XI. ; 
Green, 
English 
People, I. 



John gave up to the pope and became his vassal for the king- 
dom of England, one of the most signal triumphs of the 
papacy in the field of its political claims. But the advantage 
which John gained from this step was only temporary. The 
great plan which he formed to recover the lands which he 
had lost in France and to overcome all his enemies in alli- 
ance with Flanders and with his nephew, the Guelf em- 
peror Otto IV., was defeated by the great victory of Philip 
II. in the batde of Bouvines, and John was soon forced by 
the barons of England to sign the Magna Charta, the be- 
ginning of the conscious growth of the English limited 
monarchy. 

230. The Greatest of the Angevin Kings. — Henry III. 
was a weak king, greatly under the influence of favorites, 
and his long reign was full of civil strife, of importance 
chiefly in the constitutional history of England. His son, 
Edward I., in marked contrast to Henry, was one of the 
greatest of English kings. He was as much a lawyer's king 
as his contemporary Philip IV. of France, and has been 
called the English Justinian, but in the political history of 
England he ranks as conquering king. In the first part of 
his reign the conquest of Wales, which had long been linger- 
ing, was at last completed and the country brought finally 
under English rule and law. As an honor to his new sub- 
jects, Edward's son Edward was made the first Prince of 
Wales. 

The conquest of Scotland, which Edward later undertook, 
was not so easy a matter. A disputed succession there gave 
him an opportunity to interfere and to reassert the over- 
lordship of the English kings, and when he attempted to 
make his supremacy a real one, even Balliol, whom he had 
made king, turned against him. Edward's armies were 
victorious in the field, but the conquest of the people was 
another matter. Wallace, whom Scotland afterward ideal- 
ized and turned into a national hero, made a brave defence, 
but one marked by all the horrors of savage warfare, and 
Bruce, the national candidate for the throne, though for a 



§ 23o] The Greatest of the Angevin Kings 241 

long time on the side of Edward, at last took the lead 341 ff-. 

agatnst the invader. At one time it seemed as if Edward f J,J^}^^,J^^^''" 

had incorporated Scotland, as well as Wales, into England, the Bruce 

but just before his death a new insurrection of Bruce's (Heroes), 

called him into the field. Matthew of 




The Tower of London 



The king of the next generation, Edward II., displayed Westminster 
all the weak and bad traits of the Angevin family. He lost (Bohn), II. 
all that his father had gained, wasted the revenues of the 
State, and allowed his favorites to govern as they would in 
his place and to enrich themselves. In the end his wife 

R 



583-596- 

Edward II., 

1307-1327. 

Marlowe, 



242 



England 



[§§ 231, 232 



Edward II. 
(drama). 

Edward III., 
1327-1377. 
A brilliant 
age. 

Warburton, 
Edward III. 
(Epochs) ; 
Ward, Life 
of Chaucer 
(Harper) ; 
Social 

England, II. 
202-231 ; 
Chaucer's 
Prologue 
(Clarendon); 
Ashley, 
Edward III. 
and his 
Wars 

(Contempo- 
raries). 

A rapid 
decline. 



Skeat, Piers 
the Phnuman 
(Claren- 
don) ; Smith, 
Troublous 
Days of 
Richard II. 
(Contempo- 
raries). 



Henry V., 
1413-1422. 
Church, 
Henry V. 

(Macmil- 
lan) ; Gaird- 
ner, Lancas- 
ter and York 



joined the opposition to him and he was forced to yield the 
throne to his son, Edward III. 

231. The Hundred Years' War. — Nearly all the reign of 
Edward III. was filled with the great Hundred Years' War 
with France, of which we have had the story elsewhere. 
It was for a time the most brilliant age that England had 
seen. The surprising victories which were won in France 
and Scotland and other successes wakened a new national 
pride and enthusiasm ; many were enriched by the plunder 
brought home from abroad ; there was also much commer- 
cial activity ; and life was easy and bright. This reflects 
itself in the first great age of English hterature, especially in 
the poems of Chaucer, which give us such interesting pic- 
tures of English life in this age, filled with the spirit of the 
genial poet who had such an intense enjoyment of life in 
the world and of the world itself. 

But the last part of Edward's reign was clouded with 
many misfortunes. England suffered from the Black Death 
as severely as France, and the peasants here also, believing 
that they were wrongfully oppressed by the land-owners, 
took arms and tried to better their condition in a hopeless 
civil war which is known as Wat Tyler's insurrection. Lang- 
land's poems, conteinporary with Chaucer's but seeing 
rather the hard side of Hfe, give us many pictures of the 
wretched condition of the lower classes. At the same time 
the English arms abroad were meeting with constant ill-for- 
tune from the new mihtary methods of Charles V. of France. 
The next generation under Edward's grandson, Richard II., 
is one of party strife and revolution, mainly of interest in 
the history of the English constitution, and it resulted in the 
accession of the house of Lancaster to the throne. 

232. The House of Lancaster. — With the second Lancas- 
trian king, Henry V., a young and ambitious sovereign be- 
gan to reign, who could not resist the temptation which 
divided and distracted France offered, and he invaded that 
unhappy country apparently with the full intention of mak- 
ing himself its king. This war fills his reign and almost the 



§ 232] The House of Lancaster 243 

whole of that of his son, Henry VI., and ended at last, as it (Epochs), 

deserved to, in failure and the loss of the lands in France S'^^P"^'' 

' ,. , , . bhaksperes 

which the English kings had held so long. plays on the 

Henry VI. was weak in mind — he was the grandson of whole 

Charles VI. of France — and not able to rule the State with P^"°'^- 
a strong hand. The long course of disasters in France, 




The Great seal of England 

which no one seemed able to check, gave rise to much Henry VI., 
popular dissatisfaction with the government and made it 1422-1461. 
easy to form a strong opposition party. The king's uncle, 
the duke of Gloucester, was a man of selfish ambition, dis- 
appointed because he did not possess the power in the State Social Eng- 
which he thought he ought to have, and he did not hesitate ^'^"'^' ^^• 

302 ff. ; 

to make himself the leader of the discontented party. The cairdner, 
strife between this opposition party and the government grew Lancaster 



244 



England 



[§ 233 



and York, 

134-159 ; 

Green, 
English 
People, I. 
547ff-, 559ff- 



The charac- 
ter of the 
war. 

Gairdner, 
Lancaster 
and York, 
161 ff. ; 
Ramsay, 
Lancaster 
and York ; 
Thompson, 
Wars of 
York and 
Lancaster 
(Contempo- 
raries). 

The Yorkist 
kings. 
Stevenson, 
The Black 
Arrow ; 
Church, 
Chantry, 
Priest of 
Barnet, 
Bulwer, Last 
of the 
Barons 
(novels). 

Bosworth 

Field, 1485. 



more and more bitter as time went on. On the death of 
the duke of Gloucester, his place as leader was taken by 
the duke of York, whose title by descent to the throne was 
better than that of the king. Soon the strife became one 
for the control of the government, for the king's mind was 
gone, and it rapidly passed into actual civil war. 

233. The Wars of the Roses. — This was the beginning 
of the Wars of the Roses, between the houses of York and 
Lancaster, though the duke of York did not advance his 
claim to the throne until after the opening battles of the 
war had been fought. At first Parliament refused to enter- 
tain his claim, but after his death his son boldly proclaimed 
himself king as Edward IV. The civil war which followed 
was a war of the nobles and their retainers. The nation 
at large had comparatively little interest in it, and though 
there was unusual slaughter of the leaders, quarter not often 
being given, the general suffering and destruction of property 
was not great. 

Edward IV. was a vigorous and able king who ruled with 
a strong hand, as was his brother, Richard III., who obtained 
the crown by putting his nephews out of the way. All the 
princes of the house of Lancaster had now been killed 
except the young Henry Tudor, earl of Richmond, who had 
been sent to France for safety when a boy. There he 
waited for his opportunity, which came with the growing 
unpopularity of Richard. When he knew that the time was 
ripe in England he landed with a small force, was soon 
joined by many opposed to the king, and advancing to meet 
Richard won the decisive battle of Bosworth Field, in which 
Richard was killed, and was at once recognized as King 
Henry VII. 



Topics 245 



Topics 

Compare the general course of English history with that of France. 
The character of Stephen's reign. What things hampered the plans 
of Henry II. abroad? His chief work at home. The quarrel with 
Archbishop Thomas. The beginning of English rule in Ireland. The 
character of Henry's sons. Why did John become the vassal of the 
pope? What events in England followed the battle of Bouvines? 
What conquests were made by Edward I.? How was Scotland lost? 
The character of the first part of Edward III.'s reign. Of the second 
part. How did the house of Lancaster gain the throne? How did 
party strife begin in the reign of Henry VI.? How did this lead to 
the Wars of the Roses? The character of this war. The government 
of the Yorkist kings. The accession of Henry VII. 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

Thomas a Becket. Green, Henry II., Chap. VII. Stubbs, Plantage- 
nets, Chap. IV. Green, English People, I. 1 64-1 70. Froude, 
Thomas a Becket. (Longmans; 6 sh.) Freeman, Historical 
Essays, II. Roger de Hoveden (Bohn), I. 335-341. Roger of 
Wendover (Bohn), II. 15-19. Documents in Stubbs, 135 ff. Gee 
and Hardy, 68 ff. Henderson, 1 1 ff. Penn. I., No. 6. 

The Black Death and its effects. Jessopp, in the Coming of the Friars. 
(Putnam.) Social England, II. 133-146. Rogers' Six Ceitturies 
of Work and Wages (Putnam), Chaps. VIII. and IX. Sergeant, 
Wyclif (Heroes), Chap. XV. The Statute of Laborers. Hender- 
son, 165. Penn. II., No. 6. 

Shakspere's character of Richard III. Gairdner, Richard III. 
(Longmans.) Gairdner, lancaster and York, 210-227. Social 
England, II. 318-319. Henry Cabot Lodge in Scribner''s Maga- 
zine, February, 1897, presents very vigorously, but with some 
exaggeration, the argument against Shakspere's portrait. 



246 England 

The Kings of England 

William I., 1066. 



1 I I 

William II., Henrv I., iioo. Adela. 



1087. 



Matilda. Stephen, 1035. 

Henry II., 1154. 

Richard I., 1189. 

I 
John, 1 199. 

Henry III., 1216. 

I 
Edward I., 1272. 

I 
Edward II., 1307. 

I 
Edward III., 1327. 



Edward, the Lionel. John, duke of Lancaster. Edmund, duke of York. 
Black l^rince. | | 

I I 1 Richard, m. heiress of 

Richard 1 1„ Henry IV., 1399. John Beaufort. Lionel. 

1377- I I I 

Henry V., 1413. John. Richard, duke of York. 



Henry VI., 1422. Margaret, m. | | 

Edmund Tudor. Edward IV., Richard III. 

I 1461. 1483. 

Henry VII., 1485. | 

Edward V., 1483. 



CHAPTER IX 

THE OTHER STATES OF EUROPE 

234. The Situation in Germany and Italy. — The long 
conflict between the Empire and the Papacy, which had 
grown out of their rival claims to the headship of the Chris- 
tian world, left behind it only the ruins of a national gov- 
ernment in Germany, and hardly so much as this in Italy. 
Both countries were hopelessly divided into many small 
states, whose governments were really independent, but no 
one of these, with the possible exception of some of the 
great city states of Italy, had size or strength enough to take 
rank among the states of Europe until towards the close 
of the Middle Ages. 

Immediately after the fall of the great Hohenstaufen 
dynasty, a little after the middle of the thirteenth century, 
came a period which is known as the Great Interregnum. 
It was not strictly an interregnum, for there were emperors 
in name, but they were foreign princes, like the king of 
Castile and Richard, the brother of Henry III. of England, 
and they made no attempt to rule Germany. The period 
fills a whole generation, and in it Germany grew accustomed 
to the absence of any national government, and to the 
exercise of all sovereign rights by the rulers of the small 
states. 

So firmly intrenched was this local independence at the 
close of this generation that no later emperor ever made 
any attempt to break it down, but all recognized the impossi- 
bility of reconstructing a strong national government, and 
they all made use of the opportunity which the office of 

247 



No national 
govern- 
ments. 
Adams, 

Civilization, 
356 ff- 



The « Great 
Inter- 
regnum," 
1256-1273. 
tienderson, 
Germany, 
401 ff. 



National 
government 
impossible in 
Germany. 
Bryce, Holy 
Roman Em- 
pire, 
Chap. XV. 



248 



The Other States of Europe [§§ 235, 236 



Rudolf of 

Hapsburg, 

1273-1291. 

Lewis, 

Germany 

(Harper), 

239-243- 



Ottokar of 

Bohemia. 

A war of 

Slavs and 

Germans. 

Maurice, 

Bohemia 

(Nations), 

80-106. 



The house of 
Luxemburg. 
Lewis, 
Germany, 

249 ff- ; 

Leger, 
Aiisfro- 
Hungary 
(Putnam), 
Chap. XL ; 
map, 
Putzger, 
No. 18. 



emperor afforded them to create a family state of their own, 
or to enlarge and strengthen the one already possessed by 
their house. The greatest of the states created in this way 
was Austria, which came in the end to be one of the great 
powers of Europe. 

235. The Foundation of Austria. — The founder of Austria 
was Rudolf of Hapsburg, who was elected emperor at the 
end of the Great Interregnum. He was before his election 
a mere count with small possessions and little power, and 
this was very likely the reason why the electors chose him 
for emperor, but he was a man of much vigor and strength 
of character, and would perhaps have made a great emperor 
in better times. In his reign the long conflict of the Slav 
and the German for the possession of the border lands be- 
tween them broke out into open war. Ottokar II., king of 
Bohemia, had brought under his rule a powerful dominion 
on the borders of Germany and had even added to it some 
German territories in the southeast, including the duchy 
of Austria. It seemed as if the tide, which had long been 
running steadily in favor of the Germans, might be turning, 
and a Slavic dynasty be about to rule over German lands. 
But this did not prove to be the case. When Ottokar re- 
fused to do homage to Rudolf for the lands he held of the 
Empire, all Germany supported the emperor in his war 
upon him, Ottokar was defeated and deprived of his 
German territories, and the larger share of these Rudolf 
bestowed upon his own sons. In this way Austria came 
into the possession of the house of Hapsburg, which still 
retains it. 

236. A Period of Many Dynasties. — The electors feared 
probably that the Hapsburg family had gained a dangerous 
power under Rudolf, for they were unwilling to continue 
it in the possession of the Empire, and for a century and a 
half there was no settled dynasty of emperors. But the 
other houses all followed the example of the Hapsburgs. 
The most important of them was the Luxemburg family, 
whose first emperor was Henry VII., from whom Dante 



§237] 



TJie Hussite War 



249 



hoped to see the restoration of the Holy Roman Empire 
in Italy. To him the opportunity came to marry his son 
to the granddaughter and heiress of Ottokar II., and so to 
obtain all that remained of his dominions. This appeared 
to be a greater gain than even that which Rudolf had 
made, but the house of Luxemburg was not destined to a 
long life, and all that it brought together went at last by 
marriage and inheritance to swell the possessions of the 
Hapsburgs. 

237. The Hussite War. — The last of the Luxemburg 
emperors, Sigismund, was involved in another long Slavic 
war, which has a double meaning, as in part a war between 
the races and in part a great religious war. John Huss, a 
professor in the university of Prague, who had read the 
books of Wycliffe of England, and learned to believe in 
his teachings in opposition to the doctrines of the Catholic 
Church, began to teach them in Bohemia and obtained 
many followers among the people. Finally this movement 
became so nearly a rebellion against the Church that the 
great council which had been called together at Constance 
to settle the troubles in regard to the papacy summoned 
Huss to come before them and explain his teachings. He 
went under the promise of a safe return from the emperor, 
but was condemned by the council and burned at the stake. 

His followers in Bohemia took arms to defend their faith, 
and a war of twenty years began. It came in the end to 
be really a war for the national independence of Bohemia, 
which had now been for a century under German kings, but 
the religious cause furnished additional inspiration and 
enthusiasm. In spite of their bravery and of their desper- 
ate resistance the Hussites were at last subdued, partly 
because they were not united among themselves ; but 
though they continued to be ruled by German kings, the 
Church granted them some concessions in matters of reli- 
gious practice which they were willing to accept. Once 
again in later times the Bohemians attempted to secure 
national independence by war and failed, and it is only 



John Huss. 
Maurice, 
Bohemia, 
Chaps. VII. 
and VIII.; 
Poole, 

Wycliffe. See 
pp. 285-288. 



A national 
and religious 
war. 

Maurice, 
Bohemia, 
Chaps. IX- 
XI.; Leger, 
Austro- 
Htuigary, 
Chap. XII. 



The conflict 
of Slav and 
German not 
yet ended. 



250 



TJic Other States of Europe 



[§238 



The Ger- 
mans win 
Slavic lands 
by coloniza- 
tion. 

Tuttle, His- 
tory of 
Prussia 
(Houghton), 
I. 112-118; 
Lewis, 
Germatiy, 
229 ff. 

The Hohen- 
zollern create 
modern 
Prussia out 
of Branden- 
burg. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, I. 
64-70. 



Switzerland. 
Putzger, 
No. 18, side 
map. 



within the past few years that by peaceable means, through 
the introduction of democratic institutions and a constitu- 
tion, they have begun to drive the Germans out of power. 
This conflict, which has lasted so many centuries, is still 
being waged with great bitterness on both sides, but the 
ultimate victory seems now likely to fall to the Slav. 

In another portion of the Slavic world, on the southern 
shores of the Baltic Sea, the Germans were winning large 
territories during these centuries. This was in the main by 
peaceful colonization under the direction of the Order of 
the Teutonic Knights. From this colonization came the 
Baltic provinces of Prussia, and also those of Russia which 
are German, all territory that was once Slavic. 

238. The Rise of Other German States. — The founda- 
tions of the great state which we now call Prussia, as well 
as those of Austria, were laid in this period. The central 
territory around which other lands were gradually gathered 
by the house of Hohenzollern to form the modern kingdom 
was the electorate of Brandenburg, This state was granted 
early in the fifteenth century to Frederick of Hohenzollern 
by the emperor Sigismund, first as security for a loan and 
later in full possession. The Hohenzollern princes managed 
their new dominion with great care and skill and began at 
once the process of enlargement by the annexation of 
neighboring lands, which they have continued down to the 
present time. 

Another state whose history is interesting, the republic 
of Switzerland, has its origin in this period. The Austrian 
princes had some lands and feudal rights in the neighbor- 
hood of the three original cantons, Uri, Schwyz, and Unter- 
walden, and they naturally tried to extend these and to 
form out of them a little state of which they should have 
the political sovereignty, as many princes were doing in 
other parts of Germany. Here, however, they had to deal 
with a people who had long been free and accustomed to 
rule themselves. The Swiss did not propose to submit 
to any foreign rule, and they defended their mountain 



§§239,240] Spain 251 

valleys with success against all the strength of Austria. 
After generations wove many stirring legends about this 
early struggle for independence, some of which Schiller 
used as the foundation of his great drama " Wilhelm Tell." 

239. Italy. — In Italy there was even less pretence of re- The em- 
spect for the emperors' authority than in Germany. Those perors less 
who went to Rome to be crowned were not allowed to inter- [h^n*^|i|' 
fere in the actual government of the states. They might Germany, 
sell or give away titles and even valuable rights, but they Adams, 

... , , , , . Civilization^ 

could exercise no real power themselves, and sometuiies 360 ff. 
the cities treated them with open contempt and insult. 
Almost the whole of north Italy was divided among the 
city states which were constantly contending with one an- 
other for the enlargement of their territories or for com- 
mercial supremacy. The most powerful of these states were 
Venice, Milan, Florence, and Genoa, though the power of 
the last was rapidly declining at the close of this period. 

In government many changes occurred in these city states The leading 
after the middle of the thirteenth century. Venice became ^^^'^^ °^ 
a close oligarchy, Milan a monarchy under the Visconti, 
and later under the Sforza family, and in Florence, where 
there was more of a tendency towards democracy than in 
the cities generally, the Medici family were able to establish 
a virtual monarchy through the forms of the Republic. In 
the south the Norman kingdom of Sicily, which the Hohen- 
staufen had possessed, was divided into two during the most 
of this age. In the island of Sicily, the house of Aragon, 
which claimed to represent the Hohenstaufen, succeeded 
in establishing itself; but on the mainland, the house of 
Anjou, which had been called in by the popes, was in power. 
In this way there came to be two kingdoms of Sicily. Cen- 
tral Italy was still a loose and unorganized monarchy with 
the pope as its sovereign. 

240. Spain. — Spain did not come into existence as a The growth 
united state until the accession of Ferdinand and Isabella ^"^ ""'°" 
in the last part of the fifteenth century. Its history for the of Spain 
preceding seven hundred years had been filled with war- 



252 



The Other States of Europe 



[§241 



Watts, 
Christian- 
Recovery of 
Spain 
(Nations) ; 
Lane-Poole, 
Moors 
(Nations) ; 
Tout, 
Periods, 
Chap. XX. 



Spanish 
character 
made by 
Spanish 
history. 



A second 
race of 
Turks. 
Creasy, 
Ottoman 
Turks 
(Holt); 
Freeman, 
Ottoman 
Power 
(Macmil- 
lan) ; Lane- 
Poole, 
Turkey 
(Nations). 

Fall of Con- 
stantinople. 
Gibbon, 
Chap. 
LXVIIL; 
Freeman, 
Ottoman 



fare with the Moors or with dynastic conflicts. At the 
time of the Mohammedan conquest at the beginning of the 
eighth century, some bits of northern Spain had remained 
unconquered. Later, Charlemagne had recovered a part of 
northeastern Spain from the Saracens. In the'se territories 
several little. Christian states arose and began the long task 
of driving out the Moors. Five of these, beginning earlier 
or later, have a long history. They are, in order from the 
east, Aragon, Navarre, Castile, Leon, and Portugal. Na- 
varre was early shut out from any chance of further expan- 
sion when the territories of Aragon and Castile came together 
on its southern frontier, and Leon was finally absorbed by 
Castile, but three large states remained until the marriage 
of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile created the 
kingdom of Spain. The predominantly military and reli- 
gious character of Spanish history, during so many centuries 
of conflict with the Moors, had made the nation a brave 
and high-spirited race of soldiers, devotedly attached to the 
Church, and this is the character with which Spain enters 
upon the next age of history. 

241. The Rise of the Ottoman Empire. — In the south- 
east of Europe, events occurred during this period which 
have been followed by the most important consequences 
down to the present time. We have already had the his- 
tory of the rise into power of the Seljuk Turks in the 
eastern caliphate and of their conflicts with the crusaders. 
About the beginning of the fourteenth century, another tribe 
of Turks — the Osmanlis or Ottomans — began to found an 
empire in western Asia Minor. They were a race of fine 
soldiers, and one of their early rulers organized the dreaded 
corps of the Janissaries, composed of Christian boys brought 
up by their captors as Mohammedans and trained to a mili- 
tary life under the strictest discipline. Soon after the mid- 
dle of the century, the Turks had obtained a footing on the 
European side of the straits, and from that point their do 
minion spread rapidly over the Greek lands and up into the 
Danube valley. Before very long the Eastern Empire was 



§ 241] The Rise of the Ottoman Empire 



253 



reduced to a little territory about Constantinople, and in Ponwr, 

1453 that city also was captured, and the Roman Empire '^^4-120; 

in the East brought to an end, after surviving for a thou- Tuykev 

sand years the fall of the Empire in the West. The Turks 102-133; 

were not as yet satisfied with the conquests which they had *-*"^^"' 

. . ■' Byzantine 

made, and their attempts to force their way into central Empire, 

Europe are important eleiiients in the history of the next Chap, 

ase, ^^^^^- 




Carving from a Moslem Screen 



254 ^/^^' Other States of Europe 



Topics 

Why had Germany and Italy failed to obtain national governments? 
The " Great Interregnum." The policy followed by the later emperors? 
How did the Hapsburgs obtain Austria? What possessions were ob- 
tained by the Luxemburg family? Where did these finally go? What 
wars between Slav and Germans in this period? What other ques- 
tion in the Hussite war? How, besides by war, did the Germans gain 
Slavic land, and where? How did the HohenzoUern family gain 
Brandenburg? The origin of Switzerland. The leading states of Italy 
and their governments. What difference between the north and the 
south of Italy? The origin of the Spanish states. What two processes 
run through Spanish history? When and how was modern Spain 
formed? The effect of Spanish history on Spanish character. The 
rise of the Ottoman Empire. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The freeing of Switzerland. Buchheim, Wilheliii Tell. (Clarendon.) 
Introduction, pp. xxxviii-lxii. Hug and Stead, Sivitzerland 
(Nations), Chaps. X. and XI. 

The character of the Cid. Clarke, The Cid. (Heroes.) Watts, 
Christian Recovery of Spain (Nations), Chap. HI. Lane- 
Poole, Moors of Spain (Nations), 191-213. 

The regulation of the German electorate. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, 
225-238. Text in Henderson, 220-261. 

Topics for Review^ 

The states which were formed from Charlemagne's empire. 

The history of the title " Emperor of Rome " during this period. 

What actual power attached to it in different ages? 

The experiences of the city of Constantinople during this period. Of 

the city of Jerusalem. 
Compare the political development of the states of England, France, 

and Germany. 
The history of commerce. 
The position of the working classes, and the influences which affected 

them. 
The rise of the papacy to European power. 
The results which followed the crusades. 



Important Dates for Review 



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PART VI 

RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Pastor, History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages. Trans- 
lated from the German by F. J. Antrobus. (London ; Kegan 
Paul ; 3 vols., 365.) 

Janssen, History of the German People at the Close of the Middle Ages. 
(St. Louis; Herder; 8 vols.; $18.50.) 

Both translations from the German as yet unfinished. Pastor is 
a fine specimen of Catholic scholarship. Janssen, also Catholic, 
has been very severely criticised, but is very interesting. 

Creighton, History of the Papacy from the Great Schism to the Sack of 
Rome. 6 vols. (Longmans ; ^I2.00.) 

Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy. 7 vols. (Holt ; $14.00.) Con- 
densed in I vol. by Pearson. (Holt ; $1.75.) 

Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy. 2 vols. 
(Macmillan ; $4.00.) 

Kostlin, Life of Luther. (Scribner ; $2.50.) 

Fisher, The Reformation. (Scribner ; $2.50.) 

Hausser, The Period of the Reformation. 1517-1648. (Am. Tract 
Soc; $2.00.) 

University lectures given in 1859, but still a very useful book. 

Froude, History of England. 12 vols. (Scribner ; $18.00.) 

'Qnsch, England under the Tudors. Vol. L Henry VH. (1485-1509). 
Translated from the German by Miss Alice M. Todd and the Rev. 
A. H. Johnson, M.A., with an Introduction by Mr. James Gairdner, 
Editor of " The Paston Letters." Demy 8vo, cloth. (London ; 
Innes ; net lbs.) 

Robinson and Rolfe. Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar and Alan of 
Letters. (Putnam ; $2.00.) Translations of Petrarch's letters with 
notes, 

Whitcomb, Source-Book of the Italian Renaissance. (Penn.) An- 
nounced. 

s 257 



258 The Revival of Learning 



Summary 

With the beginning of the fifteenth century conditions began 
to favor a real revival of learning as they had never done before. 
In the previous century even, the revival had been begun by 
Petrarch in collecting the Latin classics and awakening a taste 
for their study. The fifteenth century opened with the revival 
of Greek and the recovery of the Greek writings. By the middle 
of the century a true scientific method had been restored, espe- 
cially in the study of language and of history. Then came at 
once the invention of printing, which cheapened books immensely 
and spread the results of the new learning broadcast over Europe. 
The century closed with the great oceanic discoveries, the sea 
route to India and the New World. The first generation of the 
sixteenth century brought the Renaissance to an end, involved 
in the revolutionary conflicts which followed the Reformation, 
but not until it had produced its finest product in two directions 
in the great age of Italian art and in the scientific criticism and 
earnest practical spirit of Erasmus, and taken the first long step 
of modern physical science in the work of Copernicus. Mean- 
while another line of great interest runs through the fifteenth 
century — the attempt to change the constitution of the Church 
and to modify some of its teachings. Under the influence of the 
kings of France the popes had lived for more than half a century 
at Avignon. The increasing complaints of Europe had led to 
an attempt to restore the papacy to Rome, but the only result 
had been to split the Church in two with two opposing popes. 
Then arose the theory of the supremacy of the general council 
in the government of the Church, and the attempt to carry this 
out in the councils of Pisa and of Constance early in the fifteenth 
century. The council of Constance succeeded in restoring the 
unity of the Church and almost in providing for regularly recur- 
ring representative assemblies, which would have changed the 
constitution of the Church into that of a limited monarchy. Con- 
temporary with this movement, Wycliffe in England led a revolt 
against some of the most characteristic teachings of the medieval 
Church, and when this failed, John Huss took up the same ideas 
in Bohemia, where they led to a long religious and race war with 
the Germans, though Huss himself was burnt as a heretic by the 
council of Constance. The demand for reform, however, con- 
tinued to grow stronger throughout the fifteenth century, and at 
last found its leader in Luther, who opened the Reformation by 



§242] 



A Transitional Epoch 



259 



posting his theses against the current ideas of indulgences. In 
the midst of general excitement Luther was gradually led on to 
a position of open rebellion against the old Church, and when 
the brilliant assembly of the Diet of Worms failed to overawe 
him, he was placed under the ban of the Empire. The political 
situation of Europe was such, however, that Charles V. found no 
opportunity during the life of Luther to enforce this edict. The 
French, determined rivals for the possession of Italy, maintained 
at first almost constant war ; the pope, anxious to protect the 
independence of his little state, was a most uncertain ally ; and 
the Turks on the east threatened the conquest of the whole 
Danube valley. Charles was obliged for years to suspend the 
execution of the edict, and finally to make a peace with the 
Protestants which referred the points in dispute to a general 
council of the Church. Outside Germany the Scandinavian states 
adopted the teachings of Luther ; England separated itself from 
the papacy, and by degrees became Protestant ; from Geneva 
a new type of Protestantism of a decidedly political and militant 
sort, taught by Calvin, spread through France and Holland and 
into England. Hardly was Calvinism well established before 
European history turned rapidly into the period of the religious 
wars . 



CHAPTER I 



THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING 



242. A Transitional Epoch. — By the beginning of the fif- Gradual 



teenth century it is evident that the medieval period is draw- 
ing to a close. It is, of course, not possible to fix upon any 
exact date when mankind passes out of one great age of its 
history, which we distinguish as an age by itself because it 
has certain well-marked and definite characteristics of its 
own, and goes on into another epoch of the same nature but 
with different characteristics. Every such transition is a 
very gradual one and is not perceived by the men who are 
bringing it about. When we look back upon such a period 
from a much later time, we can see the passing away of the 
old characteristic traits and the coming in of the new. 



character of 

historical 

transitions. 



26o 



TJie Revival of Lcainijig 



[§ 243 



Character of 
this age. 



Renaissance 
and Refor- 
mation. 



A second 
birth. 
Symonds, 
Age of the 
Despots, 
Chap. I.; 
Adams, 
Civilization , 
364-365- 



The fifteenth and the first half or the sixteenth centuries 
form an age wliich has many of the marks of such a transi- 
tional epoch. The old influences and the new are mingled 
together and are contending with one another for the pos- 
session of the field. Gradually the new show themselves to 
be the stronger. Some of the old ideas and institutions 
give way entirely to new ones ; others are transformed ; 
others still remain, but under such changed conditions as 
make them something different from what they were, and 
new forces come in the end so clearly into the lead as to 
give their coloring to the times, so that we can see clearly 
that the world has moved on into a new stage of its history. 
In every age which is not a time of dead stagnation such 
changes are going on. But some periods are so revolu- 
tionary in their character, so full of striking and dramatic 
changes, that they appear in a peculiar sense epochs of 
transition. 

This is the character of the fifteenth and the first half of 
the sixteenth century. The striking changes of this time, 
affect, as we shall see, almost every department of human 
activity. In two directions, however, the intellectual and 
the religious, they were so peculiarly revolutionary as to 
have given their names to the period. This is the age of 
the Renaissance and the Reformation. The fifteenth cen- 
tury is especially characterized by the first, the sixteenth by 
the second. 

243. The Meaning of Renaissance. —The term " Renais- 
sance " is an especially good one with which to designate the 
intellectual revolution. It was a new or second birth. The 
methods of intellectual work, the literary and artistic feel- 
ing, the way of looking at life and its purposes, which the 
fifteenth century brought into vogue, were not then intro- 
duced into human history for the first time. They had all 
been in use or strongly felt before. But for a long time 
they had been lost to sight, or the same as lost, and now 
they were revived. So great was the change, so rich and full 
was the world into which it introduced mankind, that com- 



§§ 244' 245] Learning in the Middle Ac;-es 



261 



mon consent has rightly called it a second birth time of the 
race. 

244. The Place of the Middle Ages in History. — Accord- 
ing to the view of history which is embodied in this word, 
between the life of the ancient world and the life of the 
modern there lies a period during which the human mind 
was unconscious, unconscious of itself and of its powers of 
what men had already done and of what remained still to 
do ; a period during which life was not felt to be so much 
concerned with this world as with the preparation for 
another. 

Whether this view be a correct one or not, it is certainly 
true that the Middle Ages are below the level of either 
ancient or modern times in intellectual civilization. This 
is probably because it was the period in which the Teutonic 
barbarians who had taken possession of the West were being 
raised to a point where they could comprehend and go on 
with the work of civilization which Greece and Rome had 
begun. As a distinct period in the history of civilization, 
therefore, it begins to draw to a close when men begin to 
appreciate at its true worth the intellectual results of classic 
times. The fourteenth century is the age in which this 
appreciation in the true sense begins, and in the fifteenth 
it becomes more general. This is the age of the revival of 
learning or of the Renaissance. 

245. Learning in the Middle Ages. — It is not true that 
all knowledge disappeared during the Middle Ages. A very 
great deal was preserved by the Church, especially in the 
monasteries, but it took on a peculiar character, not like 
that of ancient times, and often it was entirely misunder- 
stood. Greek certainly could be read by here and there a 
man only, and that very imperfectly. But many of the best 
Latin writers, like Vergil and Ovid, were in frequent use. 
Their use, however, was not as Hterature, but almost wholly 
as text-books of language and grammar, to teach vocabulary 
and forms of sentence construction. The literary sense 
hardly existed at all, or expressed itself feebly and in 



Not a period 
of mental 
activity. 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
Chap. I. 



The civiliz- 
ing of the 
Teutonic 
race. 



Formal 
learning, 
but no 
literature. 



Symonds, 
Revival of 
Learning, 
58-69. 



262 



TJie Revival of Learning 



[§246 



No science 
or art. 



The ninth 
century. 



The eleventh 
century. 



Poole, 
Illustrations 
of Medieval 
Thought, 
85-101. 



Strange form in the lives of the saints who wrought wonder- 
ful miracles, or a little later in the romantic legends of 
heroes, like Alexander or Arthur, in which perhaps there 
moved a faint breath of history. Those who attempted to 
write more formal history slavishly followed one another for 
the times before their personal knowledge, and the Bible 
narrative formed the common foundation of all. 

With the knowledge of Greek that of the natural sciences 
also practically disappeared. Most men, even among those 
who had the education of the times, believed that the earth 
is round and the centre of the motion of the sun and the 
planets. Astrology as a means of foretelling the future and 
alchemy as a search for the philosopher's stone or the 
elixir of hfe, came the nearest of anything to real scientific 
work. Even mathematics fell far behind the point of an- 
cient knowledge. Art, also, hardly existed outside the 
Church, which kept alive the tradition of painting in rude 
altar pictures, and something better in the architecture of 
the cathedrals, but a true artistic feeling was as rare as the 
literary. 

246. Medieval Revivals. — There was, however, no little 
progress during the course of the Middle Ages from the 
lowest point of ignorance, Avhich was reached in the sixth 
and seventh centuries, and this progress is marked by 
several epochs of distinct revival which are preliminary to 
the final one of the fifteenth century. The first of these 
was Charlemagne's revival of schools, of which we have had 
the history. Better schools and better Latin style were 
permanent results of his efforts. At the end of the tenth, 
and in the first half of the eleventh centuries, there is a 
second revival in which we can trace a Greek influence 
coming from the Empire in the East through the marriage 
connection of Otto II. with the Byzantine court, and an 
Arab influence from the higher aesthetic and intellectual 
civiHzation in Spain. Sylvester II., who had been the tutor 
of Otto III., and whose strange learning made people sus- 
pect him of magic and communication with the Evil One 



247] 



The Age of ScJioIasticism 



263 



even after he became pope, is one of the most famous men 
of this revival. We can trace back into this age also the 
beginnings of those methods of philosophical speculation 
which afterwards gave rise to the great systems of schol- 
asticism. 

247. The Age of Scholasticism. — Two centuries later, in 
the last part of the twelfth and the first of the thirteenth 
centuries, occurred a still more active and interesting re- 
vival. The intellectual keenness and vigor of the time has 
scarcely ever been surpassed. Mind was, indeed, far in 
advance of the materials with which it had as yet to work, 
and of the general preparation in other directions for a 
true revival. The characteristics also of the leaders were 
purely intellectual without those artistic and literary ele- 
ments which seem to have been necessary to the Renais- 
sance. Material limited to a single line, and a passion for 
abstract speculation determined the character of the epoch. 
It was the great age of Scholasticism. 

The influence of one side of the Arabian civilization, the 
philosophical, was strongly felt in this period. Through 
them came a knowledge of much more of the Greek philos- 
ophy than had been known to the earlier Middle Ages. It 
was still an incomplete and very one-sided knowledge. It 
was Aristotle without Plato, and of Aristotle it was his for- 
mal or deductive logic almost alone. This fell in very well, 
however, with the tendencies of the time, which, from the 
fact that almost all educated men were interested first of 
all in theology, were chiefly speculative. The rules of de- 
ductive logic were a sufficient guide in the construction of 
great systems of thought from the foundation of doctrine 
which the Church supplied in the works of the early fathers, 
and Aristotle, as the great teacher of logic, acquired an ab- 
solute authority which no one could dispute. In the field 
of theology this was one of the greatest ages of history and 
has had a decisive influence on all later thinking. St. 
Thomas Aquinas, who was probably the highest product of 
the time, put into definite form the great Catholic doc- 



The thir- 
teenth 
century. 
Fisher, 
Christian 
Church, 
208-218 ; 
Bacon, 

Advancement 
of Learning 
(Clarendon), 
IV. s. 



The scho- 
lastic 
philosophy. 



264 



The Revival of Learning 



[§248 



trines, and exercises still an influence hardly equalled in 

this field. 
Rise of the 248. The Founding of the Universities. — In another di- 

universities. jection the age of Scholasticism exerted a permanent influ- 

Foundation ... . 

charter of encc upon the mtellectual history of the world. This was in 

Heidelberg, the organization of the universities of Europe. The in- 

en erson, |-gj-)gg eagerness to learn which characterized the times, 



0^foK'>^| 










St. John's College, Oxford 

seized upon the best of the already existing schools and 
transformed them. The number of the students grew 
enormously, and at the same time the number and the skill 
of the teachers. The branches of learning began to be dif- 
ferentiated from one another, and teachers and students to 
specialize in their studies. New methods of study were 
also introduced — dialectics in theology and the use of Justin- 
ian's code in law. With the increase in numbers, these 
schools took on a more definite organization and became 



§ 249] Tlie Renaissance comes first in Italy 265 



great self-governing communities of a democratic cast, or at 
least democratic after a certain stage in the course of edu- 
cation had been reached. Together they formed, indeed, 
a kind of international community, with a common lan- 
guage, very frequent migration from one to another, and a 
recognized standing in any one for those who held the 
degrees of another. In most of these universities, the 
student life and much of the instruction centred in the col- 
lege system, which survives to-day in the English univer- 
sities. 

There was so much that was truly scientific both in 
ideal and in method in these schools that it seems strange 
that they did not lead to a complete revival of learning. 
The reasons for the failure are the same as those given for 
that of the thirteenth-century movement as a whole, — the 
lack of material, the need of a more general preparation, 
and the absence of a literary sense. Scholasticism seized 
upon the universities and intrenched itself so strongly in 
them that when the true revival came it found there its 
bitterest opponents. 

249. The Renaissance comes first in Italy. — The Re- 
naissance waited some generations longer before the general 
conditions became favorable. It was in Italy that the prep- 
aration was first made. Here the constantly extending 
commerce of two or three centuries had led to great accum- 
ulation of wealth, the growth of great cities, and the collect- 
ing together of the materials of culture. These were soon 
followed by the awakening of a literary and artistic feeling, 
the growth of a native literature and art, and the perception 
of the fact that there had been, long before, ages of high 
culture, and great writers and artists. Italy led all Europe 
in the Renaissance because these conditions were first 
combined in that country. 

In Italy, indeed, one of the greatest works of modern 
literature precedes the real revival of ancient learning. 
If there show themselves in Dante a more human and in- 
timate feeling for the ancient world and its great men, a 



No true 
revival of 
learning. 



Conditions 
most favora- 
ble in Italy. 



Dante, 
1265-1321. 



266 



TJic Revival of Learning 



[§ 250 



The work of 
Petrarch, 

1304-1374- 

Symonds, 

Revival of 

Learning, 

70-98; 

Adams, 

Civilization, 

375-377- 



The begin- 
ning of 
Renaissance 
art. 



closer and more kindly observation of nature, and a greater 
independence of judgment than was usual before him, he 
still remains in almost everything a thorough man of the 

Middle Ages. 
The most that 
can be said is 
that he reveals 
the first faint 
light of the com- 
ing day. 

250. The Be- 
ginning in the 
Age of Petrarch. 
— It is in the 
generation of Pe- 
trarch and Boc- 
caccio that the 
day breaks. 
These two men 
alone almost cre- 
ated a new liter- 
ature in the lyr- 
ical poetry of the 
first and the prose tales of the second. But Petrarch him- 
self believed that his Latin poems would bring him greater 
fame than his Itahan lyrics, and his devotion to the ancient 
classics was his strongest passion. He sought through all 
the countries of the West that were open to him, in the 
neglected libraries of the churches and monasteries, for the 
writings of the great authors of antiquity, and had them 
copied whenever he could not purchase them. This repre- 
sents the first stage of the Renaissance, an eager love for 
the treasures of the classic world and the collecting together 
of all that was left of them as the material of devoted study. 
In the same age, even a little earlier than Petrarch, Giotto 
had opened a new epoch in painting, seeking to give a true 
representation to nature and human life as they really exist. 




U \M1 Ai K.ini KI 



§§ 25 ii 252] Scientific Method Recovered 



267 



251. The Revival of Greek. — Petrarch could not read 
Greek, though he earnestly desired to do so, and the second 
stage of the revival of learning is the recovery of the know- 
ledge of the Greek language. This was acquired from 
teachers who came to Italy from the Eastern Empire in the 
generation immediately following Petrarch and before the 
close of the fourteenth century. As the Ottoman Turks 
steadily progressed in their conquests of the territories of 
the Greek emperors, shutting them up to a constantly de- 
creasing circle of land around Constantinople, many Greek 
scholars abandoned the East, and in other ways intercourse 
between the two parts of the Christian world became more 
frequent. The Eastern emperors hoped to secure the mili- 
tary aid of the West in a new crusade, and the popes hoped 
that the time had come when the whole of Christendom 
should be united under their authority. For a moment this 
last hope seemed to be realized in the decisions of the council 
of Florence. But in the end both pope and emperor were 
disappointed. The one permanent result, aside from the 
triumph of the Turks, was the revival of the study of Greek 
in the West. 

As soon as Greek could be read, there was the same 
eager desire to collect Greek manuscripts, as there had been 
and still was to get together the Latin, and great numbers of 
these were brought into Italy before Constantinople passed out 
of Christian hands. By 1450 the learned world was in pos- 
session of the larger share of those remains of classical liter- 
ature, both Latin and Greek, which have ever been recovered. 

252. Scientific Method Recovered. — The third and final 
stage of the Renaissance, regarded as a revival of learning, 
followed immediately on the recovery of Greek. This was the 
awakening of the scientific spirit. Petrarch had foreshadowed 
this as he did many traits of the full Renaissance, and it had 
been slowly growing since his time, but it is the character- 
istic mark of the middle of the fifteenth century. Its first 
great field was in the criticism of the texts that had been 
recovered to ascertain exactly what had been originally 



Greek 

learned from 
the Eastern 
Empire. 
Symonds, 
Revival of 
Learning, 
108-113. 



Greek 

writings 

recovered. 



The revival 
of science 
completes 
the Renais- 
sance. On 
Petrarch, see 
article with 
translation, 
Yale Review, 
Vol. I. 



268 



The Revival of Learning 



[§253 



The inven- 
tion of 
nrinlin?. 



written, and in the reconstruction of ancient history and 
mythology. But it was the genuine scientific spirit of 
questioning and criticism, using the method of collection 
and comparison, and it soon branched out into wider fields. 
253. The Invention of Printing. — Just at the middle of 
the century came a most wonderful invention which gave an 
unparalleled impulse to learning and literature, and to the 

whole intellectual life of 
mankind. This was the in- 
vention of printing. From 
whence the suggestions 
were derived which led to 
this invention we do not 
know, nor even with cer- 
tainty by whom it was 
made, though the place was 
somewhere in the Rhine 
valley. To develop the art 
of printing books from its 
nearest precursor, the print- 
ing of wood engravings, 
two important steps would 
be necessary : first, to cut 
the engraved words into 
single letters, that is, mov- 
able type, so that different 
sentences could be printed 
with the same characters ; and second to adapt the press to 
the process of making copies. It is quite possible that these 
Rapid spread two Steps may have been taken at slightly different times 
and by different men. Though it cannot now be said with 
certainty by whom these steps were taken, the evidence 
seems to indicate that it is from Gutenberg, that we first 
have the art in its perfected form. He certainly was print- 
ing at Mainz at the middle of the century. From here the 
new art spread rapidly in all the countries of Europe, par- 
ticularly in Italy, where the way was especially prepared for 




Gutenberg s Press 



it' printing, 
lanssen, 
German 
rwpk. I. 
9-24. 

Synionds, 
Revival of 
Learning, 
368-391. 



§§ 254? 255] TJic Renaissance North and South 269 



it. Almost every Italian city had its printing business, and 
Venice became the first centre of the book trade. 

The early printers found a great work already waiting to 
occupy them for many years in two classes of book for which 
there was a peculiar demand. These were theological and 
religious books for which the Church made a great market, 
and the works of the classic authors which the revival of 
learning had brought into demand. Twenty editions of St. 
Augustine's " City of God " were printed before the year 
1500, and nearly one hundred of the Latin Bible, while there 
were more than thirty of one of the minor poems of later 
Latin literature. 

254. Results of the Invention of Printing. — \\\ two ways 
the invention of printing immediately became a powerful 
influence in the intellectual advancement of men. It in- 
creased enormously the number of copies of a book in exist- 
ence, so that it became easily accessible everywhere and to 
everybody ; and it reduced the price of books so that whole 
classes to whom they had been impossible luxuries now found 
them within their reach. Printed books of the fifteenth 
century are not extremely rare. A library in Munich pos- 
sesses more than twenty thousand specimens ; probably 
thirty thousand editions were published before 1500; and 
the price of books fell off" four-fifths. This was one of the 
greatest intellectual revolutions of history, not in the dis- 
covery of new truth, but in making knowledge the common 
possession of all men. In bringing the Middle Ages to an 
end and introducing the modern, it was even more effectual 
than the invention of gunpowder, which was coming into 
general use at the same time and revolutionizing the art of 
war and society itself by depriving the noble class of its 
advantages in castle walls and armor and the exclusive pro- 
fession of arms. 

255. The Renaissance South and North of the Alps. — In 
Italy, where the first enthusiasm for the revival of learning 
had been awakened, where such vast results in the restoration 
of knowledge had been achieved, and where the product in 



Books first 
printed. 



Books 
increased in 
number and 
decreased in 
price. 
Reade, 
Cloister ami 
Hearth 
(novel). 



Character 
of the 

Renaissance 
in Italy. 



2/0 



The Revival of Learning 



[§256 



George Eliot, 

Romola 

(novel). 



Character 

of the 

Renaissance 

in northern 

Europe. 

Seebohm, 

The Oxford 

Reformers 

(Longmans); 

Seebohm, 

Protestant 

Revolution, 

Pf. II., 

Chap. II. 



Erasmus in 
England. 



His purposes 
and methods. 



literature and art was even richer than that in learning, the 
Renaissance remained its own chief object. Knowledge 
was sought for its own sake alone. The most intense pride 
was felt in the possession of full classical learning and an 
elegant Latin style, and the principal results of the age were 
a culture somewhat superficial in character and a science 
which, aside from the great work it accomplished in the 
classical field, was fruitless. 

North of the Alps, among the nations of Teutonic race, 
the Renaissance advanced to further results. The first stage 
of this is to be seen most clearly in England, in the last year 
of the fifteenth and the first of the sixteenth century. There 
a little group of scholars in the university of Oxford, of whom 
Colet, who founded St. Paul's School in London to further 
the new methods of education, and Thomas More, Henry 
VIIL's minister, were the leaders, sought knowledge for the 
sake of reform. Their purpose was to study the New Tes- 
tament and the writings of the early Church in order to find 
out the real character of the original Christianity, and to use 
this knowledge to remove from the Christianity of their time 
the corruptions and abuses which had come in. 

256. Erasmus. — About 1498 a young Dutch scholar, 
Erasmus of Rotterdam, came to Oxford to study Greek be- 
cause he was at the time too poor to go to Italy, where every 
one went to learn Greek who could afford to do so. He 
had already been for some time a student at the university 
of Paris, where he had made a considerable reputation for 
learning, and he was destined to attain the highest fame and 
the widest influence of any scholar of the age. At Oxford he 
formed a close friendship with Colet and More, and seems 
to have been inspired by them with their earnest and practi- 
cal purposes. At any rate he became frorn this time on a 
most earnest advocate of reform, and a determined enemy 
of the current abuses. 

These purposes he labored for in two ways. In one he 
made use of his remarkable literary talents, and poured tor- 
rents of ridicule over the follies and ignorance of the monks 



§2s6] 



Erasmus 



271 



and scholastics, the supporters of the old abuses. His " Col- 
locjuies " and his "Praise of Folly" were read everywhere 
throughout Europe and, though men laughed, their eyes were 
opened to the necessity of reformation. In another way 
Erasmus devoted the great resources of his scholarship to 
the same end. His life work was the preparation of care- 
fully critical editions of the New Testament and of the writ- 
ings of the early fathers of the Church. His purpose was first 
to ascertain just what had been originally written, as nearly 
as possible, and just what it had meant to those who wrote 
it, and then to give these results in accessible form to all 
scholars. It was his intention that they should be made 
known ultimately to the ignorant as well as to the learned, 
and this intention he himself directly helped to realize by 
his paraphrases of the New Testament narratives which were 
long in use in the Protestant churches. His edition of the 
New Testament was published in 15 16, in time to be of 
great use to Luther in his translation. It was republished 
many times in different places in Europe and formed the 
foundation until very recent times both of the accepted or 
standard text of the Greek original and of the Protestant 
translations of the New Testament. 

Erasmus lived for some years after Luther's first attack 
on the Catholic Church, but though he sympathized with 
him fully in his desire for reformation, he did not agree with 
Luther in several very important matters. He did not be- 
lieve in the use of violent and revolutionary methods to bring 
about the reformation, while Luther preferred to break the 
Church in two rather than leave it unreformed, and he did 
not believe in the Augustinian doctrines of theology which 
Luther held to against those of the Church. Erasmus has 
been called a coward because while he went so far with 
Luther in demanding a reformation he was not ready to go 
all the way with him. But Sir Thomas More, who believed 
as Erasmus did, was not a coward, for he willingly died for 
his convictions, and we have no right to suppose that Eras- 
mus did not go as far as he honestly could. 



Fisher, 

Reformation, 

78-82. 



The New 
Testament. 



Erasmus and 

I^uther. 

Fisher, 

Reformation, 

127-132. 



2/2 Topics 



Topics 

Character of the age. Meaning of the term " Renaissance." What 
great work in civilization was accomplished during the Middle Ages ? 
How much positive knowledge had the Middle Ages ? Revivals of 
learning before the Renaissance. The source and character of scholas- 
ticism. The rise and character of the universities. Why did the re- 
vival of learning come first in Italy ? The relation of Dante to it. 
What was accomplished by Petrarch ? How was Italy taught Greek ? 
In what ways were the methods of modern science first applied ? The 
invention of printing and its results. Characteristics of the Renaissance 
in the north of Europe. The purposes and work of Erasmus. Why 
did he not become a Protestant ? 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

The universities. Rashdall, llie Universities of Etirope in the Middle 
Ages. 2 vols. (Clarendon.) Laurie, The Rise of Universities. 
(Appleton.) Compayre, Abelard and the Origin of the Universi- 
ties. (Scribner.) MuUinger, Cambridge, and Brodrick, Oxford 
(Epochs Ch. Hist.). 

The medieval student. In Rashdall, Universities, Penn. II., No. 3, 
and Haskins, Afn. Hist. Review, Vol. III. 

Erasmus. Drummond, Erasmus. 2 vols. Froude, Life and Letters 
of Erasmus. (Scribner.) Both contain many translations from 
Erasmus. Translations of the Praise of Folly and of the Collo- 
quies (London ; Reeves and Turner), and in numerous other 
editions. Seebohm, Oxford Reformers. (Longmans.) Very full 
on Erasmus' purposes, with translations. For political ideas, see 
More's Utopia. See also, Penn. I., No. i. 



CHAPTER II 

THE IMMEDIATE RESULTS OF THE REVIVAL 

257. Advance in Knowledge. — Before the end of Eras- Advance in 
mus' life the intellectual history of the world had been *^^'° ^^^^^' 
carried forward in two very different directions. In both 

human knowledge had been advanced far beyond that of 
the classical times which it had been the especial object 
of the Renaissance to restore. In one direction the earth 
had been explored, its form and size determined, and new 
continents laid open to European enterprise, and in the 
other the true place of the earth in the solar system and its 
relation to the sun and the planets had been determined. 

258. The Commercial Situation of the Fifteenth Century. — India the 
The increasing knowledge of the fifteenth century, combined ^°^ " 
with commercial ambition and rivalry, led to the great ex- 
plorations of the age. Then, as in the time of the crusades, 

the object of the merchant was to reach India and obtain 
a share in the exceedingly profitable trade in Oriental goods. 
The new ambition of the fifteenth century was to discover 
some route by which India itself might be reached, and 
thus avoid the difficulties which beset the routes through 
the Mohammedan countries of western Asia and Egypt. 
This was, besides, a real necessity for the new nations, like 
Spain and Portugal, which were anxious to share in the com- 
merce of the time. The northern Mediterranean routes were 
practically closed by the advance of the Turkish conquests. 
The natural and easy route through Egypt was a virtual 
monopoly of the Venetians through the especially favorable 
arrangements which they had with the rulers of that country. 
T 273 



274 



hnmcdiate Results of the Revival [§ 259 



Navigation 
still cautious. 
Map of the 
discoveries, 
Putzger, 
N'o, 32. 



The west 
coast of 
Africa. 
Fiske, Dis- 
covery of 
America, I., 
Chap. IV. 



Some new non-Mediterranean route to India must be dis- 
covered, or the hope of sharing in the riches of the Eastern 
trade must be given up. 

Long before the beginning of the fifteenth century medi- 
eval commerce had begun to adventure out into the Atlan- 
tic, though it was 
still timid, afraid of 
strange dangers, and 
rarely bold enough 
to go out of sight of 
land. The magnetic 
needle had become 
known in the West, 
probably as early as 
the twelfth century, 
but its most impor- 
tant application to 
the art of navigation 
was not yet fully un- 
derstood. The first 
great discoveries of 
the fifteenth century 
were made by ex- 
plorers who still crept 
along the coast and 
were unwilling to lose 
sight of it for any 
long period. 

259. The Portu- 
guese Discoveries. — 
These first discover- 
ies were those of the 
Portuguese along the 
west coast of Africa. 
They began perhaps in the desire of the nation to con- 
tinue its conquests from the Moors in northwestern Africa, 
since further conquests in the Spanish peninsula were no 




Armor of Columbus 

(The Arsenal, Madrid) 



§26o] 



Col II nib us 



275 



longer possible ou account of the expansion of Castile, 
which had reached the Atlantic south of Portugal. It 
was soon found, however, that there were profitable arti- 
cles of commerce to be had in Africa, and the Portuguese 
were attracted further down the coast. The classical tra- 
dition of a passage around Africa was revived, and before 
long the Portuguese became possessed with the ambition 
of reaching India by this route. 

This direction was largely given to their efforts by a prince 
of their royal family. Prince Henry the Navigator. He took 
up his residence on the retired promontory of Cape St. 
Vincent, collected all the information that he could, made 
himself familiar with the best scientific knowledge of his 
time, and gave his life to encouraging the explorations of 
his countrymen toward the south. 

Prince Henry did not live to see the final success of his 
plans. Progress was very slowly and cautiously made. 
About all that each expedition did was to turn one of the 
difficult headlands on the African coast, and learn that so 
far at least the dangers of the ocean and the horrors of the 
torrid zone were mythical. Encouraged by this result, they 
next passed the next cape, and returned to report their safety. 
Only about 1484 was the equator finally crossed. The next 
expedition, that of Bartholomew Diaz in i486, was carried 
by a storm around the Cape of Good Hope, as it was named 
on his return, and found reason to hope that the extremity 
of the continent had been reached. 

It was ten years before this discovery was followed up by 
a voyage to India, and in the meantime another explorer, 
de Covilham, going through Egypt and Ethiopia, had crossed 
from the east coast of Africa to India and returned. In 
1497 Vasco da Gama passed around Africa, sailed up the 
east coast to Mozambique, found Arabic-speaking pilots, 
and crossed to India. After an absence of over two years 
he returned to Lisbon with the goods of the Orient acquired 
in a direct voyage. 

260. Columbus. — Before Vasco da Gama set out upon 



Prince 
Henry the 
Navigator, 
1394-1460. 



The Cape 
of Good 
Hope 
discovered. 



The Portu- 
guese reach 
India. 
Stephens, 
Portugal, 
185-192. 



76 



Imvicdiate Results of the Revival [§ 260 



Columbus' 
ideas and 
character. 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
388 ff. 



this voyage, the greatest discovery of the age had been 
made. Columbus had come to believe, as did the scholars 
of his time in common with those of the classical world, that 
the earth is round. He believed it to be much smaller than 




Columbus 



it is and reasoned that by sailing west one could reach India 
with no very long voyage. He not merely beUeved this, but 
he had the courage to risk everything to prove its truth. 
The great difficulty which he had to overcome was that of 
persuading others of its probability, the scholastic clergy who 
were the advisers of kings, the kings themselves who must 



§26l] 



Cohimbus' Discoveries 



277 



furnish the means for an expedition, and the sailors who 
must man it, and whose superstitious terrors were especially 
hard to overcome. The most remarkable thing about Co- 
lumbus was not his belief that by sailing west he would reach 
India, but it was the courage which led him to dare to try 
the voyage and to stick to it until he reached the land. 
This marks better than any other single event of the time 
the age when medieval superstitions were dying out, and 
modern knowledge and daring based on knowledge were 
born together. 

261. Columbus' Discoveries. — Portugal and England both 
declined to venture anything on Columbus' ideas, and Spain 
was only with difficulty persuaded. The voyage occupied 
far less time than that to India. He sailed on the 3d of 
August, 1492, and returned on the 15th of March of the 
next year and announced his success. He thought the coast 
of Cuba which he had reached was that of the continent of 
Asia, and he beheved he had opened a new route to India. 
In a later voyage he did touch the continent of South Amer- 
ica, but not until after North America had been seen by 
Cabot in the employ of England. For as soon as the suc- 
cess and safety of these distant expeditions were proved, all 
nations became ambitious of a share in them. England and 
France joined Spain and Portugal in exploration, and new 
discoveries were almost daily made. Especially important 
were the discovery of the Pacific Ocean by Balboa in 151 3, 
and the voyage of Magellan, who set out in 15 19, passed 
through the straits at the southern extremity of South Amer- 
ica which now bear his name, crossed the Pacific, to which 
he gave its name, and really reached the East Indies too late 
to undeceive Columbus, who died supposing that he had done 
this. There he was killed by the natives, but his Heutenant 
continued the voyage to the west, passed the Cape of Good 
Hope, and finally returned to Spain, proving the earth to be 
a sphere and obtaining the first real evidence of its size. 

The share of these events in the great intellectual revolu- 
tion of the age is nowhere very fully indicated by the writers 



America 
discovered. 



Other ex- 
plorers. 
Old South, 
Nos. 

17, 20, 34-37 ; 
Am. Hist. 
Leaf, Nos. 9 
and 13; 
Cassell's 
National 
Library, 
No. 32. 



A new age 

intellectually. 



Commerce 

oceanic. 



278 hnviediate Results of the Revival [§ 262 

of the time, but it must have been very large. The geographi- 
cal horizon could not be so enormously widened without a 
corresponding broadening of human vision in all directions. 
Mankind were entering into possession of a whole world of 
knowledge and new ideas, as they were physically into the 
possession of the whole globe. 




Cortes 

262. The Economic Results. — In another direction, in the 
economic conditions of the world, as great a revolution was 
wrought by these events as in the intellectual. Commerce 
ceased to be Mediterranean and became oceanic, as it is to- 
day. The Mediterranean Sea was no longer the centre of 
the world. The countries open to the Atlantic, like Spain, 
Portugal, Holland, and England, became the great commer- 
cial nations of Europe. Venice lost her supremacy, though 
she struggled hard to maintain it. Lisbon became in sue- 



§ 263] First Great Step in PJiysical Science 279 



cession the distributing point of Oriental goods, and the 
Portuguese founded the first European empire in the East 
Indies. The consumer shared in the benefits of these 
changes, for the price of spices fell to one-half at a single 
stroke. At the same time the stores of the precious metals 
of Mexico and Peru began to be poured into the markets of 
Europe as a result of the Spanish discoveries and conquests 
in America. While the goods imported into Europe fell in 
price in consequence of the better commercial facilities of 
the time, those produced by labor in Europe itself sold for 
higher prices because of the declining value of gold and 
silver. It was a time of improvement and prosperity for the 
laboring classes where they were economically free enough 
to take advantage of the rise in prices, as they were in Eng- 
land and in most of France. Where they were not able to 
dispose freely of their labor and its products, as in Germany, 
it was a time of great discontent and of attempts to change 
their conditions by violence and insurrection, as we shall see 
hereafter. 

263. The First Great Step in Physical Science. — While 
Columbus and the Portuguese were laying open the earth to 
human knowledge, another great explorer was tracing out 
the geography of the solar system. This was Copernicus, 
who was born in Poland in 1473. He was sent to Italy to 
complete his university studies, and there became especially 
interested in mathematics and astronomy. Very early in 
his studies he came to the conclusion that there must be a 
simpler explanation of the movements of the heavenly 
bodies than the one which everybody believed at the time, 
the ancient Ptolemaic, which made the earth the centre of 
the universe. 

That real science had now begun, as compared with 
medieval methods of study, can be seen in the fact that no 
more correct methods of investigation could be employed 
to-day in the study of a similar problem than those which 
Copernicus used. He first examined the ancient scientific 
writings to see if any suggestion of another explanation had 



Increased 
quantity of 
gold and 
silver. 



Copernicus, 
1473-1543- 



The scientific 
method of 
Copernicus. 
For his own 
statement of 
his method, 
see Yale Re- 
view, I. 160, 
n. 2. 



28o 



Iniuicdiate Results of the Revival [§ 263 



been made, and found in them a theory* which seemed to 
him more reasonable. Then he began to study and com- 
pare all the observations which he could find recorded and 
others which he made himself, until he was convinced that 
this theory accorded with the facts much better than the 
Ptolemaic. All his life, however, he devoted to the collec- 
tion of further proof, which was, at the beginning of modern 




Lorenzo Magnifico 

From a portrait in Berlin 



The first 
work of 
modern 
science. 



astronomy, without observatories or instruments, a very 
slow and difficult process. His conclusions he did not pub- 
lish until the very end of his life in 1543. A copy of the 
printed book was brought to him as he lay on his death-bed. 
This was the first great step in the advance of modern 
science, and two things about it are especially important to 
notice. The first is that it begins in the use of a new 
method, that of observation and comparison. The second 



§§ 264, 265] 



Art and Literature 



281 



is that our science rests upon the work which the students 
of the ancient world accompHshed in their time, and this is 
as true of the other sciences as it is of astronomy. 

264. The End of the Renaissance. — ^When Copernicus' 
book was pubUshed, Erasmus had long been dead, and civil 
war was just about to begin between the Protestants and the 
CathoHcs in Germany, the first in a long series of civil wars 
over religion which laid waste almost every country of 
Europe. In these political revolutions and conflicts, the 
age of the Renaissance came to an end. It had been an 
age of wonderful intellectual progress, and it had prepared 
the way for other great changes, and made them necessary. 
It is not unnatural that these now occupied the chief atten- 
tion of men to the comparative exclusion of science and 
the pursuit of knowledge. After an interval of almost a 
hundred years, another age of great scientific discovery 
comes on, the seventeenth century. 

265. Art and Literature. — Great as was the Renaissance 
on its purely intellectual side, it was even greater as an age 
of art and literature. In this direction, again, Italy led the 
world, and her achievement in the fifteenth and early six- 
teenth centuries, in the fine arts at least, remains to the 
present time unequalled. The great wealth with which her 
cities were stored was employed with lavish hand to en- 
courage artists of all kinds and to beautify both the cities 
and private residences with every species of art. Of the 
rulers the Medici at Florence are especially famous for 
their liberal patronage of art and literature, and many of 
the popes, like Nicholas V., who founded the Vatican library, 
strove to make Rome the capital of the world in literature 
and art as in religion. 

The names of the greatest of these artists are famihar to 
all the world, Leonardo da Vinci, Raphael, and Michael 
Angelo, whose long life spans almost the whole of the 
period, but there is a crowd of lesser names which would 
have rendered any less wonderful age illustrious. Correg- 
gio, Titian, and CeUini are only less famous than those first 



The Renais- 
sance ends 
in an age of 
revolution. 
In Italy, 
Symonds, 
Catholic 
Reaction, I. 
204-228. 



Favorable 
conditions in 
Italy. 



The artists 
of Italy. 



282 Immediate Results of the Revival [§ 265 

named. The age is distinguished also by the fact that its 
artists are ahiiost equally great in more than one branch of 
art at the same time. Michael Angelo, for example, is an 
artist of the first rank in sculpture, painting, and architect- 
ure at once. 
Italian 1^1 the literature of the age, Italy is not so unrivalled as in 

literature. art, and no work of these generations equals the earlier work 
of Dante and of Petrarch. But Ariosto in poetry, and 
Machiavelli in history, and in the scientific observation of 
politics, are names which will never be forgotten. 
Art and Northern Europe in the last age of the Renaissance pro- 

iterature in duced a few names which are still remembered. Holbein 
and Albert Diirer in art, and Hans Sachs and Ulrich von 
Hutten in literature belong to Germany. Holland had led 
the way in the north in painting and had done much to im- 
prove the methods of the art. France, if she produced no 
great artists of her own, called those of Italy into her ser- 
vice — both Leonardo da Vinci and Cellini spent some time 
at Paris — and in literature she gave us Montaigne and 
Rabelais. 



northern 
Europe 



Topics 

What was the motive of exploration in the fifteenth century ? The 
character of fifteenth century navigation. The discoveries made by the 
Portuguese. The characteristics of Columbus. His and other discov- 
eries in the West. The economic results of the age of discoveries. 
Copernicus' method of work and his discoveries. What brought the 
age of the Renaissance to an end ? The art and literature of the age. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Prince Henry of Portugal. Beazley, Prince Hetny (Heroes). 
Stephens, Portugal (Nations), Chap. VH. 

Columbus. Y\'^^, Discovery of America. 2 vols. (Houghton.) His 
difficulties and the discovery, I., Chap. IV. Toscannelli's letter to 
Columbus, I. 356. Winsor, Columbus. (Houghton.) The dis- 
covery, Chap. IX. Old South, Nos. 29, t,},, 71. Am. Hist. Lenf., 
No. I. 



CHAPTER III 

REVC^bxiON ATTEMPTED IN THE GOVERNMENT OF 
THE CHURCH 



266. The Papacy at Avignon. — In the early years of the 
fifteenth century, at a time when the revival of learning was 
just beginning, events of a very different sort were occurring 
which had an important share in preparing the way for the 
great religious revolution which brought the age of the Re- 
naissance to an end. A great change in the position and 
character of the papacy had been brought about as a result 
of the quarrel between Boniface VIII. and PhiHp IV. of 
France. Boniface entertained the highest ideas of the rights 
and duties of the pope in the world, the logical conclusion 
of the position created by the great popes, Gregory VII. 
and Innocent III., but he found that decided changes had 
taken place in the last few generations. Strong national 
governments had been forming, and these disputed his claims 
to authority, especially those of France and England. The 
conflict with France was a bitter one, and it resulted in the 
death of Boniface. Shortly afterward Philip IV. secured 
the election of a French pope, and persuaded him and his fol- 
lowers in succession to leave the city of Rome and to take up 
their residence in Avignon on the Rhone, where they came 
almost completely under the influence of the kings of France, 
with the result to make the other states, especially those that 
were on friendly terms with France, suspicious of the mo- 
tives of the popes and reluctant to obey them as formerly. 

There was another result also of this change of residence 
which was no less important. The love of luxury and of 

283 



The pontifi- 
cate of Boni- 
face vni., 

1294-1303. 



See his bulls. 
Gee and 
Hardy, 87 ; 
Henderson, 
432-437- 



The removal 
from Rome 
to Avignon. 
Adams, 

CivUization, 
Chap. XVI. 



284 



Revolution Attempted [§§ 267, 



The growth 
of luxury in 
the Church. 
Poole. 
Wycliffe, 
43-60 ; 
Pastor, 
Popes, I. 
58-75. 
See the 
English 
statutes of 
Provisors 
and Praemu- 
nire, Gee 
and Hardy, 
103, 112-125; 
Penn. II., 
No. 5, and 
declaration 
of German 
Diet; Hen- 
derson, 437. 

Popes at 

Rome and at 

Avignon, 

1378. Fisher, 

Church 

History, 

250-254 ; 

Poole, 

Wycliffe, 

126-130. 

The effect of 
the schism. 
Pastor, 
Popes, I. 
138-159. 



Reform ideas 
growing 
more 
extreme, f 



extravagant ways of living seems to have grown rapidly in 
the new capital. The expenses of a brilliant court were 
always increasing, and new methods of enlarging the 
revenues of the papacy must be constantly devised. This 
produced of course further dissatisfaction throughout the 
Church. Everywhere men began to feel that the luxury of 
the clergy was opposed to the real simplicity of Christianity, 
and the demand for a moral reformation in head and mem- 
bers soon made itself heard, and as a preliminary step to 
this that the popes should return to Rome as the divinely 
appointed capital of the Christian world. Petrarch gives 
voice to this dema.nd in several of his Italian poems. 
Finally in 1378 Gregory XL, under the especial influence of 
St. Catherine of Sienna, did return to Rome. 

267. The Great Schism. — On his death there was much 
excitement in the city. The people demanded the election 
of a pope who would remain at Rome, and Urban VI. was 
chosen. But the French cardinals were unwilling to give 
up the more enjoyable life of Avignon, and, asserting that 
the first election had been forced by the mob, they elected 
another pope, who took up his residence at Avignon. There 
were thus two popes at once. Each one claimed to be the 
only rightful pope, and each proclaimed the excommunica- 
tion and deposition of the other. 

Such a condition of things was violently opposed to the be- 
lief of the time that the Church must be one and undivided. 
The people of the West were obliged to divide themselves 
between the two popes, and the result was great confusion 
and uncertainty. Governments were influenced in their 
obedience mainly by political reasons, and disputes as to 
rights and authority were of constant occurrence. Naturally 
also the cost of maintaining two courts was greater than that 
of one, and the financial burdens kept growing heavier and 
heavier. 

268. The Demand for Reform. — The demand for reform 
became louder and louder. The university of Paris took 
the lead in efforts to heal the schism. The first attempt was 



§ 269] Wycliffcs Attempt at Rcforjuation 



285 



to get the two popes to resign at the same time, to leave 
the way open for the election of a single pope on whom all 
Europe could unite. This failed through the fear of each 
pope that the other would gain some advantage over him in 
the process. Then the university and others began to ad- 
vocate the idea that a general council as representing the 
whole Church would have a right to depose a pope, if there 
were any sufficient reason for such a step, and to elect an- 
other in his place. 

This was an idea full of danger for the strong monarchy 
of the popes which had been forming in the Church since 
very early in its history. If it should come to be believed 
that a council could depose a pope who refused to resign, 
then there would be an authority in the Church higher than 
the pope, and a limited monarchy would be the result. 
Just at present, however, there seemed to be no other way 
out of the difficulty. 

In 1409 a council met at Pisa which had been called by 
some of the cardinals. It declared both the popes deposed 
and elected one to take their place, who took the name of 
Alexander V. But neither of the other popes would yield, 
and as each had still some adherents, and was still acknow- 
ledged by a part of the Church, while the rest obeyed the 
new pope, there were now three popes, and matters were 
worse than ever. 

269. Wycliffe's Attempt at Reformation. — In the mean- 
time this unsettling of old beliefs and this demand for a 
reformation in the lives of the clergy had been favorable to 
the rise here and there of parties who insisted upon more 
decisive changes. In England Wycliffe, beginning perhaps 
in support of the political opposition of the State to the 
pope at Avignon, and in demanding simpler living on the 
part of the clergy, had gone on to attack some of the funda- 
mental beliefs of the Catholic Church, to insist on the right 
of every one to read the Bible in English, and to take, 
indeed, almost the same positions as the Protestants after- 
wards. He was protected by the duke of Lancaster during 



Fisher, 

Christian 

Church, 

254-256; 

Poole, 

Wycliffe, 

131-137; 
Pastor, 
Popes, I. 
76-83. 



The danger 

to the 

papacy. 

Alzog, 

Church 

History, II. 

922-926. 



The council 
of Pisa in- 
creases the 
difficulty. 
Pastor, 
Popes, I. 
178-191. 



Wycliffe's 
ideas. 
Wycliffe's 
New Testa- 
ment, and 
books from 
his Old 
Testament, 
editions of 
Skeat 
(Clarendon). 

Poole, 
Wycliffe, 
61-111; 
Social Eng- 
land, II. 
157-172. 



286 



Revolution Attempted [§§ 270, 271 



The persecu- 
tion of the 
Lollards. 
Gee and 
Hardy, no 
and 126-139. 



Wycliffe's 
ideas carried 
to Bohemia. 
Poole, 
Wycliffe, 
151-165 ; 
Alzog, 
Church 
History, II. 
952-967. 



Religious 
and political 
reform 
together. 



his life, so that the Church was not able to put an end to his 
teachings. They were accepted by a considerable body of 
people in England who are known as Lollards, and some 
of them encouraged the peasants in their insurrection under 
Wat Tyler, though this was not intended by Wycliffe. 
When the house of Lancaster came to the throne in Eng- 
land it no longer agreed with their policy to protect the 
Lollards, and in the persecution which followed these very 
soon disappeared as a party, though there is some evidence 
that their teachings were cherished among the common 
people until the time of the Protestant reformation. 

270. Huss and the Hussites. — Although the Lollards 
were destroyed in England, the teachings of WycHffe were 
carried to Bohemia, and there gave rise to a new demand 
for great changes, and to a violent religious and racial 
civil war. At the time of Wycliffe there was a close con- 
nection between the universities of Prague and Oxford, and 
many Bohemian students learned the doctrines of Wycliffe 
and brought his books home with them. In Bohemia John 
Huss became the leader of this party which, like Wycliffe's, 
was almost the same as the Protestant, and which was 
rapidly extended by the ability and influence of Huss. 

There was at that time, as we have already seen, a race 
conflict going on in Bohemia, as there is to-day, a part of 
that struggle on the border line between Slav and German 
which runs through all history. In the mind of the Bohe- 
mian the party of Huss and of reform became identical 
with the party of national independence, and so drew to 
itself a powerful national support. Wycliffe's teachings 
were formally condemned by the Church, and then those 
of Huss, but he refused to recognize the authority of the 
Church in such matters and publicly burned the papal bull 
as did Luther afterwards. 

271. The Council of Constance. — This was the situation, 
then, in the Church when a second general council met. 
There were three popes contending with one another ; the 
Church was divided between them ; there was a loud 



§ 272] 



TJic Council and Hnss 



287 



demand for moral and financial reforms ; and die Bohemian 
nation in open opposition to the pope was insisting upon 
still more sweeping changes. There was surely need of a 
great council if ever. It was called first through the influ- 
ence of the emperor Sigismund, the temporal head of 
Christendom, and on the eve of the meeting of the council 
this call was repeated by Gregory XII., the pope at Rome 
whom the Church regards as the one legitimate pope. It 
was a large and brilliant assemblage which met at Con- 
stance at the end of 14 14, and it was thoroughly represen- 
tative of the Church in the West. 

The council decided that its first duty was to heal the 
schism and give to the Church one universally acknowledged 
head. It secured the voluntary abdication of Gregory XII. 
The other two popes, who refused to abdicate, it deposed, 
and their adherents withdrew their obedience. Then with 
some representatives of the council added to their body the 
cardinals elected a new pope, Martin V., and the division 
of the Church was at an end. 

272. The Council and Huss. — Before this work, which 
occupied many months, was completed, the case of Huss 
had been taken up for decision by the council. As some 
of his teachings were clearly in opposition to the accepted 
doctrines of the Church, and as he refused to give up his 
right of deciding for himself or to acknowledge the supreme 
authority in matters of belief of a general council of the 
Church, he was condemned and burnt as a heretic. His 
friend and follower, Jerome of Prague, suffered the same 
fate. But the Bohemians refused to submit. Some efforts 
of the king to repress the national movement were fol- 
lowed by open insurrection. The emperor Sigismund, who 
shortly after inherited the throne, was able to pacify the 
country only after long years of bloody war, in which not 
merely Bohemia, but neighboring states of Germany, suf- 
fered severely. He succeeded in the end only by impor- 
tant concessions to the demands of the Bohemian reformers, 
which were made with the consent of the council of Basle. 



The council 

of Constance. 

1414-1418. 

Fisher, 

Church 

History, 

256-259 ; 

Poole, 

Wycliffe, 

144-150. 
166-170. 



The Church 
united under 
one pope. 



Huss 
condemned. 



The Hussites 

resist. 

See p. 249. 

Alzog, 

Church 

History, H. 

967-971. 



Revo/ II tion A t tempted 



[§273 



The 

attempted 

change of 

Church 

constitution. 

Adams, 

Civilization, 

410-415. 



The papacy 
escapes this 
danger. 



One of their demands which was allowed them, the right to 
receive the wine as well as the bread in the celebration of the 
mass, had given a name to their party, that of the Utraquists 
or Calixtines. 

273. The Council fails to reform Government or Conduct. 
— In the matter of the moral and financial reform of the 
Church the council of Constance did not succeed so well. 
The rules which it adopted, it had no means of enforcing, 
and the temptation to abuses continued too strong to resist. 
The most important regulation which it passed called for 
the meeting of other general councils at stated intervals, to 
exercise a general supervision of the government of the 
Church as a supreme legislative body representing the whole 
of Christendom. Had this regulation been carried out it 
would have changed the constitution of the Church. The 
pope could not be the supreme head of the Church under 
such an arrangement, and a great degree of national inde- 
pendence and perhaps of local diversity of beliefs and forms 
would have been easily possible. 

The papacy recognized the danger at this crisis of its 
history and skilfully prevented the growth of a system of 
regular councils. The council of Basle, which attempted to 
carry on the ideas of the council of Constance, ended in 
ignominious failure, and though the Church of France suc- 
ceeded at the time, in the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 
in securing considerable national independence, the process 
went no further. The reformation, which had been sought 
by constitutional means within the Church, was to come a 
hundred years later, but it was to succeed only by means of 
revolution and civil conflict. 



Topics 289 



Topics 

What were the events which led to the removal of the papacy from 
Rome to Avignon? What was the effect on the character and position 
of the papacy? How did the "great schism" arise? How did the 
efforts to heal the schism endanger the position of the pope? The 
result of the council of Pisa. What were the reform ideas of Wycliffe? 
The fate of the Lollards. Where were Wycliffe's ideas carried on? 
What other influence strengthened the party of Huss? What did the 
council of Constance do in regard to the schism? In regard to Huss? 
Why did it not succeed in reforming the Church? 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

Wycliffe. See references in the te.xt. Sergeant, IVyclif. (Heroes.) 

Alzog, Church History, II. 947-952. Gee and Hardy, 105-112. 

Wycliffe's Septem Hercses, in Pamphlet Library, Religious Fai/i- 

phlets. (Holt.) Penn. II., No. 5. 
The council of Constance. See references in the text. Pastor, Popes, 

I. 195-207. Alzog, II. 858-874. Penn. III., No. 6. 



CHAPTER IV 



THE POLITICAL CHANGES OF THE AGE 



Changes of 
the fifteenth 
century. 



France 
under 
Louis XI., 
1461-1483. 



274. Politics become InternationaL — The Protestant revo- 
lution of the sixteenth century was dependent for its success 
upon the great intellectual changes of the fifteenth century^ 
and also upon the long-continued repression and failure of 
earlier attempts at reformation. But it was also dependent 
in no small degree for the character of its success and for 
its geographical distribution upon the political situation of 
Europe at the time. The last half of the fifteenth century 
was an age of transformation in the political sphere as far 
reaching as any of the other changes of the time. It is the 
age from which we must date the rise of modern international 
politics, the rivalries of governments, now well organized and 
stable, with one another for the possessions of their weaker 
neighbors, for conquests at the expense of one another, and 
even for a position of supremacy in Europe. Such rivalries 
had been of course foreshadowed in medieval times, when 
circumstances allowed, but they had been the occasional and 
not the ordinary concern of the governments. In the last 
years of the fifteenth century was laid the foundation for the 
rivalry between France and the house of Hapsburg which 
lasted for centuries and involved Europe in many disastrous 
wars. The beginning was in the conflicting claims and 
interests of France and Spain. 

275. The Condition of France. — We have seen how 
France emerged from the Hundred Years' War with England 
under Charles VII. with the monarchy almost absolute, and 
how the next king, Louis XL, defeated the efforts of the 

290 



§276] 



The Creation of Spain 



291 



great nobles and princes to destroy the royal authority, as 
• well as those of the duke of Burgundy, Charles the Bold, to 
form an independent kingdom between France and Germany. 
Louis XL had seen clearly enough that the interests of France 
and Spain abroad were likely to lead to a collision between 
them. In his efforts to watch the plans of Spain and to pre- 
pare to meet them, he had done much to introduce the 
machinery of modern diplomacy, especially that of resident 
foreign ministers. But the domestic problems of France 
were still so pressing during his reign, there was still so much 
to be done to consolidate both the kingdom and the royal 
power, that he was not free to throw his whole strength into 
a foreign war. 

276. The Creation of Spain. — The same thing was only The reign of 
a little less true of Ferdinand of Spain, His reign was much Ferdinand, 
longer than that of Louis and continued on into the sixteenth conquest 
century and the time of open war, but during the first years and union, 
of his rule he was occupied with the same problems as the 
king of France. The double process of conquering all the 
territory of Spain from the Moors and of uniting all the Chris- 
tian kingdoms into a single one, which had been going on 
for so many centuries, was to be completed. In 1492, the 
year of the discovery of America, the last Moorish kingdom, 
Granada, was annexed. Already by the marriage of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, the two largest Christians states, Castile 
and Aragon, had been brought together. Only in 15 12 was 
Ferdinand able to seize the Spanish half of Navarre. Por- 
tugal he never obtained, though he laid skilful plans through 
the intermarriage of the royal famihes to bring about the 
union in time. 

In the other direction, in his efforts to form a centraUzed 
and absolute monarchy, he did not come so near complete 
success, but he did much more than to make the beginning. 
During the last century there had been much anarchy in 
Spain. Under the strong government of Ferdinand and 
Isabella this was brought to a speedy end. The influence 
of the great nobles in public affairs was reduced. The 



Absolutism 
created. 



292 



Political Changes of the Age [§§ 277, 278 



Economic 
mistakes of 
intolerance. 
Piescott, 
Ferdinand 
and Isabel/a, 
Pt. I., Chap. 
XVII., and 
Pt. II., 
Chap. VII. 



Spain, the 
first great 
power of 
Europe. 



The policy of 
Henry VII. 
Green, 
English 



lawyers were called in to take their place. Their castles 
were destroyed unless they served the national defence. 
Many robber barons were severely dealt with. The sov- 
ereigns also formed a virtual alliance with the league of the 
cities, and thus secured a strong support against the nobles 
and a military force independent of the feudal levies which 
proved of considerable value for a time, as in the conquest 
of Granada. Over the national Church of Spain, Ferdinand 
and Isabella also secured control and the right of making 
nominations to its higher offices. 

277. Result of Ferdinand's Policy, Remote and Immedi- 
ate. — One serious mistake of policy was due to the narrow- 
ness and intolerance of the age. In 1492 all the Jews who 
remained faithful to their religion were ordered to leave the 
country. They were very numerous in Spain and added 
much to its wealth. A little later the unconverted Moors 
of Granada were expelled in the same way, though they had 
made a garden of the land. These were hard blows struck 
at the economic prosperity of Spain, but the effects were 
only slowly felt, or were for a long time concealed by the 
artificial sources of wealth which were at the same time 
opened in America. 

In that generation Spain suddenly rose from a group of 
weak and unorganized states to be a powerful monarchy, 
and the first aspirant for a European supremacy. Ferdinand 
saw clearly that France would be the most dangerous rival 
of Spain for this position, and the chief object of his foreign 
policy was to unite the interests of the other great states of 
Europe with those of Spain and so to combine them all 
against France. The marriage ^alliances which he formed 
to further this policy with England and the house of Haps- 
burg exercised an influence over later history such as few 
royal marriages have done. 

278. England. — In England the third quarter of the 
fifteenth century is filled with the Wars of the Roses, which 
closed in 1485 with the coming to the throne of Henry VIII. 
of the house of Tudor, who united the warring factions by 



§§ 279, 28o] 



Gcrmmiy — Italy 



293 



his marriage with EHzabeth of York, daughter of Edward IV. 
The chief object of his reign was to secure the permanent 
possession of the crown in his family, and it was more this 
than any plans of active interference on the continent that 
led to the Spanish marriage which was to prove so eventful 
in the history of England. His oldest son, Prince Arthur, 
was married to Catherine of Aragon, the daughter of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, and on his death soon after she was 
married again to Prince Henry, who became the heir to the 
throne. 

279. Germany. — Germany remained in this age as power- 
less as before, but the house of Hapsburg was rising rapidly 
to a European position. Already in possession of extensive 
territories in southern Germany and just securing hereditary 
possession of the imperial crown, it secured in two genera- 
tions a most remarkable extension of its power by its fortu- 
nate marriages. Maximilian I. married, in 1478, Mary of 
Burgundy, daughter and heiress of Charles the Bold, and 
thus obtained the rich provinces of the Netherlands, and 
their son, Philip, married Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand 
and Isabella. By these two marriages all the great domin- 
ions of Charles V. were brought together, and the idea of a 
world empire almost realized. 

280. Italy. — Italy was the first battlefield of the rival 
powers, the scene of the first in that long series of struggles 
for supremacy on one side and for balance of power on the 
other which the nineteenth century has scarcely seen ended 
notwithstanding the rise of new and larger interests. Italy 
taken by itself was at this time the scene of a conflict for a 
local balance of power which was in miniature like that of 
Europe. It was still divided into numerous small states, 
under governments of widely different sorts, and intensely 
jealous of one another. These states maintained Httle 
armies of professional soldiers commanded by adventurers, 
the condottieri, and occasionally engaged in wars, which 
their soldiers had a way of making not very bloody. But 
if possible they preferred to gain their ends by the methods 



People, II. 
67-77 ; 
Moberly, 
Early 
Tudors 
(Epochs) ; 
Gairdner, 
Henry I'll. 
(Macmillan). 
Foreign 
polic}-, 
Chap. IX. 

The house of 

Hapsburg 

becomes 

a European 

power. 

Leger, 

Austro- 

Hungary, 

251-255- 



The scene of 
division and 
local conflict. 
Johnson, 
Periods, 
7-14. 



294 



Political Changes of the Age 



[§281 



of diplomacy and intrigue, and in these methods Italy was 
the schoolmaster of Europe. Machiavelli, who was for a 
long time the representative of Florence, was one of the 
first great diplomatists of modern history. 




The Duomo, Florence 



281 . The Five Leading States of Italy. — Five states of 
Italy are of especial interest in this opening period of inter- 
Venice, national politics. Venice, rich and powerful, but before 
the close of the age to undergo the ruin of her commercial 
monopoly, was trying to form a continental dominion in 
northeastern Italy, and so was intimately concerned in the 



§282] 



Frajicc begins the Struggle 



295 



course of local politics. In Milan, Ludovico the Moor was 
plotting to secure the succession in place of his nephew, the 
rightful duke, and so was anxious for any outside assistance 
possible. Florence was under the Medici, but was the scene 
at the close of the century of great popular excitement 
aroused by the passionate and eloquent preaching of Sav- 
onarola, who proclaimed a great religious revival, the neces- 
sity of righteous living, and the coming of the foreign 
invader as the scourge of God upon the wicked, and de- 
manded the restoration of political liberty to Florence. In 
the States of the Church the situation was especially inter- 
esting. The popes of the last part of the fifteenth century 
looked upon the papacy rather as an opportunity for them- 
selves and their families than as an office of high responsi- 
bility to Christendom. Alexander VI., who was pope at the 
beginning of the struggle between France and Spain, is an 
extreme example of this view of the papal office. His 
ambition was to build up in central Italy out of the lands of 
the Church and such others as could be joined to them a 
kingdom in the permanent possession of his family, strong 
enough, it might be, to absorb all Italy and to protect it 
against the pretensions of the foreigner. This he almost suc- 
ceeded in doing. Ceesar Borgia, with great political skill but 
by utterly unscrupulous and criminal means, ably seconded 
the plans of his father, the pope, and did found a very 
promising beginning of such a state, only to see it break to 
pieces in his hands on the death of his father. In the south 
the kingdom of Naples, or the continental half of the king- 
dom of Sicily, was held by a branch of the house of Aragon, 
but was claimed by both France and Spain and was the 
immediate object of their rivalry. 

282. France begins the Struggle. — Before Ferdinand 
of Spain was ready to open the conflict France had made 
the first move under the young and visionary Charles VIII., 
who dreamed of restoring the Eastern Empire and the king- 
dom of Jerusalem by driving out the Turks, and who hoped 
to find in southern Italy a base of operations for this exten- 



Milan. 



Horence. 

Machiavelli, 

Hist, of 

Florence 

(Bohn), 

Bk. VIIL, 

Chap. VII.; 

Armstrong, 

Lorenzo de 

Medici 

(Heroes). 

The States of 
the Church. 



Naples. 



The reign of 

Charles 

VIIL, 

1483-1498. 
Masson, 
MedicEval 
France, 

304-314; 
Zeller, X. 



296 



Political Changes of the Age 



\.%-~^l^ 



The tempta- 
tion in Italy. 
Symonds, 
Age of 
Despots, 
Chap. X. 



Rapid suc- 
cess of the 
French. 
Johnson, 
Periods, 

17-25 ; 

Duffy, 
Tuscan 
Republics, 
Chap. 
XXVI. ; 
Commines, 
Memoirs, 
Bk. VII. 



sive enterprise. Charles VIII. had succeeded his father 
Louis XI. at the age of thirteen. His elder sister, Anne of 
Beaujeu, had acted as regent with great ability for some 
years. She overcame easily an insurrection of the great 
nobles led by the duke of Orleans, the last danger of the sort 
which threatened the crown for almost a hundred years. 
She defeated an attempt of the Estates General to recover 
something of their lost power, and finally she married the 
young king to the heiress of the duchy of Brittan}^, the last 
of the great feudal states of France proper which had not 
been absorbed in the crown. 

As the result of the vigorous policy of the last two reigns, 
continued by his sister, Charles VIII. found himself at lib- 
erty in 1494 to employ all the resources of France in assert- 
ing the right to the kingdom of Naples which he had 
inherited from the house of Anjou. The situation in Italy 
seemed especially favorable. From many sides came invi- 
tations to him to interfere. Ludovico the Moor hoped to 
profit from any change. Savonarola was anxious for the 
appearance of the " scourge of God." Enemies of the Bor- 
gia family wished to use the French to ruin the plans of 
Alexander VI. 

283. The First Invasion of Italy. — Charles crossed the 
Alps late in the summer at the head of a brilliant army, with 
the largest train ofartillery which had up to that time ever been 
brought together. His success was rapid and complete. 
At Milan he was well received, and soon after his departure 
the young duke died of an opportune fever. Florence did 
not find much favor at his hands, for he gave to Pisa its lib- 
erty and restored to power the Medici, who had been ex- 
pelled by the people under Savonarola's lead. At Rome 
he trained his cannon on the castle of St. Angelo, forcetl 
the pope to grant him the investiture of Naples, and held 
Caesar Borgia for a time as a hostage for his father. Na- 
ples fell into his hands without a battle, and he assumed 
there the imperial insignia and called himself king of 
Jerusalem. 



§ 285] Rapid Changes in the Italian Situation 297 



The fate of his expedition is typical of that of all the 
French expeditions of the period. Speedy successes were 
followed by just as speedy a reaction and the loss of all. 
Italy rose behind his army. The pope, Venice, and Milan 
formed a league against him, with the support of Maximilian 
of Austria and Ferdinand of Spain. The king's army cut 
its way through to France, but the force which had been 
left to hold Naples was driven out at once, and nothing 
remained of the conquest so easily made. 

284. A New French Claim on Italy. — Charles "VTII. was 
killed by an accident before he was able to repeat the at- 
tempt, and was succeeded by his cousin, Louis XII. Louis 
had a new interest in Italy, for through his grandmother he 
claimed the rights of the Visconti family to the duchy of 
Milan. It was the attempt of Louis XII. to assert his rights 
in northern and southern Italy that brought the great powers 
of the world together for the first time in combinations and 
wars to maintain the balance of power. 

The new king began the undertaking at once. Milan was 
quickly overrun, and Ludovico the Moor died soon after in 
prison. Then an arrangement was made with Ferdinand 
the Catholic for a division of Naples. The French army 
did the work of conquering the country, and in as short a 
time as on the invasion of Charles VIII. But Louis was 
no match for Ferdinand in promising one thing and intend- 
ing another. The Spanish suddenly claimed the whole, and 
though the French fought for their share, they could not 
keep it. 

285. Rapid Changes in the Italian Situation. — Milan was 
not held much longer, but its loss illustrates the rapid turns 
of Italian politics. In 1503 Alexander VI. died and was 
succeeded by Julius II., who was hostile to the Borgia family, 
and whose great ambition was to form the papal states into 
a strong monarchy, which he finally accomplished. These 
plans brought him into conflict with the Venetians, who had 
occupied some of the papal lands, and who also held some 
territories belonging to the duchy of Milan. Julius easily 



Failure as 

rapidly 

follows. 



Louis XII., 
1498-1515. 
Johnson, 
Periods, 

33-54; 
Masson, 
MedicBval 
France, 

314-325; 
Zeller, XI. 



Conquest of 
Milan and 

Naples. 



Louis XII. 

the victim of 

the papal 

policy. 

Johnson, 

Periods, 

54-78. 



298 



Political Changes of the Age 



[§286 



A new world 
empire. 



Elements of 
weakness in 
the empire of 
Charles V. 



formed the league of Cambray with France and Austria to 
humble Venice. Louis XII. again did the fighting, only to 
find, after the Venetians had submitted, that the tables were 
turned against him once more, for the pope formed the Holy 
League as soon as the French seemed too powerful in Italy. 
Venice, Spain, England, and Austria united with him. The 
French were beaten in Italy, and the Sforza family returned 
to Milan, while Ferdinand seized Navarre, and Henry VIII. 
invaded France, where he won the somewhat absurd Battle 
of the Spurs. Louis was compelled to yield, and to give up 
his claims upon Italy. 

286. The Dominions of Charles V. — Louis XIL died 
within a few weeks of this treaty, and the next years saw 
a great change in Europe. The thrones of Spain and the 
Empire became vacant and were united in the possession of 
Charles V., the grandson of both Ferdinand and Maximilian, 
who held at the same time the Netherlands, the Two Sici- 
lies, and America. The idea of a world monarchy, which 
Christendom had so long cherished, and the plans of Ferdi- 
nand the Cathohc for European supremacy seemed about 
to be realized together. In reality the conditions were pre- 
pared for a long and evenly balanced conflict. The three 
strongest states of Europe were ruled by young, able, and 
intensely ambitious sovereigns, — Henry VIII. of England, 
Francis I. of France, and Charles V., — and the Protestant 
reformation was just beginning. 

On the map of Europe the dominions of Charles V. seemed 
like a reconstruction of the Roman Empire, but their real 
was far less than their apparent strength. They were 
widely separated from one another, and it was not easy to 
maintain secure communication between them in time of 
war. Germany was sharply divided into two hostile parties 
and constantly on the verge of civil war. The title of Em- 
peror was a great dignity, but Charles V. would have been 
stronger against his enemies if he had possessed the terri- 
tories of Austria and left the Empire to some one else. 
That he had Austria, indeed, brought against him one most 



§ 287] Tlie Imperial Election and its Results 299 

dangerous enemy ; for the Turks, now for more than half a 
century in possession of Constantinople, had already begun 
to push up the Danube valley, and the defence of central 
Europe against their victorious advance must make its last 
and most desperate stand around Vienna. On the other 




The Emperor Charles V. 



hand, France held all its strength and resources closely 
concentrated in the hands of its king, and, in the actual 
condition of things, she was an even match for the power of 
Charles V., which seemed so much greater. 

287. The Imperial Election and its Results. — On the Three rivals 
death of Maximilian I., in 1519, the three young kings of ^'' *^*^ 
England, Prance, and Spam were rivals for the election to crown. 



300 



Political Changes of the Age 



[§288 



Johnson, 

Periods, 

129-137 ". 
Seebohm, 
Revolution, 
103-106 ; 
Hausser, 
Reformation, 
32-41; Jans- 
sen, German 
People, II. 
263-284. 

The danger 
to France. 



More than 
two centuries 
of rivalry 
between 
France and 
•Austria. 



Francis I. in 
Italy, and the 
results for 
France. 
Kitchin, 
France, II. 
175-183 ; 
Zeller, XII. 



the imperial crown. The German princes did not fully 
trust any one of them, and would have preferred to elect 
one of their own number, Frederick the Wise of Saxony, 
the sovereign of Luther, but he thought himself too old or 
was too wise to accept so heavy an honor in such perilous 
times. The election was then made in favor of Charles of 
Spain, who became, as Emperor. Charles V. 

This election meant of course war between Charles and 
Francis. It would have meant war if Francis had been 
elected. But as things were, the situation might well seem 
to threaten the existence or at least the unity of France. 
The dominions of Charles extended along its whole fron- 
tier, both east and south. The duchies of Brittany and 
Burgundy had been only lately annexed, and Ferdinand had 
at one time forced Louis XIL to agree to give them up. 
Henry VI IL had still some hopes of recovering the old Eng- 
lish possessions in France. In Italy the conflicting claims of 
the two sovereigns would have led to war even if the greater 
rivalry of European position had not existed. This war 
was the first stage in the conflict between France and the 
house of Hapsburg which dominates all the international 
politics of Europe from the beginning of the sixteenth to 
the end of the eighteenth century, and which has aff'ected 
so disastrously the position of both powers in the world of 
to-day. For Charles and Francis the immediate object of 
contention was Italy. 

288. France still seeks Dominion in Italy. — Already, 
immediately on his accession in 15 15, Francis I. had taken 
up the plans which Louis XII. had given up in discourage- 
ment. He had invaded Italy with a splendid army, beaten 
the fine infantry of the Swiss, who were in the service of the 
duke of Milan, in the great battle of Marignano, and at 
once occupied Milan. Francis was now completely master 
of northern Italy, but his victory had given him other ad- 
vantages of great importance in the history of France. 
With the Swiss he made the so-called " Perpetual Peace," 
by which their soldiers entered the service of France. It 



§ 288 j France still seeks Doininioii in Italy 301 

was perpetual until the French Revolution destroyed it with 
almost all other existing arrangements. With the pope he 
made a concordat by which the Pragmatic Sanction of 
Bourges was so modified that the control of the French 
Church passed into the hands of the king. This was the 
foundation of the later '• liberties of the Galilean Church." 

This was the situation in Italy at the imperial election in The begin- 

T-. • 1 ■• ■ c ^ c ^^ nin?ofanevv 

15 19 But m the meantune a series of events 01 another compiica- 
sort had begun and was proceeding rapidly in Germany, tion. 
which introduced a new complication. The demand for a 
reformation in the Church, which had now been making 
itself heard for two hundred years, had found a new leader, 
and in his hand^ as in the case of Wycliffe and of Huss, the 
movement was not confining itself to a demand for the 
reform of abuses, but was going on to attack some of 
the doctrines held most fundamental by the Church. The 
attack in this case, however, was far more dangerous than 
those of a hundred years before. 



Topics 

The rise of international politics. What kept Louis XI. occupied 
in France? How was Spain created geographically ? What changes 
in government were made by Ferdinand? His foreign policy. Re- 
sults of his reign for Spain. The policy of Henry VH. The two great 
marriages in the house of Hapsburg, and their results. Why was Italy 
the object of contention among the great powers? Its leading states. 
How was the struggle for Italy opened? The invasion of Charles VIII. 
Louis XII.'s new claim and his invasion. The policy of Julius II. 
What dominions were united under Charles V., and how did each 
come to him? Why was his empire less strong than it seemed? The 
election to the Roman Empire in 15 19. How was the position of 
Charles V. a danger to France? What did Francis I. accomplish by 
his first invasion of Italy? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Louis XL of France. See references on p. 233. Commines, Memoirs. 
(Bohn.) Character of Louis, Chaps. X.-XIII. Zeller, IX. 
Willert, Reign of Louis XI. (Rivington.) Kirk, Charles the 



302 The Genealogy of Charles V. 

Bold. 3 vols. (Lippincott.) Louis at Peronne, Willert, 131- 
139. Commines, Book II., Chaps. VII.-IX. 
Ferdinand in Spain. 'SivxVg, History of Spain. Vol.11. (Longmans.) 
Mariejol, U Espagne sous Ferdinand et Isabelle. (Paris.) Pres- 
cott, Ferdinand and Isabella, I., Chap. VI. Johnson, Periods, 
91-106. 

The Genealogy of Charles V 

Austria. The Netherlands Aragon and the Castile and 

and Burgundy. Two Sicilies. America. 



Maximilian L, = Mary, d. 1482. 
d. 1519. 



Ferdinand VII., = Isabella, d. 1504. 
d. 1516. I 



Philip, d. 1506. = Joanna, Catherine of 
Called Philip I. of Spain, | the mad queen, Aragon, 

after the death of Isabella. I 1 d. 1555. m. Henry VIII. 

Charles V., Ferdinand I., 
d. 1558. d. 1564. 

I I 

Philip II., The Austrian 
d. 1598. Hapsburgs. 

The Spanish Hapsburgs. 



CHAPTER V 



THE REFORMATION OF LUTHER 



289. Luther's Theological Beliefs. — Luther had been led 
by a most earnest religious spirit to give up the study of 
the law and to become a monk. In the cloister he had 
been led by a strong philosophical tendency of mind to 
examine most carefully the foundations of theological belief. 
As a result he had adopted the system of St. Augustine, the 
patron saint of the order of friars which he had entered. 
To Luther the doctrine of "justification by faith" seemed 
to be the corner stone of this system, and this doctrine, 
most earnestly and intensely held, seemed to call upon him 
to cry out against one of the greatest abuses of the time. 
This was the preaching which frequently accompanied the 
sale of indulgences, and which was often an abuse also in 
the sight of the current theology of the Church. 

290. Indulgences. — A letter of indulgence was a written 
document, granted by some one in authority in the Church, 
by which, in view of some pious act, the temporal penalties 
of sin were said to be remitted or changed in character in 
favor of the holder. The letter itself, which was written in 
Latin as an official document of the Church, stated that the 
remission was of no avail without due repentance and for- 
saking of sin. For three centuries or more, it had been 
customary in the Church to grant these letters in return for 
donations of money to be applied to charitable uses or to 
advance the interests of the Church, on the theory that the 
gift of alms was a pious act which might take the place of 
penance in other forms. Of course such a source of 

303 



Justification 
by faith. 
Kostlin, 
Luther, 

28-56 ; 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
426-433. 



What an 
indulgence 
was. See 
translation of 
an indul- 
gence of 

145411 
Scribiier's 
Monthly, 
XII. 80 
(May, 1876). 



304 



The Refortnation of Luther 



[§ 291 



Popular 
misconcep- 
tion of 
indulgences. 



Chaucer's 
Prologue, 
lines 
669-714. 

The ninety- 
five theses 
concerning 
indulgences. 



I iitellectual 
preparation 
for revolt. 



revenue was a great temptation, and subject to glaring 
abuse in times of general moral decline, and in later times 
the granting of indulgences in return for donations of money 
has been discountenanced or forbidden by the Church. 

It is certain that the practice was popularly very much 
misunderstood. Few could read the language in which the 
letter was written. The ignorant thought that the payment 
of money was all that was required, and also that they could 
in this way escape the eternal as well as the temporal penal- 
ties of sin. Whether the preaching of Tetzel, who was 
selling indulgences in the neighborhood of Wittenberg, 
encouraged these misconceptions or not is a matter of 
doubt ; but if he was not one, there certainly were many 
unscrupulous agents who took every advantage they could 
of the popular belief, as Chaucer seems to have thought 
when he wrote the " Canterbury Tales " in Wycliffe's time. 

291. Luther posts his Theses. — In October, 15 17, fol- 
lowing a university custom, Luther published a general 
challenge to debate on the subject of indulgences by post- 
ing on the door of the castle church in Wittenberg, ninety- 
five theses, or propositions, which he offered to defend 
against all comers. In these theses he attacked the abuses 
and proclaimed what he believed to be the true doctrine. 
They were written in Latin and were addressed to the univer- 
sity world, but within two weeks they had been made known to 
all Germany. The current of discontent with the moral and 
financial wrongs which the masses believed they were suffer- 
ing from those who had control of the government of the 
Church had been so long held back that when the way was 
opened its depth and strength surprised the world. 

The intellectual changes which had taken place by this 
time were also a preparation for a widespread revolt against 
the Catholic Church. Not only had men acquired the habit 
of questioning authority and of looking upon old beliefs with 
doubt, but also they had grown accustomed to intellectual 
independence and to new and strange ideas. The progress 
of classical learning, also, especially in the work which Eras- 




Martin Luther 



3o6 



The Refonnation of Luther 



[§292 



Luther at 
fust intends 
110 luvolu- 
tion. 
Kostlin, 
Lulhcr, 

95-149; 
[ohnson, 
Periods, 
153-157- 



The real 
question was 
authority or 
private 
judgment. 



The steps of 

Luther's 

progress. 



The declara- 
tion of war. 



mus Iiad done, had furnished the reformers in easily acces- 
sible shape the material for attacking the historical claims 
of the i)a])a(:y. 

292. Luther gradually led to Open Rebellion. — .Still 
Luther was himself surprised by the effect which the publi- 
cation of his theses had fjroduced. He had up to this time 
intended no revolt against the Church, and he was for a long 
time unconscious of the result towards which things were 
tending. (Gradually he was led on by the skilful attacks 
which were made on the weak points of the theses to take 
one position after another until he found himself in open 
rebellion. 

The real test question, and that which led to the final 
breach, was that of the infallible authority of the Church and 
of the pope. The doctrine of the infallibility of the pope 
was not at that time formally held by the Church, though 
it was practically the belief of a great many churchinen, but 
it was universally held that the Church was infallible when 
speaking through a general council, like that which had 
condemned John Huss. I-uther would no doubt have 
agreed to this at the time he ])osted the theses. 

On this (juestion Luther was by degrees forced along to 
a position of complete opposition to the Church. First, 
in the year after the posting of the theses, in a conference 
with a legate sent by the pope to quiet if i)ossible the com- 
motion which had arisen in Oermany, he asserted that the 
pope might be in error and that he would be if he was not 
in accord with the IJible. Second, as the result of a great 
debate at Leipsic with Dr. Eck, he was forced to admit 
that a general council of the Church could make a wrong 
decision and that one had actually done so when Huss was 
condemned. This was in the year in which Charles V. was 
elected emperor. 

In the summer of the next year, the pope, Leo X., issued 
a bull in which he announced that Luther would be excom- 
municated if by the middle of the next winter he had not 
confessed his errors and become reconciled to the Church. 



§§ 293^ 294] 



TJie Diet of Worms 



307 



'I'his was the bull which Luther publicly burned in Witten- 
berg in December of 1520. This act was a kind of open 
declaration of war, but it did not make Luther any more 
of a rebel against the authority of the Church than his 
earlier declarations had done. 

293. The Protestant Position in Regard to Authority. — 
In taking this stand against the infallibility of the Church, 
Luther did not intend to deny the existence of an infallible 
authority in matters of religion. He, and most of the early 
Protestants, believed that the absolute truth could be known 
and declared by the body of true believers, though the 
actual position in which they stood with reference to the 
Catholic Ciiurch was inconsistent with this belief. What 
they really asserted in that position was the right of any one 
man to determine for himself what is the truth, under his 
responsibility to God alone. Practically the Protestant 
world acted on this principle, for it divided into many parties 
on questions of theology and interpretation, and it has con- 
tinued divided ever since. At first most of these parties 
were bitterly hostile to one another because they thought 
their differences so very important. Recently they have 
come very generally to recognize the fact that the points 
of likeness are more numerous and important than those 
of difference, and to act accordingly. 

294. The Diet of Worms. — The first Diet of the iMiipire 
under the wzw emperor, Charles V., was summoned for the 
spring of 1521. Germany ho|)ed that here would be settled 
many questions of political as well as of religious reform, but 
the result was disappointing. In truth, Charles was not able 
to look at German questions purely from the German point 
of view. The general interests of his wide dominions were 
always in his mind, and this must be remembered in order 
to understand his relation to the Reformation. At the 
time of the meeting of the Diet of Worms, the difficulty 
which seemed the most pressing was the position of the 
French in northern Italy, which Francis T. was still holding. 
To the pope this was an e(j[ual danger. I'or the moment 



The actual 
and the 
logical posi- 
tion in 
conflict for 
a time. 
See Adams, 
Civilizd/ioit, 
439. n- I- 



Charles V. 
really con- 
trolled by 
the inter- 
national 
situation. On 
influence of 
politics on 
the Reforma- 
tion, see 
Kanke, 
I'opes, 
(Bohn), 
Bk. I., 
Chap. III. 



3o8 



TJie Reformation of LntJicr 



[§295 



Luther 
before the 
Diet, 1521. 



Charles V. 
personally 
opposed to 
Protestant- 
ism. 



War makes 
five years' 
delay. 



pope and emperor each had need of the other, and their 
desires and interests were in harmony with reference both 
to Germany and to Italy. 

Luther was summoned to the Diet under a safe-conduct, 
and had no hesitation in going, though his friends feared 
for his safety. At the Diet, when called on to acknowledge 
the opinions which he had taught, he asked for a day's de- 
lay, and then boldly reaffirmed his position, saying that he 
could not do otherwise. The sentence of the Diet placed 
Luther under the ban of the Empire and ordered his books 
to be destroyed. On his return from Worms, Luther dis- 
appeared, having been secretly carried by his friends to 
the castle of the Wartburg, near Eisenach. Here he re- 
mained nearly a year, writing and translating the New 
Testament. 

295. No Opportunity to enforce the Edict of the Diet.— 
This decision of the Diet against Luther, though the result of 
an understanding between Charles and the pope, was not 
opposed to the real opinion of Charles. He never had any 
sympathy with Luther's ideas, and if his hands had been 
free to do as he would have liked in Germany, he would 
have put an end to the Reformation by force. The new 
teachings owed their long freedom from attack and the op- 
portunity which they had to spread and strengthen them- 
selves in Germany to the political difficulties in which 
Charles was involved elsewhere. 

It was five years after the Diet of Worms before the em- 
peror came to a time when he even thought that he could 
take decisive measures against heresy in Germany. War 
had begun between him and Francis I. in the spring of 
1521. Towards the end of the summer the troops of the 
emperor and the pope drove the French out of Milan. In 
the spring of the next year Henry VHI. of England declared 
war against France, and in the same year Charles of Bour- 
bon, constable of France, a relative of the king's, and the 
most powerful noble of France, made angry by a dispute 
over an inheritance, joined Charles and Henry in war upon 



3IO 



The Reformation of Lullier [§§ 296-298 



The French 
lose and 
recover 
Milan. 
Johnson, 
Periods, 
1-J2-1-J6 ; 
Kitchin, 
France, II. 
191 ff. 



Francis I. 
captured by 
the Spanish. 
Kitchin, 
France, II. 
199 ff. 

Charles V. 

demands 

too much. 

Johnson, 

Periods, 

181-184 ; 

Hausser, 

Reformation, 

106-112. 



The 

emperor's 
plans 
against 
heresy inter- 
rupted. 



Francis and in a project to partition liis kingdom among 
them. 

296. Events in Italy. — It would seem as if the odds 
were entirely against France, but the allies accomplished 
nothing in proportion to their strength. The French were 
indeed driven entirely from Italy, with the death of the 
Chevalier Bayard, one of the last and finest products of the 
age of chivalry, but an attempt to carry the war into south- 
ern France by Charles of Bourbon was not successful. He 
was forced to retreat before a great army with which Francis 
now advanced. By a skilful march the French passed by 
their enemies, appeared suddenly before Milan, and forced 
the Spanish garrison to abandon the city without a blow. 

This was a good beginning for the recovery of Italy, but 
the French success went no farther. Francis began the 
siege of Pavia. Bourbon advanced against him with a large 
army, and in the battle which followed the French were 
totally defeated and the king was taken prisoner. 

297. The Treaty of Madrid. — The battle of Pavia was 
in February, 1525. For nearly a year PVancis remained a 
prisoner in the hands of Charles. The terms which the 
emperor demanded for his release were so high that Fran- 
cis could not bring himself to consent to them. At last, 
worn out with his confinement and seeing no prospect of 
any more favorable terms, Francis yielded and agreed to 
the demands of Charles. The treaty of Madrid was signed 
in January, 1526. Francis engaged to abandon all his 
claims in Italy, and to surrender Burgundy, Flanders, and 
Artois to the emperor. Had Charles been satisfied with 
reasonable conditions, he might have secured their fulfil- 
ment, but as it was Francis had no intention of keeping 
the treaty. 

298. Enforcement of the Edict again Prevented. — For 
the moment, however, Charles thought that all opposition to 
him in Europe was at an end, and he immediately sent word 
to Germany that he should take measures at once for the 
suppression of heresy. Before he could do this he became 



§ 299] Peace betivecn France and Charles V. 311 

aware that the situation of things in Europe liad decidedly 
changed. The pope, — now Clement VII., one of the 
Medici, and greatly interested in Italian politics, — the 
Venetians, and Francis I. had formed a league against him, 
and war was about to begin. 

To meet this new combination Charles would need all his The first Diet 
resources, and could not afford to run the risk of a civil war °f Speyer. 
in Germany. In consequence the Diet of Speyer, which vv^orms 
met in June of 1526, instead of renewing the edict of the suspended. 
Diet of Worms, declared that each state might conduct itself ^^^^^^' 

1 , , . . . . , , . History of 

m regard to the religious question as it " thought it could cennam 

answer to God and to the Emperor." This meant that for Bk. iv., 

the present the edict of Worms was suspended, but that the " ^^^' 
time might come sometime when the emperor would 
call the States to an account for not obeying it. This was, 

however, the best that could be expected, and under this The sack 

arrangement a German army largely made up of followers °^ Rome, 

V^nldcz' 

of Luther, and commanded by one of them, entered Italy, account. 
in 1527, stormed the city of Rome, and made the pope a Seebohm's 
prisoner. Before Charles could draw any advantage from ^'' '"'"'''"'^ 

. ° Kevolutwn, 

these events, a new French army invaded Italy, took posses- 157-160; 
sion of many cities in the north, passed Rome, and began the Johnson, 
siege of Naples. Then fortune turned again. The Genoese ''^"' ^' '^ ' 
abandoned the French side, and a plague reduced the French 
so greatly that the siege had to be given up, and finally only 
a small fragment of the army returned to France. 

299. Peace between France and Charles V. — Now all The treaty of 
parties were tired of the war. In June, 1529, the treaty of Cambray. 
Barcelona was made between the pope and the emperor, 
and in July that of Cambray, or the Ladies' Peace, between 
Charles and Francis. Before these treaties were actually 
signed, Charles had concluded that the time was at last 
come when he could deal with the religious difficulty in Ger- 
many according to his will. The second Diet of Speyer was The second 
summoned to meet in Februarv of that year. For the mo- ^'^' °'^ 

'' Spcv^r. 

ment nothing interrupted the emperor's plans. The Diet Ranke 

decided, by a majority vote, that the decision of the first 



312 



The Reformation of LntJier [§§ 3oo- 301 



Germany, 
Bk. v., 
Chap. V. ; 
Hausser, 
Reformation, 
113 ff. 

The " Pro- 
test." 
Fisher, 
Reformation , 
117; extract, 
Schilling, 
Quellenbuch, 
76. 



Luther 
opposed to 
fanaticism. 



Reasons for 

the peasant 

revolt 

mainly 

economic. 

Seebohm, 

Protestant 

Revolution , 

59-68. 

140-153- 



Diet of Speyer should be no longer valid, but that the edict of 
the Diet of Worms should be enforced at once. 

300. The "Protestants" and their Strength. -^ Against 
this action of the Diet, the supporters of Luther entered a 
formal protest, declaring that in matters of religion the ma- 
jority had no right to bind the minority, " for every one 
must give an account of himself to God." It was from this 
act of protest that the name " Protestants " was given to 
those who followed the teachings of Luther. It was signed 
by five princes, the chief being Saxony, Brandenburg, and 
Hesse, and by fourteen cities, and this represents the 
strength of Protestantism in Germany ten years after 
Luther's open breach with the Church. 

During these years the new doctrine, besides making prog- 
ress among the people, had passed through its age of trial, 
from the elements of fanaticism and revolution which 
accompany every great change. While Luther was at the 
Wartburg, fanatics had proclaimed extreme opinions and 
occasioned great excitement at Wittenberg and elsewhere 
in Saxony. Luther had felt it his duty to leave his retreat 
to put a stop to this movement. 

301. The Great jfeasant War. — Towards the end of the 
year 1524, a far more serious danger threatened Germany. 
For a hundred years the peasants had been growing more 
and more discontented with their lot. This was partly due 
to the fact that in places and for individuals the burdens 
laid upon them by their lords had been really growing 
heavier. It was probably still more due to the fact that 
during these hundred years great changes had been taking 
place as a result of which they saw the condition of the 
classes above them greatly improved, comforts multiplied, 
intelligence increased, and wealth much more easily and 
rapidly accumulated, while they, bound down by old cus- 
toms now very strictly interpreted, were not able to take 
advantage of these changes and had no share in the im- 
provements taking place. 

Now, as in England in the time of Wycliffe, the constant 



§§ 302, 303] The First Attack of the Turks 



313 



appeal to the Bible and the new reUgious teachings with 
their spirit of freedom, encouraged the peasants and fur- 
nished them with arguments and proofs. Open insurrec- 
tion had been tried many times in the century, but now, 
beginning in southwestern Germany, it spread rapidly and 
with fury over all that part of the Empire. In many places 
the peasants paid their debts of suffering, now that their 
turn had come, with horrible cruelties inflicted on their 
lords. In some of the smaller cities the artisan class sym- 
pathized with the peasants, and carried the town with 
them. It seemed for a time as if the revolution would 
be successful. 

302. The Insurrection put Down. — Luther sympathized 
with the demands for reform which the peasants made, but 
with their methods he had no sympathy, and he saw that 
their triumph, in their present spirit, would mean the ruin 
of society and of his own cause. Consequently he urged 
the princes to put the insurrection down by force, and he 
did this with the impetuosity and violence of language which 
was natural to him when he was excited. 

By degrees the princes with their organized forces took 
the field. Against them, so much better armed and dis- 
ciplined, the peasants had no chance of success, and were 
everywhere defeated and slaughtered. In very few places 
in Germany did the insurrection result in any improvement 
of their condition. The slower economic forces were on 
their side, however, and in time gave them more rights and 
freedom, though in all probability their appeal to force in 
an attempt to hurry on the process really hindered it, and 
perhaps in some regions held it back entirely until the age 
of the French Revolution. 

303. The First Attack of the Turks. — The expectation 
which Charles V. entertained at the second Diet of Speyer, 
that now the time had come for putting down heresy, was 
doomed to disappointment as it had been before. In this 
case, however, the interruption came not from France, but 
from the Turks. 



Character of 
the revolt. 
Hausser, 
Reformation, 
92-105 ; 
Johnson, 
Periods, 
176-180; 
Goethe, (/()^/: 
von Berlich- 
ingen 
(drama) ; 
the peasants' 
" twelve 
articles," 
Seebohnn, 
Prof. Rev., 
142 ; Penn. 
II., No. 6. 

Position of 

Luther. 

Kostlin, 

Luther, 

315-324- 



The peasants 
gained 
nothing by 
trying force. 



The edict of 
Speyer can- 
not be 
enforced. 



314 



The Reformation of Luther [§§ 2PA, 305 



The advance 
of the Turks 
unites 
Germany. 



Charles 
believes the 
lime has now 
come. 
Kostlin, 
Luther, 
402-426 ; 
Alzog, 
Church 
History, III. 

75-87 ; 

Johnson, 

Periods, 
198 ff. 

The Protes- 
tants refuse 
to submit. 



The League 
of Schmal- 
kalden and 
the peace of 
Nuremberg. 



The conquering age of the Turks was not yet over, though 
it was about to close. The last of their great sultans, Sulie- 
man II. the Magnificent, was now reigning. He had lately 
overcome the Hungarians and was determined to push on into 
central Europe. In September the Turks appeared before 
Vienna, and began its siege. It was a moment of great 
danger for Germany. If Vienna fell, central Europe would 
lie open to invasion. Before this danger religious differences 
were suspended, and Protestant and Catholic alike prepared 
for the defence of the fatherland. In a few weeks, how- 
ever, Sulieman found that he could not take Vienna, and 
retired with his army. 

304. The Diet and "Confession" of Augsburg. — This 
was really a new triumph for Charles V. He had succeeded 
with no effort of his own over this new enemy, and he had 
given no promises of lenity to the Protestants. In the 
spring of 1530, he came himself to Germany, resolved now 
to enforce his will. 

The Diet met at Augsburg. Here the emperor informed 
the Protestant princes that toleration would now cease, and 
demanded that they should obey the earlier edicts against 
the followers of Luther. They answered firmly that they 
could not do so. Charles then asked for a statement of 
the points in which they differed from the Catholic faith. 
In answer to this the first formal declaration of the Protes- 
tant belief was drawn up, the " Confession of Augsburg," 
and read to the Diet. In conclusion the Diet decreed that 
the Protestants should be allowed until the next spring to 
submit, and it was understood that then measures would be 
taken against them. 

305. The Emperor's Plans again Postponed. — When 
spring came the emperor hesitated. Peace with France 
was insecure. The Turks were threatening. All through 
1531 he allowed things to drift, but the Protestants had 
taken steps to provide for their defence. Luther was 
opposed to civil war, but the princes were resolved not to 
yield without a struggle. In March they formed the League 



§305] Emperors Plans again Postponed 315 

of Schmalkalden, promising to defend one another with all 
their forces. In 1532, before the emperor was ready for 
extreme measures, came another Turkish invasion. This 
time the Protestant princes were in a position by their 
union to demand concessions of Charles, and he was con- 
strained to yield. By the peace of Nuremberg it was 
agreed to suspend all hostilities until the religious differ- 
ences could be settled by a general council. The Protes- 
tants then joined the emperor, and the Turks were obliged 
to retreat again. 

Fifteen years passed before the situation changed in The Protes- 
Germany in any material degree in the emperor's favor. ^^^^^ ^am 
The council which he had hoped to have called for a free Hausser, 
discussion of the differences in religion he could not bring Reformation, 
about as he desired. Two wars with France, in one of ^79-i9S. 

' )onnson, 

which the Turks took part, had kept him occupied. And 'periods, 
in these years Protestantism had spread rapidly in north 205-219. 
and central Germany and strengthened greatly its power 
of resistance. 



Topics 

Luther's leading theological belief. What was an indulgence? 
How popularly misunderstood? What did Luther assert in his 
"theses"? What were "theses"? How were the theses received? 
Why? What were the steps by which Luther advanced to open 
opposition to the Church? The Protestant position in regard to 
authority in the Church. What motives influenced Charles V. at the 
Diet of Worms? Why was the edict not enforced at once? The situ- 
ation in Italy. What led to the treaty of Madrid? Why was not the 
edict of Worms now enforced? The first Diet of Speyer. The sack 
of Rome. The second Diet of Speyer. Why was its decision not en- 
forced? The origin of the name "Protestant." Wliat plan did the 
Protestant states form for protection? What did they secure in the 
peace of Nuremberg? How long did this arrangement last, and its 
results? What led to the great peasant war? Did the peasants wish 
economic or political freedom? Character of the revolt. Its result. 
Why was it opposed by Luther? 



3i6 The Reforuiatioii of LntJier 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

Luther's theses. Kosthn, Luther, 82-94. Alzog, Church History, III. 

11-15. Translation in Penn. II., No. 6. '■ 

The Diet of Worms. K.oi,\.\\n, Luther, 222-245. '&s&\io\im, Protestant 

Revolution. (Epochs.) 1 15-135. Alzog, Church History, III. 

36-42. Hausser, Reformation, 42-47. 



CHAPTER VI 



THE LATER AGE OF THE REFORMATION 



306. The Reformation in the North of Europe. — Outside 
of Germany the whole Teutonic north of Eurppe had 
fallen away from the CathoHc Church. Both in England 
and in the Scandinavian countries the governments had 
much to do with the introduction of the new forms of 
faith, but Protestantism had soon taken a strong hold of the 
mass of the people. 

In England at first the change was a peculiar one. It 
was the throwing off of the supremacy of the pope, but not 
the adoption of the Protestant faith. The personal interest 
of the king determined the step. Henry VIII. desired to 
be freed from his marriage with Catherine of Aragon, the 
daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, by whom he had no 
male heir, and who had once been contracted to his elder 
brother, Arthur. Aside from motives of passion, which 
may have influenced him, Henry may well have desired to 
have the succession to the crown placed beyond the possi- 
bility of dispute, as any statesman might, remembering the 
Wars of the Roses, still so recent in English history. 

307. Henry VIII. takes the Place of the Pope. — The 
pope refused to annul the marriage. But Henry was a king 
who was both accustomed and determined to have his own 
way, and the divorce which the pope could not grant him 
he procured from an English Church court under the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury. This act necessarily brought matters 
to a square issue between Henry and the pope, and by 
degrees the papacy was deprived of all its powers in Eng- 

317 



Government 
on the side 
of change. 



The peculiar 
character of 
the first 
change in 
England. 
Seebohm, 
Rez'olntion, 
Pt. III., 
Chap. II.; 
Fisher, 
Reformation, 
316-325 ; 
Alzog, 
Church 
History, III. 
191-202 ; 
Perry, 

Reformation 
in England 
(Epochs 
Ch. Hist.) ; 
Blunt, 

Reformation 
of the Church 
of England. 



i8 



Later Age of tJie Refoijuation [§§ 30S. 309 



The "act of 
supremacy," 

1534- 
Gee and 
Hardy, 243 ; 
Fenn. I. 
No. I. 

England 
not yet 
Protestant. 



Edward VI., 

I547~i553 '' 
Mar>' I.. 

1553-1558. 



Fisher, 
Reformation, 

325-331 : 
Alzog, 
Church 
History, III. 
202-208; 
Tennyson, 
Queen Mary 
(drama). 



The rise of 
Calvinism. 
Hausser, 
Reformation , 

241-255 ; 

Johnson, 
Periods, 

271-276. 



land, and finally the Act of Supremacy was passed, by 
which the king was declared to be '" the only Supreme Head 
on earth of the Church of England." 

This step made England independent of the Roman 
Church, but it made at first no other change. The teachings 
and forms of Protestantism were not adopted, and the sub- 
jects of Henry were placed in a difficult position, for he put 
to death on one side those who still held to the supremacy 
of the pope, like Sir Thomas More, the author of " Utopia," 
,^ad on the other those who favored Protestant doctrines. 
Gradually, however, these teachings, which had much in 
harmony with the spirit of the English nation, spread among 
the people. Under Henry himself the Bible was translated 
into English and placed in the churches to be read by 
any one. 

308. England becomes Protestant. — Henry's son, Edward 
VL, was still a child at the death of his father, and those 
who governed England in his name were favorable to Prot- 
estantism, so that, though the reign was short, it was one of 
rapid change. From it dates the English Prayer Book and 
the use of English in all the senices of the Church. Queen 
Mary, who followed Edward, was the daughter of Henry and 
Catherine of Aragon, and it was hardly possible for her to 
be otherwise than Catholic. Her efforts to reestablish the 
power of the pope, her marriage with her cousin, Philip H. 
of Spain, and her persecution of the Protestants, which 
gained for her the name of " Bloody Mary," were all of no 
avail, and after her short reign her sister Elizabeth had 
no difficulty in restoring Protestant institutions and her own 
supremacy in the Church. In her reign Protestantism 
became the religion of the great body of the English nation. 

309. Calvinism. — In the meantime in the Latin king- 
dom of France a new phase of Protestantism had arisen 
which was destined to have a great influence upon England 
and the United States. This was Calvinism. John Calvin, 
born not far from Paris, had been educated for the profes- 
sion of the law, but while still a student he had accepted the 



§309] Calvinism 319 

teachings of Luther, and at the age of twenty-six he pub- 
lished a most remarkable book, "The Institutes of the 
Christian Religion," the first scientific treatise on Protestant 
theology. In 1536 he took up his residence at Geneva, 
where he spent the remainder of his life. There he was 
able to carry out his ideas of republican government in 
the Church and of a state founded on the Bible and con- 
trolled by religion. Geneva became a kind of city of 
refuge for persecuted Protestants from all the West of 
Europe, and a training school of the new ideas in Church 
and State. 

Calvin's was a legal mind and inexorably logical, and Calvin's 
starting with the idea of the supremacy of God's will in the teachings, 
universe as the most fundamental of all truths, he developed 
a system which has seemed to the modern world, in its ex- 
treme form, — where predestination determines everything, 
and the individual has no true choice and no control over 
his own destiny, — too harsh and merciless. But it was a 
system which, from its very hardness, made strong men. It 
taught, in contrast with Luther's feeling, the supreme duty of 
defending the truth and of resisting evil even in the State. 
This spirit of Calvinism, which will fight for the right to the 
death and never yield, we can trace throughout all the 
countries of the West of Europe, where the conflict was 
waged in the next age, in Scotland, England, Holland, and 
France, and in America, and we should recognize in it one 
of the most powerful forces determining the final results of 
the period of the religious wars. Calvinism, made no per- 
manent contribution to the institutions of civil liberty. The Calvin's 
theocratic state, taking the Bible as its law and rigidly en- political 
forcing a formal and sombre moral code, which Calvin spirit, not in 
maintained in Geneva during his lifetime, and which was institutions. 
attempted in some of the New England colonies, especially 
in the New Haven colony, passed away in the end without 
leaving a permanent constitutional influence. But the rein- 
forcement which the spirit of Calvinism brought at a critical 
time to the hereditary spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race, in the 



320 



Later Age of the Reformation [§§ 310? 311 



The Refor- 
mation in 
France 
and Holland. 
Fisher, 
Reformation, 
242-256 ; 
Penn. III., 
No. 3. 



Political 
elements 
among the 
Huguenots. 



Protestant- 
ism in 
Holland. 



Reformation 

in the 

Catholic 

Church. 

Ward, 

The Counter 

Reformation 



defence of liberty and of the government of the people, must 
be gratefully recognized. 

310. Reformation in France and Holland. — The teach- 
ings of Calvin found the way prepared for ready acceptance 
and great results in France. Even before Luther some of 
his ideas in the way of religious reform had been taught in 
France and had found adherents. The influence of Luther's 
reformation followed speedily and rapidly increased the party 
which had been scarcely more than begun. The govern- 
ment, which was really in a position to deal more consist- 
ently with such a movement than was the government of 
the Empire, followed no steady policy of repression, and 
the party of the reformers continued to grow through the 
early years of the period. The effect of Calvin's teaching 
was not merely to give to this party the reinforcement of 
new converts, but all the strength that comes from regular 
organization and clearly defined aims. 

This party, which comes in time to be known as that of 
the Huguenots, was naturally far stronger in France among 
the middle and upper classes than among the lower. \\\ 
central and southern France it received a strong reinforce- 
ment from the elements representing the older local and 
feudal independence of the country, and in the age of the 
religious civil wars has quite as much the character of a 
political as of a religious party. 

In the northern province of the Netherlands the ground 
had also been prepared for the sowing of Calvin through a 
kind of local self-government in political affairs and a sturdy 
sense of independence among the people, who retained in 
many ways primitive Teutonic characteristics. The Dutch 
Protestants were real Puritans in belief and conduct, but like 
the Huguenots and the English Puritans, their importance 
lies in the age of struggle which follows the Reformation. 

311. The Counter Reformation. — The term "Reforma- 
tion" has rather become limited in formal history to the 
rise of the Protestant churches, but we ought not to over- 
look the fact that in nearly every sense the word is to be 



§312] 



TJic Society of JcsHS 



X2\ 



as truly applied to the history of the Catholic Church in 
this age. The old abuses in government and conduct of 
which the fifteenth century so bitterly complained disap- 
peared and have never again characterized the government 
of the Church as a whole. The popes of the middle of the 
sixteenth century were decidedly reforming popes, and the 
papacy has never since fallen to the hands of such a man as 
Alexander VI. If in some ways, in doctrine and in the mo- 
narchical tendency of the government, the CathoUc Church 
emphasized the medieval tendency, it was because the body 
of the Church was unconvinced by the arguments of the re- 
formers and held to the old beliefs from firm conviction. 

It was the work of the council of Trent to formulate in 
definite statement those points of doctrine, arid to establish 
controlling precedents for the future by its practice in regard 
to those points of government which the reformers had 
especially attacked. In belief it proclaimed the divine 
mission of the Church to know and teach the truth for all 
its members, and in government, by recognizing that the 
supreme legislative power rested in the pope, it completed 
the establishment of the papacy as an unlimited monarchy. 
These conclusions were not reached in the council without 
some opposition, and its sessions were interrupted for long 
intervals, partly because of the political uncertainties of the 
period. In general, however, the decisions of the council 
were in accord with the tendencies which had long prevailed 
in the history of the Catholic Church and which have con- 
tinued to characterize it down to the present time. 

312. The Society of Jesus. — During the same period the 
revival in the Catholic Church was accompanied with the 
organization of many new monastic orders, of more modern 
spirit and methods than those of the Middle Ages. The 
most important of these was the Jesuit order, or the Society 
of Jesus. Founded by a Spanish noble and soldier, Loyola, 
upon the military model, to be the army of Christ and the 
pope, its fundamental principle was the strict and unques- 
tioning obedience of the soldier. In method, as compared 



(Epochs 
Ch. Hist.) ; 
Fisher, 
Reformation, 
390 ff. 



The council 
of Trent, 

1545-1563- 

Ward, 

Counter 

Re f or tn at ion, 

Chap. III.; 

Symonds, 

Catholic 

Reactio??, 

Chap. II.; 

Alzog, 

Church 

History, III. 

340-360 ; 

Penn. II., 

No. 6. 



The Jesuit 

order. 

Shorthouse, 

John 

Inglesant 

(novel). 



322 



Later Age of the Reformation 



[§312 



with earlier monastic orders, its leading cliaracteristic was the 
practice of mingling with the world in all sorts of occupa- 
tions wherever influence was to be acquired or something 

gained for the cause of 
Catholicism. To educa- 
tion, diplomacy, and the 
confessional, especially to 
acting as the confessors of 
persons in positions of po- 
litical activity, the early 
Jesuits devoted particular 
attention, and in all direc- 
tions their efforts were of 
>,,;^^^ / ..^•"•X great value in checking the 

^^^-i^^::;^^^^^..-^^ spread of Protestantism 

and even in making some 
recovery of what had been 
lost. In somewhat later times the methods of the Jesuits 
excited the suspicion of all the European governments, and 
their influence has been much less than in the sixteenth 
century. 




Ignatius Loyola 



Topics 

Just what was the change in the English Church made by Henry 
VIII.? Why did he persecute both Protestants and Catholics? Why 
was Mary naturally a Catholic? And Elizabeth a Protestant? The 
religious and political ideas of Calvin. Their influence on character. 
Why were they suited to the Anglo-Saxon race? Their influence on 
liberty. What combination of elements in the Huguenot party? The 
character of Protestantism in the Netherlands. The reformation in 
the Catholic Church. In the papacy. The decisions of the council of 
Trent. The fundamental idea and the methods of the Jesuit order. 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

John Calvin. Fisher, Reformation, Chap. VII. Baird, Rise of the 
Huguenots, I. 198-216. Alzog, Church History, III. 143-155 
Froude, essay in Short Studies, Vol. II. Penn. III., No. 3. 



Topics for Review 323 

'1 he Jesuit order. Symonds, Catholic Reaction^ Chap. IV. Ward, 
Counter Reformation, 31-46. Alzog, Church History, III. 373- 
385. 

Topics for Revie"W 

An outline intellectual history of the period. 

An outline economic history of the period. 

The various ways in which preparation had been made for the Reforma- 
tion. 

The various earlier attempts at Reformation. 

In what ways did the political situation in Europe protect the Reforma- 
tion in Germany? 

Group together all the results of the Reformation. 

Sketch the constitutional history of the Catholic Church in this period. 



324 



Important Dates for Review 



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PART VII 

THE STRUGGLE OF THE NATIONS FOR 
SUPREMACY AND EXPANSION 



No reference can be made to general works covering the period of 
the following part which are of value for our purpose. See the general 
bibliography at the beginning of the volume, and the special bibliog- 
raphies which follow. 

Summary 

The age of the religious wars opened in Germany, where at the 
close of his reign Charles V. was able to begin his long-deferred 
attack upon the Protestants. The war was indecisive, however, 
and the Peace of Augsburg which closed it left so many ques- 
tions unsettled that it was a truce rather than a peace. In France 
a whole generation was occupied by wars between Huguenot and 
Catholic of the most selfish character on both sides, and closed 
only by the accession of the Huguenot Henry IV. to the throne 
as Catholic king, and by the edict of Nantes, which allowed the 
Huguenots almost political independence in the State. In the 
Netherlands the efforts of Philip II. to destroy Protestantism led 
to a heroic resistance and finally to the independence of the north- 
ern provinces and to the foundation of a great naval and colonial 
power. In England the nation rallied around the Protestant 
queen, Elizabeth, against the attempts which were made to de- 
throne her, and in the struggle with Spain laid the foundations 
of a future world empire. The practical absolutism which they 
were willing to allow Elizabeth because of the national danger 
they would not tolerate in her successor, and when the Stuarts 
obstinately clung to their prerogatives, the Puritan party led a 
rebellion against Charles I., put him to death, and established 

325 



326 The Age of Religions Wars 

a. temporary republic under Cromwell. In Germany many causes 
of dissension between Catholics and Protestants at last led to the 
terrible Thirty Years' War, in which the land suffered the horrors 
of savage warfare from the armies of adventurers like Wallen- 
stein, and from foreign invaders, the Danes, the Swedes under 
Gustavus Adolphus, and the French under Richelieu. The abso- 
lutism which had been forming so rapidly in France in the last 
part of the Middle Ages was completed by Richelieu, who forced 
the Huguenots to submission, and then the great nobles, and 
prepared France for a great career of foreign conquest. The 
treaties of Westphalia, which closed the Thirty Years' War, left 
Germany exhausted and the Empire a mere name, while the 
strength of Spain had completely decayed. When Louis XIV. 
assumed the government, France was the most powerful state of 
Europe, and there seemed to be nothing to prevent him from 
reaching the frontier of the Rhine and absorbing a large part of 
the Spanish possessions. But these plans failed through the re- 
sistance of the little republic of Holland, and though Louis was 
able to cripple his enemy, aided by England under Charles II., 
in the last part of his reign, England, rid of the Stuart policy 
forever by the Revolution of 1688, united with all Europe against 
France in the great war of the Spanish Secession. Louis seated 
his grandson on the throne of Spain, but France was exhausted 
for a long time, and no real union of the States took place. The 
first part of the eighteenth century saw the rapid rise of Russia 
through the reforms of Peter the Great and his conquests from 
the Swedes and the Turks, and of Prussia through the careful 
husbandry of the Hohenzollern family, which prepared the way 
for the conquests of Frederick the Great. He seized the prov- 
ince of Silesia from Maria Theresa and forced her to yield it 
to him, and later defended its possession with brilliant energy 
against almost all Europe in the Seven Years' War. But, looked 
at in the largest way, this war was only an incident in the strug- 
gle for colonial empire between France and England which fills 
the century, and was settled not in Europe, but by the victories 
of Clive in India and the capture of Quebec in America. Eng- 
land's mistake in attempting to force the colonies to share the 
expenses of this war gave all her old rivals an opportunity to 
unite in revenge, and she was obliged to acknowledge the inde- 
pendence of the United States. A new empire was opened, 
however, to the Anglo-Saxon race as one consequence, by the 
immediate occupation of Australia. Meanwhile the corruption 
of the government, the enormous burden of taxation, and odious 



Summary 327 

class distinctions, combined witli the spread of a critical spirit 
and the knowledge of better tilings in England and America, 
prepared the way for a revolution in France. Once begun, the 
revolution was rapidly swept on to extremes, as it destroyed the 
relics of the old feudal system and the absolutism of the king. 
The Reign of Terror only prepared the way for a new absolutism, 
and in the one successful general in the war against all Europe, 
Bonaparte, the man was ready to exercise it. The consulship 
was a preparation for the Empire which was proclaimed when 
Napoleon seemed at the height of his power. For many years 
this power increased rather than diminished, but France was 
growing weak under constant drains, and at last the terrible 
losses in Russia could not be made good, and Napoleon fell. 
His desperate effort to recover himself which ended in the battle 
of Waterloo closed his history. At the congress of Vienna sov- 
ereigns and diplomats disposed of the nations as they thought 
good, but the longing for free government and for national unity 
which had begun among the people in the age of revolution could 
not be rooted out. Revolutionary movements kept occurring at 
intervals all over Europe, and resulted in the grant of constitu- 
tions here and there, but final success was reached only in the 
great period from the close of the Crimean War to that of the 
Franco-Prussian. Then in little more than a decade Italy 
secured a national existence under the lead of the house of 
Savoy, and Germany under Prussia, and almost every State in 
Europe obtained a more or less complete self-government. 
Russia alone remained true to the old absolutism and to her tra- 
ditional desire to absorb the Turkish Empire. This the Western 
nations combined to prevent in the Crimean War, and later in the 
congress of Berlin, but in the closing years of the nineteenth 
century the Eastern Question seemed to be losing its relative 
importance before the rise of world politics, due mainly to the 
enormous expansion of the Anglo-Saxons, and the desire of 
other nations to emulate their success if possible. This world 
expansion of a race, and the transformation of the world itself 
which has accompanied it, was made possible only by the in- 
tellectual and scientific advances of the age. Rapidity of pro- 
duction before undreamed of demanded the widest possible 
extension of markets, and this was made possible in turn by 
revolutionary improvements in the means of communication by 
the use of steam and electricity. Together these things have 
not merely carried the most energetic and adaptable of the mod- 
ern races over the whole globe, but they have led to accumula- 



328 



TJie Age of Religions Wars 



[§313 



tions of wealth which seem almost fabulous, and to a general 
dissemination of comforts and conveniences which our grand- 
fathers would not believe possible. As history passes into the 
twentieth century the world seems to be on the eve of even 
greater transformations. 



CHAPTER I 



THE AGE OF RELIGIOUS WARS 



An age of 
civil war. 



France. 



Spain. 



England. 



313. The General Character of the Age. — About the 
middle of the sixteenth century, a new age opens in the his- 
tory of Europe. It is an age in which almost every country 
is involved in war — in most cases civil war, growing di- 
rectly out of the Reformation, though as the period comes 
to an end we can see rising questions of international poli- 
tics, the rivalry of nations with one another, and especi- 
ally the rivalry between France and the house of Hapsburg. 
At the beginning of the period, France withdraws from 
Italy, and turns its attention to the Rhine valley, where in 
the end it is to pay so dearly for the conquests it makes 
from Germany. Italy thus left to itself falls under the prac- 
tically undisputed control of the Spanish Hapsburgs. France 
passes almost immediately into an age of religious civil war, 
from which it emerges in a condition to take up again plans 
of national aggrandizement only after two generations. In 
the same years, Spain is engaged in a long and unsuccessful 
effort to subdue the revolted Netherlands, which would 
have meant the reestablishment of the Catholic religion 
over a Protestant people. 

During the same time also, England passed through a 
very critical period, in constant danger of rebellion and 
revolution, stimulated often by Spain, in the interest of the 
old form of faith, and succeeded in protecting her national 
independence and religion only by the exercise of the ut- 
most vigilance and discretion on the part of the government. 



§ 314] First Period of tJic ScJiDialkaldic War 329 



Germany opened the period of religious civil wars in the 
Schmalkaldic War. This was closed by the treaty of Augs- 
burg, which in form established toleration for Catholics and 
Lutherans, but it left unsettled many causes of disagree- 
ment, and while the other nations were passing through 
their civil wars, the parties in Germany were watching one 
another with constantly increasing jealousy. At last, when 
the seventeenth century was well under way, the war broke 
out, the Thirty Years' War, the greatest and most destruc- 
tive of all these civil wars, a religious war in its early stages, 
but changing toward the end into a war of European states. 
The close of the period saw also in England a great civil 
war between king and Parliament, a war in form upon con- 
stitutional questions, but deriving much of its character and 
spirit from the influence of Calvinism. 

314. The First Period of the Schmalkaldic War. — In 

1546, Charles V. was able to begin the war against the Prot- 
estants which he had been obliged to postpone so many 
times. The treaty of Crespy had given him peace with 
France. Francis was drawing to his end. He died in 

1547, and his successor, Henry H., seemed for some years 
to care only for the pleasures of the court. The Turks 
were also no longer to be feared. On the other hand, the 
Protestants were now much stronger than when last threat- 
ened by the emperor with war, and had they been united 
and well led, they would have been too strong for Charles. 
As it was, his successes were gained by the help of the ruler 
and army of a Protestant state, by the able but unscrupu- 
lous Maurice of Saxony. He was the head of the younger 
Saxon line and was ambitious of larger territories and higher 
titles. During the first years everything went in Charles' 
favor. He gained the great victory of Miihlberg, captured 
and held in close imprisonment the two chief Protestant 
princes, John Frederic, Elector of Saxony, and Philip of 
Hesse, and Maurice was rewarded for his treason by the 
Electorate and the larger part of the territories of his 
cousin. Soon afterward, the siege of Magdeburg, which 



Germany. 



Religious 
war begins 
in Germany. 
Hausser, 
Reformation, 
196-215 ; 
Johnson, 
Periods, 
220-239 ; 
mnp, 
Putzger, 
No. 21. 



Maurice of 
Saxony. 



330 



The Age of Religious Wars [§§ 31 5; 3^6 



Maurice of 
Saxony and 
France 
against 
Charles. 
Hausser, 
Reformation, 
226-234 ; 
Johnson, 
Periods, 
239-246 ; 
Zeller, XIV. 



Charles 
defeated. 



seemed the last stronghold of Protestantism, was begun 
by Maurice. 

315. The Turning-point of the War. — Then the situa- 
tion suddenly changed. Gradually it had become evident 
to Germany that Charles had other plans than those for the 
supremacy of Catholicism. He seemed to be intending to 
establish a strong imperial power by the overthrow of the 
princes, and to transfer the succession from his brother, the 
German Ferdinand, to his son, the Spanish Philip. Maurice 
quickly saw that the time was ripe for a second, treason 
which would be equally profitable with the first. He had 
been offended by the treatment of his father-in-law, Philip 
of Hesse, by the emperor, but, a still stronger motive, here 
was an opportunity to obtain the consent of the Protestant 
princes to the gifts which Charles had made him. At the 
same moment, Henry H. of France, fearing the increasing 
strength of Charles in Germany, was thinking of interfer- 
ing. An arrangement was readily made between him and 
the Protestant princes, by which they were supplied with 
money, and he was allowed to take possession for France of 
the " Three Bishoprics," Metz, Toul, and Verdun, " cities 
which have belonged to the Empire but where the French 
language has been spoken," as the treaty said. This was 
the first step of France in the poUcy of securing the frontier 
of the Rhine, and though, after peace had been made in 
Germany, the Emperor made a vigorous attempt to recover 
these lands, he failed and they remained in the possession 
of France. 

316. The Close of the War. — The Emperor did not sus- 
pect what was going on, and when everything was ready, so 
sudden was the attack of Maurice, that Charles escaped only 
with difficulty and by night through the passes of. the Alps. 
The work of years was speedily undone, and Charles was 
forced to give up all his plans, and to leave the practical 
direction of affairs to his brother Ferdinand. The war was 
really closed by the convention of Passau in 1552, and this 
was followed in 1555 by the definitive peace of Augsburg. 



§ 3i8] Poivcr ajid CJiaractcr of Pltilip II . 331 




Cannon of the XVIth Century 



This established religious toleration of a very imperfect kind. 
It gave to the government of each State the power to decide 
what should be the legal religion of its land, and then to do 
what it pleased with 
the adherents of any 
other, though if it de- 
cided to expel them, 
they should be al- 
lowed to take their 
property with them. 
Under this treaty 
peace was maintained in Germany until the beginning of 
the Thirty Years' War in 161 8, but very soon questions 
began to arise which were not thought of when the treaty 
was made, and whose practical settlement seemed to one 
party or the other a violation of its terms. 

317. Abdication of Charles V. — Very soon after the con- 
clusion of the peace of Augsburg, Charles V., disappointed 
in all his great plans and worn with disease, abdicated all 
his crowns, and retired to spend the rest of his days in the 
cloister of San Yuste in Spain. His brother Ferdinand suc- 
ceeded him in the German possessions of the family, and 
was elected emperor, and his son Philip obtained his other 
possessions in Spain, Italy, the Low Countries, and America. 
It was much to the advantage of France and of the rest of 
the world as well, that Charles had not been able to unite 
his vast dominions into a universal monarchy, but the power 
of the house of Austria, even though divided, still over- 
shadowed the world, and for generations yet was to be 
feared and resisted until at last its decline became evident 
to all. 

318. The Power and Character of Philip II. — At the 
outset, however, the power of Philip II. was as great as that 
which Charles V. had had at any time. If he did not have 
Austria and the Empire, he escaped in that way the difficul- 
ties and embarrassments which had constantly hampered his 
father on their account. When he began to reign his con- 



The peace 

of Augsburg. 

Hiiusser, 

Reformation, 

234-240 ; 

Johnson, 

Periods. 



Spain and 
Austria 
separated, 
1556. 

Penn. III., 
No. 3. 



As powerful 
as Charles V. 



332 



The Age of Religions Wars 



[§318 



trol was undisputed over the resources of Spain, Spanish 
Italy, the Netherlands, and America. With power so much 
greater than any of his contemporaries possessed, Philip might 
reasonably hope to accomplish anything that he desired. 
That he failed in his purposes, lost some of the best portions 




Philip II. 



The charac- 
ter and 
ideals of 
Philip. 
Motley, 
Dutch 



of his empire, and exhausted the remainder was due to his 
personal character and policy. 

The more popular qualities of Charles V.'s early life did 
not descend to his son. Philip was cold and unapproach- 
able, secretive in disposition, hard and unpitying, and 
inflexibly obstinate when his purpose was once formed. 
His government was a typical despotism, as he sincerely 
believed all government should be, in which, though he 



§319] 



Philip and Mary of Efigland 



333 



might listen to the opinions of others, every decision was his 
own, and, when once reached, not to be questioned by the 
highest. From some source Phihp had derived a strong 
rehgious tendency which was the controlling influence in 
shaping his policy, and which determined the result of his 
reign. The tendency was toward a somewhat formal and 
theoretical religion, and it was not of a sort to control his 
personal morals, but it may on that very account have exer- 
cised an even more decisive influence over his public policy. 
To Philip the supreme thing in the world was the Church. 
The highest duty of every monarch was to support and de- 
fend It. 

In his own case, the way of duty seemed entirely plain. 
With all the vast resources at his command, he must devote 
himself to keeping down heresy where it was not already 
supreme, and to recovering as many as possible of the prov- 
inces which the Church had lost. He did not recognize the 
depth of the current nor the impossibility of turning it back, 
and because he thus faced the past and not the future, he hast- 
ened the decline of Spain, which had perhaps already begun. 
It certainly was the blindest political policy to drive out and 
destroy by persecution the Moors still left in southern Spain, 
but he was undoubtedly sincere in saying, as he did of the 
Netherlands, that he had rather not reign at all than to 
reign over heretics. 

319. Philip and Mary of England. — The power of Philip 
might seem at his accession to render resistance hopeless, 
but a type of Protestantism had already arisen in the countries 
where the issue must be decided, in Holland and in England, 
well fitted for the conflict. This was Calvinism, whose 
controlling spirit of resistance to tyranny we have already 
noticed. 

Philip had been married, some months before the abdica- 
tion of his father, to Queen Mary of England. It was a 
union very dear to Mary, though very unpopular with her 
subjects, and both she and Philip hoped that it would increase 
the power of the great Catholic monarchy and secure the 



Republic 

(Harper), 

139-146; 

Johnson, 

Periods, 

309-313- 



His mission, 
to suppress 
heresy. 



Philip must 
contend with 
Calvinism. 



The mar- 
riage of 
Philip and 
Marv. 



334 



The Age of Religious Wars [§§ 3-°' 321 



Green, 

English 

People, II. 

246-261 ; 

Froude, 

England, 

VI., Chap. 

XXXIII.; 

Creigliton, 

Elizabeth 

(Epochs), 

29-47. 



Elizabeth, 
1558-1603. 
Her situation 
and 

character. 
Creighton, 
.Elizabeth, 
128-148; 
Green, 
English 
People, II. 
295-302. 



Documents. 

Prothero, 

1-20; 

Gee and 

Hardy, 

415-508. 



complete triumph of the Church which both so much desired. 
Mary, as the daughter of Catherine of Aragon, could hardly 
avoid being a Catholic. If she were a Protestant, she would 
proclaim her own illegitimacy. In her short reign she did 
all that she could to bring England back into the old way. 
She undid the legislation of her father, restored the suprem- 
acy of the pope, tried to destroy the influences which had 
begun to work during the reign of her brother, and put 
many Protestants to death. But she was disappointed in all. 
There was no child from her marriage with Philip to carry 
on her plans ; England, though not yet Protestant, endured 
sullenly her methods of rule ; Philip, disappointed also in 
what he had hoped to gain from England, gave her no sym- 
pathy nor personal support ; and finally Providence itself 
seemed to desert her when Francis of Guise captured Calais, 
which the English had held for two hundred years against 
all the efforts of France. She was succeeded in the same 
year by Elizabeth. 

320. England again Protestant. — Elizabeth, as the child 
of the marriage which had overthrown the supremacy of the 
pope, was just as necessarily constrained to be Protestant as 
Mary to be Catholic. Her situation was, however, critical, 
and demanded that she should proceed with caution. Eng- 
land was probably still more than half Catholic, No one 
who was more Catholic than Englishman could regard her 
as legitimately sovereign. The true heir of the crown in his 
eyes was Mary Stuart, queen of Scotland and wife of the 
king of France, and she had already assumed the arms and 
style of queen of England. England was a small land, 
and, even if it had been thoroughly united, no match for the 
great Catholic powers. It was with great discretion that 
Elizabeth met the difficulties with which her reign opened, 
and, though the sovereign became again the head of the 
Church, it was some years before the laws began to bear 
hard upon the Catholics. 

321. The Situation in the Netherlands. — It was in the 
Netherlands that Philip's plans received their first decided 




i^rmoti (.•... .V.J'. 



§ 322] Netherlands under the Hapsbiirgs 



335 



check, and the opposition which they met with there was 
one of the most decisive influences leading to their final fail- 
ure. As we have seen, the Netherlands had descended to 
Charles V. from his grandmother, Mary, daughter of Charles 
the Bold, duke of Burgundy. Their poUtical constitution 
was a peculiar one and had an important bearing on the 
events of this period. The provinces of the Netherlands 
were seventeen in number, each a separate state, dating 
back to the old feudal days. Each of these little states was 
entirely independent of all the others politically, and had its 
own legislature, laws, and government. The only form of 
union between them was that which is known in modern 
times as a " personal union," consisting in the fact that they 
all had the same sovereign. Besides this political separation, 
there were more natural differences of languages, economic 
character, and to some extent of former political relationship, 
which divided the provinces into two groups. The people 
of the northern provinces spoke a German language, were 
attracted by their situation to the sea, which had led them to 
develop extensive fisheries and commerce, and their rulers 
had held their lands under the German emperors. The 
people of the southern provinces spoke a dialect of French, 
depended chiefly in the country on agriculture and in the 
towns on great manufacturing industries, which had grown 
up since the crusades, while a considerable portion of them 
had originally belonged on the west side of the boundary 
line between France and Germany. 

322. The Netherlands under the Hapsburgs. — These 
provinces had obtained from their earlier rulers very con- 
siderable political privileges in the way of making their laws 
and voting their taxes, and to these liberties they were de- 
votedly attached. Charles V,, when he became their sover- 
eign, had paid little attention to their rights and had ruled 
much as he pleased. But the Netherlanders looked upon 
him as a native of their country, and he had also popular 
qualities which won men to grant him his will. Philip II., 
however, seemed to them a true Spaniard, and he did not 



Political 
constitution. 
Hiiusser, 
Reformation, 
285-290 ; 
Prescott, 
Philip II. 
(Lippincott), 
Bk. II., 
Chap. I. 



Separated 
into two 
divisions. 



Charles V. 
and 
Philip II. 



336 



The Age of Religions Wars [§§ 323^ 3^4 



Religious 
persecution 
leads to 
resistance. 



Philip's 

measures 

and their 

effect. 

Prescott, 

Philip II., 

Bk. II., 

Chap. II.; 

Motley, 

Dutch 

Republic, I. 

261-268 ; 

Hausser, 

Re/orfitation, 

290-306. 

Indepen- 
dence 
declared. 
Old South, 
72; 

Johnson, 
Periods, 
Chap. VIII.; 
Hausser, 



appear to care to be thought anything else. His dark and 
forbidding manners made him no friends, and when he 
began to advance further even than Charles in the way of 
arbitrary government, his measures excited an opposition 
which his father had never met. 

323. The Beginning of Resistance to Philip. — Spanish 
officials in the place of native, and garrisons of Spanish 
troops, even heavier taxes than they had ever yet paid, 
arbitrarily laid, might not have led to open rebellion. When 
to these was added religious persecution, armed resistance 
followed. Protestantism had made its way into the German 
provinces of the north, coming in the end to be of a Cal- 
vinistic type, while the provinces of the south had remained 
Catholic, — another and finally one of the most important dif- 
ferences between the two groups. This heretical religion, 
of course, PhiUp could not tolerate. His own provinces 
must all be Catholic whatever the rest of the world might 
be. The introduction of the Spanish inquisition, the division 
of the country into numerous new bishoprics for its better 
control, and the merciless execution of heretics led to the 
first steps in resistance. The nobles protested against the 
invasion of their political privileges. The Protestants united 
and drew up the Compromise of Breda, a declaration of 
their rights. They took in earnest the name of Beggars, — 
Gueux, — which had been given them in derision, and ac- 
cepted as their leader William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, 
one of the richest nobles of the country, a man brave and 
prudent, who was called William the Silent, from a wise 
habit of holding his tongue. 

324. The Independence of the United Netherlands. — The 
conflict was obstinately fought on both sides, and long unde- 
cided. The military skill, the thousands of executions and 
unheard-of exactions of the duke of Alva were of no avail. 
The country might be almost ruined, but the Catholic prov- 
inces were driven to take part with the Protestant against 
the Spanish troops. A somewhat milder policy which fol- 
lowed succeeded no better in the main purpose. Though 



§ 3-4] Independence of the United Netherlands 337 



the Catholic provinces in the end remained under the Span- 
ish rule, the Protestant laid the foundations of a new govern- 
ment in the Union of Utrecht in 1579, and soon after 
declared their complete independence of Spain. It was 
more than twenty-five years, however, before they obtained 
peace and a recognition of their independence. William 
the Silent was murdered in 1584, but his son Maurice suc- 



Re/ormation, 

Pt. v., 

Chaps. 
XXIII. and 
XXIV. 

Indepen- 
dence 
recognized. 




William the Silent 



ceeded him. Elizabeth of England sent the Netherlanders 
some little aid, but their greatest relief came from the great 
loss which Philip met with in the destruction of the Armada, 
and from his taking part in the civil war in France. At last, 
just before his death, Philip gave the Netherlands to his son- 
in-law, the archduke of Austria, and he, after failing in his 
turn to conquer them, recognized in 1609 the independence 
of the seven United Provinces, and this was formally con- 
ceded by the public law of Europe in the peace of West- 
phalia in 1648. 



338 



TJie Age of Religious Wars [§§ 325- 3-6 



Civil strife 
continued. 



Growth of 
Protestant 
feeling in 
England. 



The earlier 

life of Mary 

Stuart. 

Creighton, 

Elizabeth, 

65-82. 



The close of the war for independence was not the end 
of troubles for the Dutch. Civil and religious conflict fol- 
lowed, between a monarchical party led by the house of 
Nassau, holding to the strict Calvinistic faith, and a repub- 
lican party which accepted the teachings of Arminius (d. 
1609), who rejected predestination and the theology founded 
upon it, and built an opposing system upon the basis of hu- 
man free will. The monarchical party finally triumphed, and 
the leader of the republican, Oldenbarnevelt, was executed. 

325. England. — In his plans for the recovery of England 
for the Catholic Church, Philip had no better fortune. The 
method of his warfare, attack by conspiracy and revolution 
upon a government which all Englishmen of whatever faith re- 
garded as the legal and constitutional government, identified 
in the minds of the mass of the people the cause of Protes- 
tantism with that of national independence, and began that 
deep-seated fear of the political designs of the Catholic 
Church which has been in the past, at least, a characteristic 
of Anglo-Saxon Protestantism. 

326. Mary Queen of Scots. — The character of Mary 
Stuart, the Catholic candidate for Elizabeth's throne, was not 
a help to her supporters. A daughter of Mary of Guise, 
brought up from infancy at the French court as the future 
wife of Francis II., light hearted and fond of amusement, 
and enjoying intensely the lively society of Paris, she was 
forced, when only nineteen, by the death of her husband to 
return to Scotland, which had been lately converted by the 
uncompromising John Knox to the austere faith of Calvin. 
It is not strange that Mary was unable to adapt herself 
exactly to the situation. The crisis was reached upon her 
marriage to the earl of Bothwell within a few months of tlie 
murder of her second husband. Lord Darnley, — a murder 
which it was supposed Bothwell had committed, perhaps 
with the connivance of Mary. To avoid the storm which 
this aroused, she abdicated in favor of James VI., her infant 
son by Darnley, and fled to England to seek refuge with her 
cousin and sister queen, Elizabeth, 



§ 326] 



Mary Queen of Scots 



339 



The presence of Mary in England was a considerable The execu- 
embarrassment to Elizabeth, who could hardly fail to sym- ''°^" °^ Mary, 
pathize with her troubles as a sovereign. But political 
necessity seemed to her and to her ministers to indicate but 



1587. 




Queen Eltzareth 



one safe course, and Mary was imprisoned. She did not Froude, 

cease, however, in confinement, to be made the centre E'lgUnd, 

of plots against Elizabeth, nor to be recognized by the xxxiv • 
pope and the king of Spain as the rightful queen of England. 



340 



The Age of Religions Wars [§§ 1-2.1, 328 



Creighton, 
Elizabeth, 
17S-178. 
The petition 
of Parlia- 
ment, 
Protheio, 
109. 

Reasons for 
the conquest 
of England. 



The destruc- 
tion of the 
Armada, 



The demand 
for a more 
complete 
reformation. 



Finally, after she had been imprisoned nineteen years, a 
conspiracy was detected which involved the murder of 
Elizabeth as well as the overthrow of the government, and, 
as the evidence seemed to indicate a guilty knowledge on 
the part of Mary, Ehzabeth, with real or feigned reluctance, 
consented to her execution. 

327. The Invincible Armada. — The execution of Mary, 
the aid which Ehzabeth was giving to the revolted Nether- 
landers, and the injuries which Spanish commerce was 
receiving from the English cruisers now determined Philip 
to exert all his strength, overwhelming as he beheved and 
as England feared, and with one blow be revenged upon the 
upstart little kingdom, and restore a lost province to the 
Church. 

In the summer of 1588, the Invincible Armada set sail. 
All England, Catholic and Protestant alike, rallied to oppose 
it. The smaller but swifter and better handled English 
ships sailed around, and clung to the skirts of the great 
Spanish fleet and, in a nine days' continuous battle as it 
passed through the Channel, practically defeated it. As 
the remaining ships were attempting to return to Spain by 
sailing around Scodand and Ireland, they were dispersed 
by storms, and hardly one-third reached home. This was 
a great blow to the naval supremacy, the resources, and 
the prestige of Spain from which she never recovered. It 
was, also, the last attempt of Philip II. to conquer England, 
but it was only the beginning of the English triumphs 
over Spain, so intimately connected with the rise of her 
commercial and colonial empire, which we shall study in 
another place. 

328. The Rise of the Puritan Party. — The troubles of 
Ehzabeth with the Catholics, did not exhaust her religious 
difficulties. The English Church had retained many things 
in its forms which had belonged to the old Church, and this 
was true to some extent, also, of its teachings. But many in 
England had accepted the full teachings of Calvin. During 
the reign of Mary numbers had taken refuge from persecu- 



§ 329] opposing Parties in France 341 

tion in Geneva, and they had returned, hoping to estabhsh 
Calvinism in England. These men now refused to con- 
form to the English Church, but for opposite reasons from 
those of the Catholics. For them the Reformation had not 
gone far enough. This party was itself divided into two. 
One, for a long time the most numerous and influential in 
England, was the Puritan, so called from its desire to purify 
the Church from all Catholic form. They believed, however, 
in a national, established Church. The other party, for 
many years small and obscure, was sometimes called the 
Brownist, from one of its leaders, and sometimes the 
Separatist from its special teaching that each separate 
church should be an independent, democratic community, 
determining all questions for itself. 

The government felt obliged to punish these extreme The Pilgrims 
Protestants for non-conformity, as it did the Catholics, and '" Holland, 
soon after the reign of Elizabeth closed, a community of Qg„gs\s of 
the Separatists took refuge in Holland from this persecution. New Eng. 
and some years later still formed the little colony of Plymouth Churches, 
in New England. Many Puritans coming later to New 
England organized there churches of the Separatist type, England, 
and these are known in the history of America as Con- Old South, 
gregational, while those retaining more nearly the original ^^' 
Puritan organization are known as Presbyterian. 

329. The Opposing Parties in France. — For France, the An unhappy 
last half of the sixteenth century was a most unhappy penod of 
period. Ravaged by constantly recurring civil wars, reli- 
gious in form but somewhat selfish in character and revo- 
lutionary in purpose, and ruled by incompetent kings and 
an utterly corrupt court, government was almost undone 
and all classes and interests suffered severely. The Protes- 
tants of France, as we have seen, differed from those of 
other countries in the fact that they formed a great political 
party in the nation, led by powerful nobles and princes of 
the royal family, and strove to secure their main object, a 
kind of independent position in the State, quite as much 
from political as from religious reasons. 



342 



The Age of Religions Wars 



[§ 330 



Government 
follows no 
consistent 
policy. 
Penn. III., 
No. 3; 
Zeller, XIV. 



Catherine 
de' Medici 
and her 
policy. 
Kitchin, 
France, II. 
294-310 ; 
Zeller, XV. 



The first war. 
Vassy, 1562. 
Baird, 
Rise of the 
Huguenots 
(Scribner), 
II. 19-26. 



The 

Huguenots 
a state 
within the 
State. 



The Reformation had an independent and early beginning 
in France, but it received much aid from the German move- 
ment, and still more from Calvin. At first the government 
paid little attention to it, but finally Francis I. and Henry 11. 
adopted the policy of repression, irregularly carried out. 
During the short reign of Francis II., the same policy was 
continued, as the king was under the control of the Guises, 
the uncles ot his wife Mary Stuart, and they were devoted 
Catholics. 

On his death, in 1560, his brother, Charles IX., became 
king at the age of ten. His mother, Catherine de' Medici, 
an ambitious woman, but up to this tiine without influence 
upon public affairs, now resolved to rule in the name of her 
son. This she hoped to accomplish by balancing the 
Catholic party of the Guises with the Protestant party led 
by the Bourbon princes, Antony of Navarre and his brother, 
the Prince of Cond^. This was a very difficult part to play 
on account of the bitterness of faction, and, though Cath- 
erine was aided by the unusual abilities of her minister, the 
Chancellor L'Hopital, who was tolerant from conviction, it 
was not an entirely successful policy. 

330. The Huguenot Civil "Wars. — The first civil war 
began by the massacre of Vassy, in which the attendants 
of Francis of Guise, who was on his way to Paris, attacked 
and killed many of a Protestant community who were wor- 
shipping in a barn. From this time on for thirty years 
there was a constant succession of wars, separated from one 
another by brief intervals of what was called peace, but which 
differed from war only in the fact that the strife was carried 
on by intrigues at the court rather than on the battlefield. 

The peace of St. Germain, which closed the third war, 
is the most important peace in the series, and the interval 
between that and the beginning of the fourth war, the 
most important interval. The peace granted to the Hugue- 
nots four strong fortress towns of Fiance, which they were 
to hold and control entirely independently of the govern- 
ment. This was done to give them a feeling of security, 



§331] 



The First of tJic Bourbons 



343 



and as a kind of pledge that the terms of the peace would 
be honestly kept, but it had the effect of giving them a 
basis of political organization and of making them a little 
state within the State. 

In the interval before the next war the effort to bring 
Protestant and Catholic together was more nearly successful 
than at any other time. The marriage of the young Henry 
of Navarre, now the head of the Huguenots, with the king's 
sister, Margaret of Valois, was to cement the union, and 
many of the most prominent Protestants were attracted to 
the festivities at Paris. The Admiral Coligny, the ablest of 
the Huguenot nobles and one of the ablest Frenchmen 
of the time, acquired a decided influence over the mind of 
the young king. He wished to return to the policy of ex- 
tending French territory in the Rhine valley, and to turn 
the energies of the nation from civil strife to foreign con- 
quest. The king was on the point of action, but his mother, 
Catherine de' Medici, began to be alarmed at Coligny's 
influence and to fear the loss of her hold on power. An 
attempt to assassinate the admiral failed. Then the king 
was with difficulty persuaded of a general Huguenot plot, 
and gave the orders which led to the massacre of St. Bar- 
tholomew. Thousands were murdered in Paris and through- 
out France, but a new spirit filled those that survived, and 
the Catholics gained little in the end. 

331. The First of the Bourbons. — On both sides, mur- 
ders were frequent during these wars, and many of the 
leaders perished by assassination. In 1574, Charles IX. 
was succeeded by his brother, Henry III., the last of the 
Valois. He was ambitious to rule and wished to form a 
party of his own, but he could not. After having the 
duke of Guise murdered almost in the royal presence, he 
was himself murdered in 1589. By his death, Henry of 
Navarre was left the rightful king of France. A long strug- 
gle was necessary, however, before he obtained full posses- 
sion of the throne, and among other things required was 
his conversion to the CathoUc faith, probably not a dififi- 



Coligny and 
the massacre 
of St. Bar- 
tholomew, 
1572. 
Alzog, 
Churcli 
History, III. 
2j6-2jq ; 
Baird, 
Huguenots, 
Chap. 
XVIII.; 
Zeller, XV. ; 
Weynian, 
House of the 
Wolf 
(novel). 



The last of 
the Valois. 
Zeller, XVI. 



Henry IV. 
Zeller, XVII. 
Willert, 
Hftiry of 



344 



The Age of Religions Wars [§§ Y:)^, 333 



Navarre 
(Heroes) ; 
his acces- 
sion, 

Chaps. V. 
and VI.; 
Johnson, 
432-437. 

The close of 
the civil 
wars and the 
edict of 
Nantes. 
Baird, 
Henry of 
Navarre 
(Scribner), 
Chap. XIV.; 
Johnson, 
Periods, 
442-445. 

Designs 
upon the 
Rhine 
valley. 
Willert, 
Henry of 
Navarre, 
Chap. XI. 



The causes 
of strife in 
the Empire. 
Map for the 
war, 
Putzger, 
No. 22. 



cult thing for him, as he was not a man of deep convic- 
tions. 

By 1598 the wars were over. England, which had hoped 
to gain something at the expense of France by aUiance 
with the Huguenots, and Spain by aUiance with the Catho- 
lics, were both repulsed ; the rebellious nobles and cities 
were forced to submit to a reestablishment of strong royal 
authority, and Henry could carry out his plans for the 
restoration of prosperity to France, wise according to the 
knowledge of the time, in which he had the aid of his great 
minister. Sully. The rights of the Protestants were secured 
and toleration made the law of the State by the edict of 
Nantes of April 13, 1598, which served its purpose for 
almost a hundred years. 

332. The Foreign Plans of Henry IV. — Having secured 
the internal peace and begun the economic recovery of 
France, Henry IV. was just about to renew the policy 
of conquest in the Rhine valley, when he was assassinated, 
in 16 10. Had Henry been granted a few years longer, he 
would probably have made larger conquests in this region 
than Louis XIV. a century later, and at much less cost, for 
Germany was just on the eve of civil war, Spain was ex- 
hausted by the losses and mistakes of the last half century, 
and England and Holland would not have been ready to 
oppose the designs of France as they were a hundred years 
later. As it was, France fell back for many years into 
weakness and internal confusion. Louis XIII. was not yet 
ten. His mother, Mary de' Medici, did not know how to 
rule, and the nobles and leaders of all parties proved utterly 
selfish and corrupt. 

333. The Beginning of the Thirty Years' War. — While 
France was torn with civil war, and Spain was exhausting 
herself in efforts to conquer the revolted Netherlands and 
to overthrow Protestantism in western Europe, Germany 
was slowly drifting toward a civil war, the most terrible 
in its effects of any known to civilized history. The immedi- 
ate successors of Charles V., Ferdinand I. and Maximilian II., 



§ 333] Beginning of the TJiirty Years War 345 

were liberal-minded princes, and Protestantism made con- 
siderable advances even in the Austrian territories. The 
later emperors, especially Rudolf II. and Ferdinand II., were 
entirely under the influence of the Jesuits, and determined 
to restore Catholicism wherever possible. Each party in 
the Empire had some reason to complain of the unfairness 
with which the other interpreted the terms of the peace of 
Augsburg. The Protestants had managed, contrary to its 








A Soldier of the Thirty Years' War 



spirit at least, to retain the endowments and government 
of several ecclesiastical states which had been converted. 
In 1607, Maximilian of Bavaria, taking advantage of a 
quarrel which had arisen between the citizens and a mon- 
astery, had seized the Protestant free city of Donauworth and 
had reestablished Catholicism there. The Protestant states 
then formed the " Union," under the lead of the Elector 
of the Palatinate. Immediately the Catholics formed the 
" League," with Maximilian at its head. 



346 



TJic Age of Religious Wars [§§ 334' 335 



The out- 
break in 
Bohemia. 
Gindely, 
Thirty Years' 
War 

(Putnams), 
Chap. II.; 
Gardiner, 
Thirty Years' 
War 

(Epochs), 
Chap. II., 
Sec. 2; 
Maurice, 
Bohemia 
(Nations), 
Chap. XVII. 

The over- 
throw of 
Frederick. 
Gardiner, 
Chap. III., 
Sec. I ; 
Gindely, I., 
Chap. VI. 



The rise of 

Wallenstein 

and his 

methods. 

Gindely, I. 

379-386 ; 

Gardiner, 

Chap, v.. 

Sec. 3. See 

later edict 

deposing 

him. 

Schilling, 

Quellenbuch, 

145- 



334. The Bohemian Period of the "War. — • War did not 

begin, however, for some years, and then in consequence of 
the efforts of Ferdinand to favor Catholicism in Bohemia, 
where nearly all the people were Protestants. The destruc- 
tion of a Protestant church in Prague, in 1618, led to open 
hostilities. The people rose, threw the Catholic councillors 
of Ferdinand out of a window of the castle, after the Bohe- 
mian fashion, deposed the king, and elected in his place, 
Frederick, the Elector Palatine. He was the head of the 
Union, and son-in-law of James I. of England, but the aid 
which was expected from these sources did not come. On 
the other hand, Ferdinand had the support of Bavaria, 
Spain, and even of Protestant Saxony, and in Tilly had a 
general far superior to any on the Bohemian side. The 
first period of the war was soon over. Frederick was de- 
feated in the battle of the White Mountain, driven from 
his new kingdom, lost his dominions in the Palatinate, and 
even his electoral office, which was given to Maximihan 
of Bavaria, and never was able to recover his position. 
Bohemia was left at the mercy of Ferdinand, who deprived 
the Protestants of their rights and established Catholicism 
by force. 

335. The Danish Period. — These successes of the house 
of Austria, won partly by the help of Spanish troops, and 
these violations of constitutional right, at last led the other 
Protestant states of the Empire to fear for their own safety. 
The king of Denmark, Christian IV., a German prince, as 
duke of Holstein interfered, and the Danish period of the 
war began in 1624. In this period, Wallenstein appeared in 
the service of Ferdinand, at the head of a great army which 
he supported and paid without expense to the emperor by 
the plunder of the country through which he passed. In 
carrying out this plan of making war pay its own expenses, 
he made but little distinction between friend and foe, and 
as his method was generally adopted by the other command- 
ers, and as the armies came to be composed of adventurers 
and professional soldiers from all parts of Europe, attracted 



§336] 



Szvedcn and France 



347 



by the privilege of living as licensed freebooters, the suf- 
ferings of the German people can be easily imagined. 

Success was still on the Catholic side. Tilly and Wallen- 
stein were more than a match for the leaders on the other 
side, the king of Denmark was driven out, north Germany 
was almost wholly subdued, and Wallenstein was given the 
confiscated duchy of Mecklenburg, which should be held by a 
reigning prince. As a result of these successes, the emperor 
issued in 1629 the edict of Restitution, which marks the 
highest point of his success and shows what would have 
followed his complete triumph. This edict ordered the 
restoration to the Catholic Church of all endowments and 
ecclesiastical governments which has become Protestant 
since the peace of Augsburg. As many of these were cases 
of genuine conversion, and as it affected all parts of Ger- 
many, it was an edict which could have been carried out 
only by an arbitrary exercise of absolute power. 

336. Sweden and France. — But a change was now at 
hand in the character of the war, which marks a great 
change in the deeper currents of history at large. Two 
nations of Europe had been for some years watching events 
in Germany with increasing interest. One of these was 
Sweden on the north. Sweden was at that time a much 
larger and more powerful state than it has been in recent 
history. The eastern shore and the southeastern corner of 
the Baltic were in its possession, and it was ambitious of 
making that sea wholly a Swedish lake. During the first 
years of the Thirty Years' War it had been engaged in a 
war with the kingdom of Poland, partly with this in view. 
Its king was now Gustavus Adolphus, a young man with the 
ambition which conscious ability always gives — a mihtary 
genius who was at the same time a most devoted and 
sincere Protestant, ready to avenge the injuries of the Ger- 
man Protestants on religious grounds, even if the interests 
of Sweden had not been at the same time served. 

The other country was France. During the minority of 
Louis XIII., and for a few years after, France had been 



The edict of 
Restitution. 
Gardiner, 
Chap. VII.; 
Gindely, I. 

445 ff- ; 

text, 

Schilling, 
QuelleiibHch, 
120. 



The 

ambition of 
Sweden and 
of Gustavus 
Adolphus. 



348 



TJie Age of Religious Wars 



\%1>}>1 



The rise and 
general 
policy of 
Richelieu. 



abandoned to faction, to intrigues, and strife of the most self- 
ish sort, which had reduced the royal authority to almost 
as low a point as during the civil wars, and prevented the 
country from taking any part in European affairs. But in 
1624 Richelieu had come into power. From this date, for 
almost twenty years, he followed, without wavering, a clear 
and definite poUcy in internal affairs the supremacy of the 




GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS 

king, and in external affairs the dominion of France in Eu- 
rope. To accomplish these things required, in France, the 
overthrow of the political independence of the Huguenots 
and of the power of the nobles, and in Europe, the over- 
throw of the house of Austria, and these form the special 
objects of Richelieu's policy. 

337. Richelieu centralizes France. — Richelieu began to 
carry out his foreign policy almost as soon as he became 



§ 33^1 Richelieu and the Thirty Years War 349 



minister, by preventing the Spanish from getting possession 
of the Valteline pass in northern Italy, the key to the hne of 
communication between the lands of the Spanish Hapsburgs 
in Italy and those of the Austrian Hapsburgs in Germany. 
But he found out at once that France was not prepared for a 
successful struggle for European supremacy until it was thor- 
oughly centralized at home. The conflict with the Huguenots 
was over comparatively soon. Their strongest fortress, La 
Rochelle, was taken in 1628, after a famous siege and in spite 
of the efforts of England to prevent it. But litde further 
resistance was possible for them, and in 1629 RicheHeu 
issued the edict of Alais, which deprived them of the politi- 
cal independence, the position of a state within the State, 
which the edict of Nantes had granted them, but left all 
their religious privileges and liberties untouched. 

The conflict with the nobles lasted much longer, all 
through the life of Richelieu and even on into the ministry 
of Mazarin, but they were in the end entirely subdued. They 
fought with intrigue and conspiracy, in which the king's 
mother, his wife, and his brother Gaston, often had a part, 
and which were as often directed at the life as at the power 
of Richelieu. The minister's weapons were the law and 
judicial executions which removed some of the highest 
nobles of the kingdom. His strongest support was the fact 
that Louis XIII. understood and heartily approved his policy, 
so that the most powerful influences of the court could not 
turn him against his minister. The success of Richelieu's 
policy gave the finishing touches to the absolute monarchy 
and made the king's will supreme without a check. 

338. Richelieu and the Thirty Years' War. — At the date 
of Ferdinand's edict of Restitution, Richelieu was not quite 
ready for open interference in the war in Germany, but he 
was ready to assist others to prevent any further extension 
of the Austrian power. He aided the electors in forcing 
the emperor to dismiss Wallenstein, whose army they feared 
might be used to destroy their independence. He inter- 
fered to make jDeace between the Swedes and Poland so that 



The inde- 
pendence 
of the 
Huguenots 
broken. 



The nobles 

subdued. 

Bulvver, 

Richelieu 

(drama). 



Indirect 
interference. 



350 



The Age of Religious Wars 



[§338 



Richelieu 
and Prot- 
estantism. 



Gustavus Adolphus might be at liberty to give his whole 
attention to the Protestant cause in Germany, and he after- 
wards supported the Swedish army with liberal supplies. 

These events meant of course that a new directing influ- 
ence was entering into the religious war. Richelieu was a 
Catholic. He was a cardinal of the Church. But the great 
objects of his life were political without reference to religion. 




Richelieu 



He made war on the Huguenots, but left them all their re- 
ligious rights. He supported Protestant armies and sent his 
own to fight on that side, that he might weaken the Austrian 
power and put France at the head of Europe. This is the 
passing away of the Reformation as an influence which con- 
trols international politics and the action of States, and the 
beginning again of the conflict by diplomacy and war for 
national aggrandizement. 



§§339' 34°] Deaths of Gnstavns and Wallcnstcm 351 



339. Gustavus Adolphus in Germany. — The great man of 
the Thirty Years' War was Gustavus Adolphus, a most inter- 
esting study both from his positive characteristics and from 
his apparent contradictions. Most earnestly devoted to the 
Protestant faith, and at the head of an equally devoted army 
which he held under strict discipline, he was still ambitious 
for himself and desirous of conquest for his country. A 
military genius, the equal or even the superior of Wallen- 
stein, and an innovator who revolutionized the art of war by 
the lighter arms and more mobile arrangements which he gave 
his troops, he won a remarkable series of successes from which 
he gained no corresponding advantages, and he died in the 
midst of his career at the moment of victory over Wallenstein. 

The interference of the Swedes in Germany was not 
altogether welcome to the more powerful of the Protestant 
princes, who feared their ulterior designs. So long was Gus- 
tavus Adolphus in forcing his way through the territories of 
the Elector of Brandenburg that the great city of Magdeburg 
fell before the assaults of Tilly, and was almost totally de- 
stroyed, probably by its own defenders to deprive the victors 
of their advantage. This loss was soon made up by the 
great victory which Gustavus won from Tilly in the battle of 
Breitenfeld, near Leipsic. This defeat left the emperor 
without an army capable of holding the Swedes in check, 
but the plans of Gustavus seem at this time to have been di- 
rected to other objects than the overthrow of the emperor. 
Ferdinand was obliged to recall Wallenstein in order to get 
a new army, and gave him a position almost entirely inde- 
pendent of control. 

340. The Death of Gustavus and of Wallenstein. — In the 
next year Gustavus entered Munich after again defeating 
Tilly, who was mortally wounded, but Wallenstein prevented 
his further advance and then drew him off into Saxony, 
where, in the battle of Liitzen, Gustavus was killed, though 
the army of Wallenstein was defeated. The policy of Gus- 
tavus was continued by Oxenstern, the minister of the little 
Queen Christina, and the Swedish army remained in Ger- 



The char- 
acter and 
genius of 
Gustavus 
Adolphus. 
Gindely, II. 
39-46; 
Fletcher, 
Gustavus 
Adolphus 
(Heroes) ; 
Dodge, 
Gustavus 
Adolphus 
(Military 
History, 
Houghton). 

The victories 
of the 
Swedes. 
Gardiner, 
Chap. VIII.; 
Gindely, II. 
82-147. 

Magdeburg. 
Gindely, II. 

55-67; 
contempo- 
rary account 
in Schilling, 
Quellenbuch, 
126. 



The death of 

Gustavus, 

1632. 



352 



The Age of Religions Wars 



[§341 



Wallenstein 
assassinated, 
1634. 

Gindely, II. 
172-188; 
Gardiner, 
Chap. IX., 
Sec. 4; 
Schiller, 
Wallen- 
sttin's Lager, 



many till the close of the war, through the days of its great 
successes were past. 

The death of Gustavus more than balanced, for the em- 
peror's cause, the defeat of Wallenstein, and it was followed 
by other successes. Not long after, the emperor became 
convinced that Wallenstein was engaged in treasonable cor- 
respondence with the enemy, and was planning to use his 
army in some design of his own, and he had him killed, but 
was able to retain the services of his army. The successes 
of Ferdinand were crowned when, in 1635, the Elector of 




Swedish Leather Cannon 

From the time of the Thirty Years' War 



Die Picco- 
lomini, and 
W 'allen- 
stein's Tod 
(dramas). 

Richelieu 
actively 
interferes. 
Gardiner, 
Chap. X. 

The French 
successes 
compel 
peace. 



Saxony, to secure certain advantages for himself, made a 
separate peace and even an alliance with the emperor. 

341. The French Period of the War. — Once more the 
house of Austria seemed about to triumph in Germany. 
Again Richelieu must interfere if he would prevent it, and 
this time with his own forces. The French period lasts from 
1635 till the close of the war. 

The first efforts of France were directed against the prov- 
inces which had been retained by the Spanish Hapsburgs 
in the Low Countries, where, after driving back a Spanish 
invasion which had threatened Paris for a moment. Arras 



§ 342] The Peace of Westphalia 353 

was captured and the province of Artols conquered. In the 
south, Roussillon was taken possession of, and Portugal was 
aided to recover her independence from Spain. The 
Swedish army soon passed under French control, and their 
successes in Alsace and the Rhine valley made for the ad- 
vantage of France. Richelieu did not live to see the com- 
plete fulfilment of his plans, but he saw enough to be 
confident of their final realization. His policy was con- 
tinued by Mazarin, his successor in the French ministry. In 
the last years of the war, two young French generals began 
their career who were destined to the highest military 
renown, Turenne and Cond6. Their repeated victories, the 
occupation of Bavaria, the capture of Passau and of Prague, 
and the threatening of Vienna, finally drove the emperor, 
Ferdinand III., reluctantly to consent to conditions of 
peace, 

342. The Peace of Westphalia. — The series of treaties by The im- 
which the Thirty Years' War was brought to an end is known portance of 
as the peace of Westphalia. Considered as one, it consti- Gindeiv'^n 
tutes the most important event in diplomatic history since Chap, x.; 
the treaty of Verdun in the ninth century, and the wide- Gardiner, 

, . ■',. . . , . , . , „ J . , Chap. XI., 

reachmg dispositions which it made controlled, with some sec. 2; 
slight modifications, the political and geographical arrange- selected 
ments of Europe till the age of Napoleon. sSn'" 

From the point of view of general history, the peace of Quellenbuch, 
Westphalia marks, first of all, the great advance of France ^59- 
towards the headship of Europe, and the corresponding The great 
decline of the house of Austria. This was made evident in p^J^ce^ ° 
the treaties and secured for the future in two ways. In the Kitchin, 
first place, France was given the footing on the Rhine which •^'''«'"^'. lH- 
for a hundred years its statesmen had been hoping to attain. 
The larger part of Alsace was put under the control of 
France, though it was not actually ceded to her, and two 
great fortresses on the right bank of the river, Breisach and 
Philippsburg, became French. She thus had an easy entry 
for her armies directly into Germany in the event of 
another war. This position on the upper Rhine enabled 
2 A 



354 



The Age of Religions Wars [§§ 343? 344 



The declitie 
of Austria. 
Bryce, 

Holy Roman 
Empire, 
340-351- 



Map, 
Putzger, 
No. 22. 



Sweden and 
the German 

states. 



France also easily to extend her influence over the small 
states of the lower valley, and a few years later she organized 
the League of the Rhine under her leadership, which made 
France almost as much a German power as Austria. 

343. The Empire Destroyed. — In the second place, the 
treaties made the Empire in law what it had been in reality 
for more than two hundred years — a mere form, though 
making at the same time the forms somewhat more empty. 
Full sovereignty, with the right to make treaties and alliances 
with foreign states, limited only by the most meaningless con- 
ditions, was given to each of the more than three hundred 
and fifty little states into which Germany was now divided. 
The position of emperor, which now belonged by a kind 
of customary right to the Hapsburgs, became a merely 
honorary one, a kind of presidency of a loose confederation 
with no real power whatever. As a result, the lingering 
ideas of a German nation, which had existed up to this time, 
disappeared completely. Each little court pursued its own 
utterly selfish and corrupt policy, bitterly jealous of all the 
others and of the Empire, and even such a man as Lessing 
could rejoice that he was not troubled with the weakness 
of patriotism. Austria was reduced, by this state of things, 
to depend upon her own private resources in future strug- 
gles with France, and Louis XIV. was able to treat the 
Empire with most open contempt and insult with perfect 
impunity. 

344. The Other States of Europe in the Peace. — The 
other dispositions of the treaties are of comparatively little 
importance. Sweden, Brandenburg, and Saxony received 
large additions of territory. The portion of the Palatinate 
on the Rhine was restored to the son of Frederick with an 
eighth electorate created for him, but Bavaria retained the 
part of the Palatinate which joined her territory, together 
with the old seventh electorate which had been given her 
at the beginning of the war. The edict of Restitution was 
not enforced except for the last years of the war. The 
religious arrangements of the peace of Augsburg were con- 



§§ 34S> 346] Nezv Era in English History 



355 



tinued in force, and the Calvinistic or Reformed Church, 
as it was called, was admitted to its privileges. 

Spain refused to accept this peace for herself, and con- 
tinued the war for ten years longer, hoping, on account of 
the civil conflicts in France, to be able to extort better 
terms. In this she was disappointed, and in the peace 
of the Pyrenees, in 1659, she was obliged to make consider- 
able cessions to France, both in the Low Countries and in 
the south. 

345. The Sufferings of Germany. — The misery which 
Germany suffered from the Thirty Year's War can hardly be 
conceived. At the end of two hundred years the losses had 
scarcely been made good. Armies whose business it was 
to make all they could from the country had been marching 
through the land for almost a generation. The population 
was reduced one-half, and the movable property two-thirds. 
Farmsteads and villages even disappeared, much of the 
country fell back into wilderness, and wild beasts that had 
not been seen in the memory of man became frequent once 
more. Manners and morals suffered with the rest, and the 
peasantry especially became, as they remained until the 
present century, scarcely more than beasts of burden with 
no sense of self-respect. 

346. A New Era in English History. — During the last 
period of the Thirty Years' War, a civil war was going on in 
England, of a somewhat different character. In 1603, the 
reign of Elizabeth, the last of the Tudors, came to an end, 
and that of James I., the first of the Stuarts, began. Con- 
sidered in itself alone, this was an event of no small impor- 
tance, since it brought together in close alliance the two 
kingdoms of England and Scotland which had been enemies 
of one another for so many centuries, and prepared the way 
for the still closer union of the present time. But in the 
history of England, the accession of the son of Mary Stuart 
to the throne marks a still greater change. The whole 
situation, domestic and foreign, was now, indeed, very dif- 
ferent from that which had existed before the execution 



Spain 

continues the 
war for ten 
years. 



Thirty years 
of savage 
warfare 
destroy the 
gains of two 
hundred. 
Gardiner, 
Chap. XI., 
Sec. III.; 
Gindely, II. 
393-398. 



The acces- 
sion of the 
Stuarts. 
James I., 
I 603- I 625. 



A great 
change in 
English 
affairs. 



356 



The Age of Religions Wars 



[§346 



of the king's mother, Mary Queen of Scots. Spain was no 
longer to be feared, and there was no heir to the designs 
of Phihp 11. Such designs themselves were no longer 
possible, for there was not now any claimant of the throne, 
like the Catholic Mary Stuart, who could serve as the centre 
of treasonable conspiracies. 

The effect of these changes upon the share taken by 
England in the international politics of the continent, which 




HoLYKooi) Palace 



English 
history 
returns to its 
old channel. 



was much less during the first half of the seventeenth than 
during the sixteenth century, was not their most important 
result. In national politics, the result was the opening of 
a new era. The practical, though not legal, absolutism — 
the straining of the constitution almost to the point of break- 
ing — which the people had tolerated in the Tudors because 
of the dangerous crisis through which the nation was pass- 
ing, was no longer necessary. The absence of all foreign 
danger and of any source of discontent at home which need 



§347] 



TJie Stuarts and the Puritans 



357 



be feared, enabled the nation to return to its special work 
of constitution making. Its first task, and that which occu- 
pied it nearly all the seventeenth century, was to bring 
the king completely under the constitution as it existed 
before the Tudors, though in the process many details of 
the constitution were greatly clarified and perfected. 

347. The Stuarts and the Puritans. — There were two 
circumstances which concurred at this time to reinforce 
what seems to be a natural Anglo-Saxon tendency to render 
personal and arbitrary government impossible by means of 
constitutional limitations. One of these was the character 
of the king and of his successors. The French contem- 
porary remark that James I. was the wisest fool in Christen- 
dom has never been improved upon. He was very proud 
of his learning, of which he made ostentatious display, but 
he was pedantic, narrow, and fooUsh, and gained more ridi- 
cule than respect. In action he was short-sighted and 
obstinate. Filled with the most extreme notions of the 
sanctity and divine right of kings, he was not disposed to 
tolerate any interference with his prerogatives nor even any 
independence on the part of Parliament, but his pohcy 
lacked the definite and steady guidance of a strong nature. 
He commanded neither the affection nor the respect of his 
people, and lacked entirely the popularity and brilliant 
quahties which had helped to carry the arbitrary govern- 
ment of Henry VIII. and EHzabeth. The short-sighted and 
narrow obstinacy of James, with his unwavering belief in the 
divine right of absolutism, and his vacillating will passed to 
his descendants and are characteristics of the Stuart kings. 

The second of the circumstances favoring popular resist- 
ance to the king was the strength of the Puritan party in 
England. This had increased greatly in the last years of 
Elizabeth, and was destined to a still greater growth under 
James and to a leading part in the reign of Charles I. 
Thoroughly imbued with the Calvinistic idea of the duty of 
resisting even the constituted authorities in defence of the 
right, and familiar with the constitutional position which 



The Stuait 
character- 
istics. 
Green, 
English 
People, III. 
55 ff. 



The Puritan 

party. 
Green, 
English 
People, III. 
13-21. 



158 



The Age of Religious Wars [§§ 348, 349 



His foreign 

policy. 

Gardiner, 

First Two 

Sfuarls 

(Epochs), 

Chap. II. 



King and 
Parliament. 



The Petition 
of Right. 
See refer- 
ences on tliis 
period in 
chapter on 
the English 
constitution. 



Charles 
strives for 
indepen- 
dence. 
Gardiner, 



Parliament had once occupied, this party with its aUies was 
well prepared to meet the Jacobite doctrine of the sin of 
resistance to the king, and to conduct the struggle for a 
recovery of parliamentary control. 

348. The Reign of James I. — James' popularity was not 
increased by his foreign policy. He allowed his son-in- 
law, Frederick, the Elector Palatine, to be ruined in the early 
years of the Thirty Years' War, against the wishes of the 
people. At the same time he strove without success to 
form an alliance with Spain, cemented by the marriage of 
his son Charles with a Spanish princess, and though the 
nation no longer feared Spain as once, she was still regarded 
as their hereditary enemy. 

Under the first of the Stuart kings, the conflict between 
the royal power and the Parliament went no further than 
the vigorous assertion of claims and counter-claims. Such 
positive gains as were made were on the parliamentary side, 
which insisted with determination on a long list of rights 
supported by earlier precedent — • to control taxation, 
whether internal or on foreign commerce, to demand re- 
forms as the necessary condition of grants of money, to 
impeach the king's ministers, and to criticise and discuss 
the government's policy regarding both domestic and for- 
eign interests. 

349. Charles I, and Parliament. — Charles I. was of more 
pleasing manners than his father, but he was even less dis- 
posed to yield anything of his rights to what he considered 
factious opposition. In 1628, his financial necessities com- 
pelled him to assent to the Petition of Right, the second in 
the series of the great constitutional documents of our race, 
in which the right of Parliament to vote all taxes, and the 
right of the people to be secured from arbitrary imprison- 
ment and trial, were clearly affirmed. 

Charles soon showed, however, that he had not meant by 
this agreement to surrender any of his personal authority. 
He determined to rule without a Parliament, and for eleven 
years he did not call one. Two able ministers, the earl 



§35o] 



Civil War Beo-jin 



359 



of Strafford and Archbishop Laud, gave him their assist- 
ance, and in the Star Chamber and the Court of High 
Commission he had the means of arbitrary trials without the 
intervention of any jury. To assist in providing a revenue, 
an obsolete special tax 
which had been for- 
merly paid by the mari- 
time counties for naval 
defence, the ship- 
money tax, was re- 
vived and extended to 
all England. The re- 
fusal of Hampden and 
others to pay this tax 
was the first step in 
open opposition to the 
king. 

350. Civil War Be- 
gun. — It was in Scot- 
land that rebellion be- 
gan. Efforts of Laud 
to change the Pres- 
byterian worship led, 
first to riot, and then to organized resistance. To sup- 
port the army which was necessary to compel obedience, 
Charles was obliged to summon a Parliament, but when 
they showed no disposition to make a grant before a re- 
dress of grievances, he speedily dissolved them. But the 
Scottish army advanced into England, and the king was 
forced to yield. 

In 1640, the Parliament known as the Long Parliament, 
nnd, after the execution of the king, as the Rump, came 
together. Charles sacrificed Strafford and Laud to the ven- 
geance of the commons, hoping that they would demand no 
further concessions, but when he found that this was but a 
beginning, he rashly attempted to turn the tide by depriv- 
ing the opposition of its leaders, and demanded in the 



Stuarts, 
Chap. IV.; 
Taylor, 
England 
under 
Charles I. 
(Contem- 
poraries). 




Scotland 

resists, 

1639. 



Charles I. of England 



Charles 
yields for the 
moment, 
1641. 



36o 



TJie Age of Religious Wars 



[§351 



The Inde- 
pendents put 
the king to 
death. 
Green, 
liiigUsh 
People, III. 
258-263; 
Boyle, 
Clarendon , 
219-223, 
(Clarendon); 
Gardiner, 
Documents, 
282-291. 



The Com- 
monwealth. 



presence of the House the arrest and delivery to him of 
five members, inckiding Hampden. The storm aroused by 
this act rendered reconciliation no longer possible, and 
Charles abandoned London, which was devoted to the par- 
liamentary side, and at Nottingham, on the 2 2d of August, 
1642, raised the standard of civil war. 

351. The Great Rebellion and the Commonwealth. — In 
the war which followed, known in English history as the 

Great Rebellion, 
the war between the 
Cavaliers and the 
Roundheads, the ex- 
treme Puritan party, 
the Independents, 
under the lead of 
Cromwell, soon 
came to the front. 
Cromwell's troop, 
the Ironsides, de- 
voutly religious, 
thoroughly drilled, 
and full of deter- 
mined courage, was 
made the model of 
the army. Defeated 
in several battles, 
especially at Naseby 
in 1645, Charles 
took refuge in Scotland, but was delivered to Parliament by 
the Scots in 1647. After the failure of all attempts at com- 
promise, and the expulsion by Cromwell from the Long 
Parliament of the members who were opposed to extreme 
measures, Charles was put on trial before a special High 
Court of jusdce, condemned to death as a tyrant and 
traitor, and executed on the 9th of February, 1649. 

For four years longer the diminished Parliament con- 
tinued to rule England in form. Cromwell was occupied 




Cromwell 



Topics 361 

with his army in putting down various insurrections, in 
conquering Ireland, where there were many friends of the 
Stuarts, and finally in meeting the Scots, who had proclaimed 
Charles 11. king and invaded England with a strong army. 
In the two great battles of Dunbar and Worcester, Cromwell 
completely defeated them, and Scotland was obliged to 
acknowledge the government of the Commonwealth. In Cromwell 
1653, Cromwell and the army became so dissatisfied with 
the conduct of affairs by the " Rump," that he dissolved it 1653. 
by force, and soon became in name, what he had really Gardiner, 
been for some time, the ruler of England, under the title of ^-.j^^p ^'y^ 
Lord Protector. 



made 
Protector, 



Topics 

The character of this age in the different countries of Europe. 
The first in the series of wars. The conduct of Maurice of Saxony. 
The new policy of France. The arrangements made by the peace of 
Augsburg. The close of the reign of Charles V. Compare the power 
of Philip II. with that of Charles V. His idea of his highest duty. 
The policy of Mary of England, and the result. Why must Elizabeth 
be a Protestant? Her rival for the crown. The political constitution 
of the Netherlands. How did they pass to the Hapsburgs? Causes 
of separation into two parts. Measures of Philip II. The rebellion 
and independence of the United Provinces. The early life of Mary 
Stuart. Why did she take refuge in England? Why was she exe- 
cuted? The history of the Armada. The origin and ideas of the 
Puritans. The differences between Puritans and Separatists. Which 
were the Pilgrims? Characteristics of the Huguenots. The policy of 
Catherine de' Medici. How did the Huguenot wars begin? The 
political position gained by the Huguenots. Reasons for the massacre 
of St. Bartholomew. The character and policy of Henry IV. His 
foreign plans. The edict of Nantes. The causes of the Thirty Years' 
War. The history of Frederick of the Palatinate. The peculiar methods 
of Wallenstein. Reasons for the interference of Sweden and France. 
Richelieu's policy in France. Abroad. His attitude towards Protes- 
tantism. What change in history does this stand for? The character 
of Gustavus Adolphus. His military skill. Why was Wallenstein 
assassinated? The importance of the peace of Westphalia. What did 
France gain from the war? In what position was Austria left? How 
had the Empire become so weak? In what condition was Germany 



362 TJie Age of Religions Wars 

left by the war? The characteristics of the Stuarts. What change 
now occurs in English history, and why? The attitude of the Puritan 
party. Why was James I. an unpopular king? How did Charles I. 
differ from him, and how was he like him? By what measures did 
Charles try to restore the royal power? How did he come to allow 
Strafford to be executed? Cromwell's party. The end of the Long 
Parliament. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The Armada. Froude, History of England, XH., Chap. XXXVI. 
Story, British Empire (Nations), I. 127-159. Johnson, Periods, 
Zl^-Zll- Kingsley, Westward Ho! (Novel.) Chaps. XXIX. 
to XXXI. 

The rise of the Puritan party. Hallam, Constittitional History of Eng- 
land, Chap. IV. Bacon, Genesis of the New England Churches. 
(Harper.) 73-90. Fisher, Reformation, 342-347. Hinds, 
England of Elizabeth. (Macmillan.) Wakeman, The Church 
and the Puritans. (Epochs Ch. Hist.) Documents in Prothero, 
Select Statutes. (Clarendon.) Bk. VIII. 183 ff. Gee and Hardy 
416 ff. Religious Pamphlets in Pamphlet Library. (Holt.) 

Policy of Richelieu in France. Perkins, Richelieu and Mazarin. 
(Putnam.) I., Chap. IV. Kitchin, France, HI. 6-10, iS-30, 
75-83. Correard, Textes, p. 29. 

The siege of La Rochelle. Perkins, Richelieu and Mazarin, I. 118- 
127. Gardiner, Thirty Years^ War, Chap. VI., Section IV. 
Correard, Textes, p. 27. 



Tudors, Stuarts, and Hanoverians 



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(Berlin). 



CHAPTER II 

FRANCE TRIES TO DOMINATE EUROPE 

352. The Hapsburgs in 1660. — In 1660, after the close Spain weak 
of the war with Spain, France appeared to be without a ^"^,. . 

. . declining. 

rival in Europe. Spain still had widely extended posses- On the whole 
sions, — Naples, Milan, Franche-Comt6, and the Low Coun- age see 
tries, — and she still had the now diminished treasures of , ' '5^^°'!; 

' _ _ Das Zeita/ter 

America at her command, but her scattered possessions Ludwigs 
were not easy to defend, and the old energy of the race, its 'Y' ;. 
splendid military capacity, was gone. The country had been 
turned from the path of the sure development of its own 
resources, partly by the bigotry of its rulers, and partly by 
the more brilliant attractions of the New World, and it now 
plainly showed the result in rapidly declining power. The 
royal family seemed to reflect the condition of the nation, 
for it had passed into a condition of physical and mental 
exhaustion, which brought it to an end with the close of the 
century. There seemed nothing to prevent the possessions 
of Spain in the Rhine valley from falling an easy prey to the 
designs of France. 

The Austrian Hapsburgs showed no signs of the exhaus- Austria 
tion of their Spanish cousins. Deprived of all chance of 
making a real empire of Germany, they were finding a com- 
pensation in pushing their dominion down the Danube 
valley, where the loosening hold of the Turk, just beginning 
his long decrepitude, gave them the opportunity to recover 
Hungary. But under these circumstances they would plainly 
have less reason than a generation before for opposing the 
plans of France in northwestern Germany. 

365 



turning to 
the East. 



366 France tries to Dominate Enrope [§§ 353' 354 



England not 
likely to 
interfere. 



Holland 
most nearly 
interested. 



Her 
resources. 



353. England and Holland. — England was still in its age 
of revolution : 1660 was the year of the restoration of the 
Stuarts and the monarchy in the person of king Charles II., 
and, though Cromwell had shown himself at times disposed 
towards a vigorous foreign policy, and though commercial 
interests were rapidly increasing, no one could then suppose 
that England would take a leading part in international 
affairs within a generation. 

Still less could any one suppose, in 1 660, that the resist- 
ance which was destined to defeat the plans of the Grand 
Monarque, and to check the desired advance of the most 
powerful state of Europe would come from the little Dutch 
Republic, whose independence had just been recognized by 
Spain and the Empire. But Holland was a country of 
resources out of all proportion to its size, and of the most 
determined resolution to protect its independence, which it 
believed threatened by the designs of Louis. Ideal reasons 
also were not wanting, — a hatred of despotism and of reli- 
gious intolerance, which were now embodied in Louis XIV., 
as they had once been in Philip II, A more republican 
cast had lately been given to the constitution in conse- 
quence of the failure of an attempt of William II.'s to make 
it more monarchical. The political and military headship 
of the State had been separated, and the former was now in 
the hands of John de Witt, Grand Pensioner of Holland. 
During the war of independence, the eastern colonies of 
Portugal, then a part of Spain, had been seized by the 
Dutch, and with the East Indian trade under its control, 
Holland had become the richest country of Europe and the 
mistress of the seas. England was beginning to dispute 
that position with her, and the struggle between them had 
been opened by a short war under Cromwell, but as yet 
Holland had not suffered greatly from the rivalry. It was 
quite as much the armies of France, as the fleets of England, 
that ruined the Dutch Republic. 

354. The Situation in France. — In the government of 
France, the plans of Richelieu had been as successful as in 



§ 355] 



Character of Louts XIV. 



367 



regard to the European position of the country. After the 
death of RicheUeu, Cardinal Mazarin had continued his 
policy. In the civil war of the Fronde, during the minority 
of Louis XIV., an attempt had been made to check the prog- 
ress of the royal power, partly in the interest of the Parle- 
ment of Paris, the supreme court, which tried to secure 
some constitutional right to limit the king's prerogative, and 
partly in the interest of the great nobles and princes related 
to the royal house, whose more selfish object was to recover 
political power for themselves. 

Both these attempts had been failures, and when Louis 
XIV. took the direction of the government into his own 
hands, on the death of Mazarin in 1661, there was no check 
on the will of the king and no constitutional means by 
which public opinion could express itself. The Estates 
General had not met since 16 14, and they were not to meet 
again until the eve of the Revolution in 1789. The Parle- 
ment of Paris was obliged to yield in every case, however 
much it might wish to oppose the king, and all the ministers 
were entirely dependent upon him. 

355. Character of Louis XIV. — Louis XIV. was not a 
genius in any respect. In the management of government 
affairs, he was a painstaking and hard worker, like an indus- 
trious business man. In foreign affairs, he intensely desired 
the aggrandizement of France and his own glory. He was 
ambitious to be ranked in history as one of the world's 
great sovereigns and conquerors, but he was narrow and 
short-sighted in determining the special objects of his 
policy, and dependent for such success as was reached on 
the genius of others. He was a most firm behever in the 
divine right of kings. He sincerely thought that he was 
responsible to God alone and not at all to the nation for the 
way in which he ruled. Intolerant of opposition or of 
opinions that did not agree with his, he lived upon the 
grossest flattery, and could be led only by adroitly persuad- 
ing him that the object desired was his own. But in spite 
of all his faults he was, as all his age believed him, a great 



The minority 

of Louis 

XIV. 

Kitchin, 

France, III. 

138 ff.; 

Adams, 

Frenck 

Nation, 

202-207. 



Louis XIV. 
absolute 
ruler of 
France. 



An ambi- 
tious 
plodder. 
A contem- 
porary 
portrait, 
Correard, 
Textes, 112; 
Hassall, 
Louis XIV. 
(Heroes), 
82-102 ; 
Kitchin, 
France, 
III. 142-152. 

Theory of 
royal power. 
Bossuet on, 
in Correard, 
Textes, 108, 
and Schil- 
ling, Quellen" 
buck, iq8. 



368 



France tries to Dominate Europe [§ 35^ 



The finances 
in confusion. 



The fall of 

Fouquet. 

Coneard, 

Textes, 

129-139; 

Perkins, 

Regency, 

31-40; 

Hassall, 

Louis XIV., 

103-123. 



king, and he honestly and sincerely sought the interests of 
the nation, as he understood them. 

356. Colbert and the Finances. — In Colbert, Louis 

had, during the first 
part of his reign, a 
great finance minister 
whose skill provided 
the resources for his 
undertakings. At the 
death of Mazarin, the 
finances of France were 
in great confusion. 
Corruption in their ad- 
ministration was the 
rule, and Mazarin him- 
self had not scrupled 
to comply with it. The 
people paid heavy 
taxes, but the collectors 
enriched themselves at 
the expense of the 
State, and only a small 
proportion reached the 
treasury. It was estimated that of eighty-four million 
paid in 1661 only twenty-three were received by the govern- 
ment. 

Mazarin's superintendent of finances, Fouquet, who had 
acquired an enormous fortune by these methods, fell a first 
victim to the new reforms. No one had supposed at first 
that Louis was in earnest when he had announced, on the 
death of Mazarin, that he would be his own prime minister, 
and Fouquet had hoped to succeed the cardinal in the 
government of the State through the king. It was the dra- 
matic arrest and punishment of Fouquet that first convinced 
the court that Louis meant what he said. Colbert, who had 
revealed to the king the financial methods of the time, was 
soon put in control of the revenues, and was by degrees 




Louis XIV. 



§ 357] Colbert' s Economic Measures 369 

given other responsible ofifices, until he had nearly the whole 
administration of the kingdom in his hands. 

The confidence of the king which he had at first, he fully Colbert's 
deserved. Probably no minister in history ever served his '"efo''"^^- 
country with more singleness of purpose. He attacked the 
old abuses vigorously. The collectors were forced to restore 
to the treasury their ill-gotten gains. New methods brought 
in 'greater returns to the State, while the burdens of the people 
were reduced, and a surplus was accumulated which was, 
perhaps, a temptation to the king. 

357. Colbert's Economic Measures. — The efforts of Col- The protec- 
bert for the good of France were not confined to a reform of |'°" '^^ 
the taxation. He wished, like Henry IV., to increase the 
national wealth and bring in an age of great prosperity. In 
his measures for this purpose he was guided by two ideas. 
One was that manufactures must be the chief source of 
national wealth and not agriculture. The other was that to 
secure the best results industry must be under strict govern- 
ment supervision. This was a theory of paternalism quite 
natural to the time, and to the kind of government prevail- 
ing in France. Colbert could hardly know that the most 
essential condition of economic prosperity is freedom, free- 
dom to make changes, to introduce new methods, and to 
conform to varying conditions. He placed a heavy pro- 
tective tariff on foreign goods, introduced many new lines 
of manufacture, brought in colonies of skilled artisans of 
many kinds from abroad, and established minute regulations 
intended to secure always the best quality of product. The 
result was at first largely what he hoped for, but the class 
he most desired to serve did not agree in the end that his 
measures had been of benefit to them. 

Foreign commerce, also, and colonies he endeavored to Commerce 
develop in the same way. The East and the West India '^"^ colonies. 
Companies were organized, and others of the same kind, 
and given monopolies of their goods. The valley and 
mouth of the Mississippi were occupied, and North America 
seemed likely to become French, but in the settlement of 

2B 



370 France tries to Dominate Europe [§§ 35S> 359 



Colbert's last 
days. 



The mar- 
riage of 
Louis XIV. 



The " right 
of devolu- 
tion." 
Airy, 

Louis XIV. 
(Epochs), 
Chap. XIl.; 
Hassall, 
Louis XIV., 
Chap. V. ; 
Perkins, 
Regency, 



colonies a strict paternalism prevailed, as everywhere else, 
and prepared the way for the failure of the French in com- 
petition with the freer English. 

It was not likely that a minister like Colbert, who did not 
hesitate to preach economy and to object to lavish expen- 
ditures, would be able to control the finances of France per- 
manently, under a king like Louis XIV. As the king became 
more devoted to the worship of himself, and involved in 
projects for his own glory, the influence of Colbert declined. 
His last years were filled with disappointment at the failure 
of his plans to make income equal expenditure, and he died 
unpopular with court and people alike, an example of the 
ingratitude of kings. 

358. Preparing to annex Spain. — The direction which 
his foreign conquests should take was marked out for Louis 
XIV. by the treaty of the Pyrenees, which had closed the 
war with Spain in 1659, as well as by the weakness of that 
country. This peace had been cemented by a marriage 
between Louis and Maria Theresa, the eldest daughter of 
Philip IV. of Spain, but the treaty had provided that she 
should renounce all her rights of succession to the throne of 
Spain. The skilful diplomacy of Mazarin, however, had 
secured the insertion of a condition which rendered this 
renunciation of no effect. It was to become valid on the 
payment by Spain of a dower of five hundred thousand crowns 
of gold, a sum which Mazarin knew that it would be impos- 
sible for Spain to raise. The first successes and the final 
failure of Louis XIV. were alike due to this provision. 

359. Louis XIV. 's First "War. — In 1665 Philip died and 
was succeeded by his son, Charles II. He was the son of 
Philip by a second marriage, while the wife of Louis was a 
daughter of the first. Some peculiar provisions were dis- 
covered in the feudal law of inheritance prevailing in certain 
provinces of the Spanish Low Countries, by which the chil- 
dren of a first marriage should succeed to the exclusion of 
those of a second. That these were not provisions of the pub- 
He law, but related only to private inheritances, made no par- 



§§ 360, 361] TJic War against Holland 



371 



ticular difference. Louis at once advanced his claim to 
these provinces, and a fine French army under Turenne 
occupied, ahnost without resistance, some of the strongest 
fortresses of the Low Countries. 

These rapid successes of Louis, with the evident fact 
that Spain could not defend herself, excited the immediate 
alarm of Holland. She was able to form the Triple Alliance 
with England and Sweden, still regarded as one of the 
strongest states of Europe, and offered a kind of armed 
mediation. Louis' first answer was the rapid occupation 
of the province of Franche-Comt6, a part of the territory of 
the former dukes of Burgundy. But he did not think it wise 
actually to enter upon a war with the Triple Alliance, and 
consented to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1668. Franche- 
Comtt^ was restored to Spain, but a line of strong fortresses 
was retained on the borders of the Low Countries, which 
promised France an easy entry into the heart of that country 
when the next war should begin. 

360. Louis prepares to punish Holland. — Louis XIV. was 
now resolved to take vengeance upon Holland at the earliest 
possible moment. The little Calvinistic republic of traders 
and fishermen which had dared to set limits to the ambition 
of the greatest monarch of Christendom must be taught to 
know its place. His first step was, by skilful diplomacy, to 
deprive Holland of her allies. It was not difficult to gain 
Charles II. of England. To fill his empty pocket and to 
further his own personal designs, he was ready to sell his 
alliance to France, and, though so much of the bargain as 
became known was very unpopular, the weakening of Holland 
was not contrary to the commercial interests of England, 
which had already had two great naval wars with the Dutch 
within twenty years. Sweden was also gained and remained 
on the side of France till the close of the war, and Holland 
was left without an ally. 

361. The "War against Holland. — In the spring of 1672 
the war began. Louis himself at the head of a great army, 
for those days, of more than 100,000 men, carefully passing 



The Triple 

Alliance 

checks 

Louis. 

Airy, 

Louis XI v.. 

Chap. XIV. 



Peace of Aix- 
la-Chapelle. 



Holland 
isolated. 
Airy, 

Louis XIV., 
Chap. XVI. 



England 
against the 
Dutch. 



Louis' first 
successes. 
Kitchin, 
France, IIL 



372 France tries to Do)iiimite Europe 



[§361 



185-189; 

Hassall, 
Louis XIV., 
Chap. VI. 



The war 

becomes 

European. 

Kitchin, 

France, III. 

191-205 ; 

Perkins, 

Regency, 

69-89. 



around the Spanish Low Countries and through the territo- 
ries of his German allies on the Rhine, invaded the country 
from the south. His success was rapid at first. The south- 
ern part of the land was occupied, Utrecht was captured, 
and Amsterdam was threatened. But Holland was no less 
determined in her resistance to the new representative of 
intolerance and despotism than she had been in the case of 
Philip n. The government was revolutionized. John de 
Witt was murdered by a mob, and the young William III. 
of Orange was put at the head of the State. Then the dykes 
were cut and the advance of the French was checked. 

William HI. immediately sought for allies, and the fear 
which the designs of Louis XIV. began to excite in Europe 
came to his aid. Spain, the emperor, and Brandenburg 

began war, and public 
opinion in England 
forced Charles II. to 
withdraw from the side 
of Louis. The war 
became a European 
war. France was forced 
for a time to fight on 
the defensive, but the 
genius of Turenne, until 
he was killed in 1675, 
and of Cond^, until he 
went into retirement 
soon after, were more 
than a match for their 
enemies. Franche- 
Comt^ was again occu- 
pied, and further for- 
tresses in the Spanish 
Netherlands were cap- 
tured. On the sea the Dutch suffered heavily, their great 
admiral De Ruyter was killed, and the French admiral Du 
Quesne gained several victories. 




Louis DE Bourbon, the Great Conde 



.^ 362] 



The Period of the ''Reunions'' 



\7i 



At last all parties were ready for peace, and the treaty of 
Nimeguen was made in 1678. Holland had not been 
humiliated as Louis had hoped, and received favorable 
terms, but she was exhausted by the strain and losses of 
the war. The gains of France were as usual at the expense 
of Spain. Franche-Comte was now retained and a new and 
better frontier drawn in the Spanish Netherlands. 

362. The Period of the "Reunions." — The period of 
ten years which followed to the beginning of the next war 
is filled with interesting events, and forms a turning-point in 
the reign of Louis XIV. and in the history of France. In 
the first place, Louis had come off so well against a strong 
European coalition that he still beheved he could do any- 
thing he pleased, and he acted accordingly. On pretext of 
the phrase "and their dependencies" which had accom- 
panied the cessions from Germany in the recent treaties, he 
set courts, called "Chambers of Reunion," at work in the 
Rhine valley to seek out every indication of former depend- 
ence on the lands which he had received, and to declare 
that these new territories were also French. More than a 
hundred bits of territory, large and small, were thus annexed. 
In 1 68 1, the great city of Strasburg, a free city of the 
Empire, was seized. At the same time, Casale, a fortress in 
northern Italy, which would open the way to the Spanish 
territories of Milan, was seized in the same way. Genoa, 
which had long been an ally of Spain, was bombarded, 
and forced to the most humiliating conditions of peace. 
Savoy was treated almost like a French province ; the prin- 
cipality of Orange was seized, and on a quarrel with the 
pope, Avignon was taken possession of. Spain and the 
Empire were powerless to resent these insults, and Austria 
was threatened with and soon engaged in a desperate war 
with the Turks, who besieged Vienna in 1683, and were 
only driven back by the army of John Sobieski, king of 
Poland. But if resistance was for a time not possible, 
Europe was growing constantly more convinced that a gen- 
eral combination was necessary to check the French ad- 



The peace 
of Nime- 
guen. 
Airy, 

Louis XIV., 
Chap. XXII. 



Annexations 
in time of 
peace. 
Hassall, 
Louis XIV., 
Chap. VII.; 
Perkins, 
Regency, 
209-218; 
Kitchin, 
France, III. 
213-217. 



374 Frajice tries to Dominate Europe [§§ 363' 3^4 



The League 
of Augsburg. 



The edict of 
Nantes 
revoked. 
1685. 



The loss to 
France. 



The exhaus- 
tion of war 
and extrava- 
gance. 



vance. In 1686, Sweden, Spain, and Austria, witii other 
of the larger German states, formed the League of Augsburg 
to prevent the furtlier violation of treaties. 

363. The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. — In the 
year which preceded this event, Louis XIV., by an act of 
his own, had injured France as deeply as could a league of 
its enemies. From the year in which Mazarin died, he had 
sanctioned measures of increasing severity against the Protes- 
tants. In 1685, encouraged perhaps, rather than incited, by 
the advice of Madame de Maintenon, which fell in with his 
own intolerant disposition, hoping by so pious an act to 
appease a conscience not altogether quiet, wishing to add 
to the other glories of his reign that of destroying heresy 
and making France of one faith, he revoked the edict of 
Nantes, which had been granted by Henry IV., in 1598. 

Since the overthrow of their political power by Richelieu, 
the Huguenots had been faithful citizens and of the greatest 
service to France. They were mainly of the middle class, 
artisans, merchants, and landholders. Some of Colbert's 
manufacturing colonies had been made up of Protestants. 
They formed the strength of France upon the sea. How 
much the prosperity of the country depended on them 
could not be known until it was deprived of their aid, for in 
spite of the edicts against emigration hundreds of thousands 
escaped and carried to other lands their industrial skill and 
a bitter hatred of their native land. Protestantism was not 
destroyed, for in Louis' last war and in time of desperate 
need the rebel Huguenots in the south of France kept a 
French army from fighting the foreign invader, but the 
industry of France was undermined and the navy fatally 
weakened. 

364. The Resources of France declining. — Already the 
resources of the State were beginning to feel the constant 
strain of war and of extravagance also, for peace for the 
next hundred years was as costly to France as war. The 
vast building and other works at Versailles, where the king 
had now taken up his permanent residence, the daily ex- 



§365] 



Charles II. in Eiischxiid 



375 



penses of the court, and the pensions and salaries of the 
nobles, required enormous sums. Despite the efforts of 
Colbert, the taxes were growing heavier, the national debt 
was increasing, and the old confusion was coming back 
into the management 
of the finances. It 
was a crisis in the his- 
tory of France. Had 
the king been wise 
enough to see that the 
country was on the 
verge of exhaustion, 
and to realize the 
strength which the 
Huguenots lent to the 
nation, the whole 
history of France 
might have been dif- 
ferent. 

365. Charles II. in 
England. — Events 
were in the meantime 
taking place in an- 
other country which 
were quite as important as these in their bearing on the 
future of France, and more important still in their bearing on 
the future of the world. England passed through the last of 
the Stuart revolutions and entered on a new era of her history. 
The meaning of this in the growth of her constitution and of 
her colonial empire, we shall study in another place. Here 
we are most concerned with its bearing on the plans of 
Louis XIV. and on the supremacy of France in Europe. 

Charles II., though he was no more disposed to be a 
constitutional king than the rest of the Stuarts, had learned 
some wisdom from the disasters of his father. But his 
reign was increasingly unpopular. He seemed to have no 
personal interests except in the corrupt pleasures of the 




The reign of 
Charles II., 
1660-1685. 



376 France tries to Doiiiinatc Europe [§§366,367 



court. His extravagance kej)! him always in need of money, 
and he sold Dunkirk to the French, which Cromwell had 
secured to take the place of Calais, and he accepted the 
pensions of Louis. He was willing to make war on Protes- 
tant Holland ; plotted to restore Cathohcism in England, with 
a French army to aid him if necessary; and stretched the 
laws granting indulgence to Catholics and dissenters as far 
as he dared. But he knew how to yield when the popular 
opposition became too strong, and he managed to keep 
possession of the crown for twenty-five years and to pass it 
on to his brother, James H., whose known adhesion to the 
Catholic Church had made a large party in the State anxious 
to exclude him from the throne. 
James II., 366. The Revolution of 1688. — James H. was the most 

1685-1688. narrow and obstinate of his family, and his determination 
to be the means of the restoration of Catholicism carried 
him perhaps to further extremes than he would otherwise 
have attempted. He assumed the right to suspend, modify, 
or extend laws made by the Parliament, to interfere with 
the operation of the courts, and to increase the standing 
army and commission Catholics as officers. England bore 
his rule with patience for three years, looking forward to the 
next reign, for the heir to the throne was James' daughter 
Mary, married to her cousin, William of Orange. 

In 1688 a son was born to the king, and the situation was 
changed at once. The prospect of the reign of a James HI. 
could not be endured, and an invitation was soon sent to Wil- 
liam to come to England and take possession of the govern- 
ment. On the landing of William the power of James at once 
collapsed, and he was obliged to flee to France, where he was 
William III. received and provided for by Louis. William and Mary be- 
came joint sovereigns with the full consent of the nation, and 
the constitutional principles established by the Revolution of 
1688, as this event is called in EngUsh history, were put into 
definite form and made law in the Bill of Rights, passed in 1689. 
367. The War of the League of Augsburg. — William HL 
was the soul of the opposition to Louis XIV., and he was 



James 
deposed. 



§368] 



The Spanish Sjtcccssion 



377 



now able to add England and Holland at once to the League 
of Augsburg. War had already been begun by Austria, and 
in 1689 it became a general European war. The day of 
rapid conquests was over, but France maintained herself 
against so many enemies with fair success. The events of 
the war are of little importance. The attempt of James II. 
to recover his throne through an invasion of Ireland, where 
he had many partisans, with the help of the French, was a 
failure, and by his victory in the battle of the Boyne Wil- 
liam III. secured his position in England. The French 
barbarously laid waste the Palatinate, to which Louis had 
laid claim at the beginning of the war, to prevent its occu- 
pation by the enemy. On sea the French fleets were 
almost destroyed by those of England and Holland. On 
land the general balance of the war was in favor of the 
French, but in 1697 Louis made the peace of Ryswick, 
granting concessions to all his enemies. 

368. The Question of the Spanish Succession. — Louis 
was moved to make such a peace, so contrary to his usual 
practice, by the rapid approach of another event, in which 
he had a far deeper interest than he could have in any 
possible conquests of this war. Charles II. of Spain was 
plainly approaching the end of his life, and he had no heir. 
Louis was resolved to insist upon the claim for which 
Mazarin had prepared the way in the treaty of the Pyrenees, 
and to which Louis had looked forward as the crowning 
event of his reign, and to do this with any hope of success 
peace was necessary. 

Louis had little hope at first that he could secure the 
whole Spanish inheritance for a French prince. There 
were other heirs with claims as good or better. The arch- 
duke Charles of Austria and Prince Joseph of Bavaria were 
descended from Spanish princesses who had not renounced 
their rights of succession, as had the mother and wife of 
Louis, though the Austrian princess through whom Prince 
Joseph derived his immediate claim had made such a re- 
nunciation on her marriage. Besides this, it was hardly 



England 
joins the 
League. 
Perkins, 
Regency, 
Chap. VI 1 1.; 
Kitchin, 
Frattce, III. 
251-271. 



The peace of 
Ryswick. 



The end of 
the Spanish 
Hapsburgs. 
Morris, 
Age of Anne 
(Epochs), 
Chap. I.; 
Kitchin, 
France, III, 
272-284. 



Louis' plans 
not easy to 
realize. 



3/8 France tries to Dominate Europe [§§ 369^ yi^ 



The Spanish 
Empire to be 
parcelled out 
without 
leave. 
Hassall, 
Louis XIV., 
Chap. XII.; 
Green, 
Etiglisk 
People, IV. 
66-70. 



Spain objects 
to the 
partition 
treaties. 
Kitchin, III. 
284 ff. 



Charles II.'s 
will. 



The will of 
Charles II. 
accepted. 



likely that Europe would allow these two great monarchies 
to become so closely allied and the power of France to be 
so greatly increased when her comparatively small gains in 
the Rhine valley had been so bitterly opposed. 

369. The Partition Treaties. — Louis' first plan, therefore, 
was to arrange in advance some partition of the Spanish 
territories among the different claimants, which Europe 
would accept without a war. Two such treaties of partition 
were drawn up and consented to by WiUiam III. of England, 
whose opposition Louis especially feared. William wished, 
however, to avoid war, and some such arrangement was ab- 
solutely necessary, since there were no other heirs to be 
considered. The second treaty of partition was made 
necessary by the death of Prince Joseph, whom the first had 
assigned to the throne of Spain. The kingdom of the Two 
Sicilies was the most important territory given France by 
these arrangements, and this Louis hoped to be able to ex- 
change for Savoy on the southeast border of France. 

Very naturally the parcelling out of the territories of what 
had once been the most powerful and was still the proud- 
est of nations, without so much as asking consent, as if Spain 
herself were about to die, or had no will, was deeply resented 
by the Spanish. They proposed to dispose of their own 
throne and in such a way as to preserve the integrity of their 
empire. Their natural disposition was in favor of the house 
of Hapsburg, but careful consideration convinced them that 
France was far more likely to be able to prevent the disinte- 
gration of their dominions than Austria. Accordingly, a short 
time before his death, Charles IL drew up a will in which 
he left the whole of the Spanish lands to the duke of Anjou, 
the second son of the Dauphin, and grandson of Louis XIV. 

370. France annexes Spain. — The news of this testa- 
ment, on the death of Charles II., near the end of the year 
1700, occasioned a moment's hesitation in France. To take 
what was given by the partition treaty with less risk of war, 
or if war must come with England and Holland as allies, or 
to try for the whole and face all Europe in a certain war with 



§37o] 



France annexes Spain 



379 



only the possible help of Spain, — this was the question. The 
question was soon decided. The prize was too great to be 
refused, and Louis introduced his grandson to the court with 
the words, " Gendemen, this is the king of Spain." 

It now seems 
hkely that even this 
triumph of Louis' 
would have been ac- 
cepted by Europe, 
so tired were some 
of the leading states 
of the constant wars 
of the last twenty- 
five years, if he had 
not apparently lost 
his head over his 
great success. Eng- 
land and Holland 
were disposed to 
give their consent 
in return for com- 
mercial concessions, 
but these were re- 
fused. Spain was to 
give France a mo- 
nopoly of some of 
the most profitable 

fines of trade with America, especially that in negroes, at the 
expense of England and Holland. James H. dying at this 
time, France immediately recognized James HL as the right- 
ful king of England. Spain was openly treated as if it were 
already a subject state, as if the Pyrenees were indeed no more. 
Philip V. gave formal notice that he retained all rights of suc- 
cession to the French crown, and the Low Countries were 
almost annexed. Such things could not be passed over, and 
William HL had no difficulty in forming the Grand AUiance 
of all the chief states of Europe, whose object was to compel a 




Gobelin Tapestry, Time of Louis XIV. 



Spain 

treated as if 
a part of 
France. 
Lecky, 
History of 
England 
(Appleton), 
I. 27 ff. 



The Grand 

Alliance. 

Schilling, 

Qucllenbuch, 

209. 



380 France tries to Dominate Europe [§§ 37i> yi'- 



Great 

generals and 
battles. 



The dawn of 

world 

politics. 



France 
makes a 
brave 

defence, but 
is forced to 
yield. 
Hassall, 
Louis XIV., 
Chap. XIII. 



partition of the Spanish Empire. William died just as the 
war was opening, but he was succeeded by Anne, the sister 
of his wife and daughter of James II., who continued his 
policy, under the influence of the Whig party. 

371. The War of the Spanish Succession. — From a mih- 
tary point of view, the War of the Spanish Succession is one 
of the greatest of European wars. The allies had two very 
famous generals, the English duke of Marlborough and 
Prince Eugene of Savoy, in the service of Austria. France 
had no generals equal to these, and sometimes her armies 
were very badly led, but they knew how to fight, and such 
battles as those of Blenheim, Ramillies, Oudenarde, and 
Malplaquet are among the greatest of history. 

The War of the Spanish Succession is also more than a 
European war, and as the last stage of the Thirty Years' War 
marks the introduction into international politics of new 
motives and guiding principles, so this war indicates the 
coming on of a new era in history, for it was, in some degree 
at least, a world war, and was fought on many seas and in 
all colonies. In American colonial history it is known as 
Queen Anne's War. 

372. The War goes against Louis. — The course of the 
war was decidedly against the French in spite of the bravery 
of her armies. She lost great battles. Her territory was in- 
vaded. The Huguenots in the south — the Camisards — 
revolted. The Spanish people remained true to Philip V., 
but at one time he was driven from his capital which was 
entered by the archduke Charles. At one time during the 
war, Louis was brought to offer most extensive concessions 
in return for peace, but the allies demanded more than he 
could yield until absolutely conquered. He turned almost 
in despair to the French people, in an address which was 
sent throughout the country, and the nation, despite its in- 
tense suffering and exhaustion, responded with an enthu- 
siasm which made its conquest impossible. Finally the 
archduke Charles became emperor, and as Europe had nc 
wish to restore the great empire of Charles V., and as Louis 



)72>, 374] 



The Rise of Engl and 



381 



was still ready to grant concessions, the war ended with the 
peace of Utrecht in 1713. 

England had already signed preliminaries of peace. This 
was due to the fact that Queen Anne had broken with her 
former favorite, the duchess of Marlborough, the Whigs had 
lost control of the State, and the Tories had come into power. 
They favored peace and had now the support of the queen. 
Marlborough was accused of peculation and passed the last 
years of the reign in disgrace. 

373. The Peace of Utrecht. — Like the peace of Westpha- 
lia, that of Utrecht concerned almost every European state. 
The Spanish people retained the king they had chosen, but 
failed of the purpose for which they had chosen him. Spain 
was separated from all her European possessions. Austria 
received the lion's share of these : the Spanish Netherlands, 
Milan, Naples, and the island of Sardinia. The duke of 
Savoy received the island of Sicily and the title of king. 
A few years afterwards he was obliged to exchange this with 
Austria for Sardinia, and from this came the title of king of 
Sardinia, retained by the house of Savoy until the formation 
of the present kingdom of Italy. Spain, stripped of these 
possessions but retaining her American colonies, was given to 
Philip v., the grandson of Louis XIV. The Bourbons thus 
became possessed of the Spanish throne, the only one they 
retain at the present day. 

374. The Rise of England. — The gains of England from 
this war were far greater than those of any other state, 
though they seem less striking than those of Austria. But 
Austria's gains were more apparent than real, for her new 
possessions, as in the days of Charles V., great as they 
seemed, were widely scattered, difficult to defend, and not 
a real source of strength. England's, however, were exactly 
in the line of her future greatness. From Spain she received 
the command of the Mediterranean, the fortress of Gibraltar, 
and the island of Minorca containing the strongly fortified 
naval station of Port Mahon, and she was given also control 
of the supply of negroes to the Spanish colonies, a very profi- 



Change of 
parties in 
England. 



The Spanish 
possessions 
divided. 
Morris, 
Anne, 

Chap. XV. ; 
Hassall, 
Louis XIV., 

397-414 ; 

Kitchin, 
France, III. 
335-340- 



The Spanisli 
Bourbons. 



England's 
colonial 
empire 
enlarged. 



382 



France tries to Dominate Europe [§ 375 



England 
beginning to 
tiike a first 
place in the 
world. 



table trade at that time. She had successfully begun in this 
war also the conquest of North America from the French. 
France ceded to her all her claims on New Foundland and 
the Hudson Bay territories, and Acadia or Nov^a Scotia. 

England's navy was now rapidly growing stronger, while 
those of France and Holland were growing weaker. Her 
commerce was widely extending. During the reign of Anne 
she had made a treaty with Portugal which made that coun- 
try, once the greatest commercial and colonial state of 
Europe, almost her commercial vassal. As the treaty of 













A North View of Gibraltar 



The exhaus- 
tion of 
France. 
Contempo- 
rary 
rtccounts. 



Westphalia marks the decline of the house of Hapsburg and 
the rise of France to the first place in Europe, so that of 
Utrecht marks the decline of France and the rise of England 
to a first place, not now in Europe merely but in the world. 
375. France Unable to prevent the Rise of England. — 
But this change was not a sudden one. A long and desper- 
ate struggle was still necessary to complete it. Louis XIV. 
had gained from the War of the Spanish Succession what he 
had set out to gain, — the throne of Spain for his grandson ; 
but it was at a fearful cost, and it proved of no value in the 



§§376,377] End of the Stuart Dynasty 



383 



end. The last half of the reign of Louis XIV. had been filled 
with more disasters for France than the king knew of The 
resources of the country were exhausted. Its industry under- 
mined. Its commerce almost destroyed. Agriculture was 
weighed down by a heavy burden of taxation, and had suf- 
fered from bad seasons as well as from the drain of men into the 
army. The peasantry were in a most miserable condition 
and sometimes even starving to death. The finances were 
in disorder. The court was still prodigally wasteful and cor- 
rupt, and all power of reformation seemed lost. 

Bigotry and mistaken policy had turned France into the 
way which Spain had entered a century before. She was 
not destined to follow it to the same end, but it was not the 
government which prevented this result. It was the French 
nation which saved itself with that immense recuperative 
power which is one of its marked characteristics. French 
industry and frugality accumulated new resources in spite of 
taxes and government squandering, and in another century 
could endure vast expenditure of men and money in a new 
struggle against all Europe, far greater than Louis XIV.'s. 
But for the present France was exhausted, and in the struggle 
with England which was to settle in the next fifty years the 
colonial empire of the world, this is the most essential fact. 

376. The Beginning of Louis XV.'s Reign. — Louis XIV. 
was succeeded by his great grandson, Louis XV., then five 
years old. The regent was PhiUp of Orleans, nephew of 
Louis XIV., a most corrupt man. To keep himself in power 
he formed an alliance with England against Philip V. of 
Spain, who, notwithstanding his renunciation of all rights of 
succession in France, was plotting to make himself regent. 
This alliance, joined afterwards by Austria and Holland, and 
so becoming the " Quadruple Alliance," led to a war with 
Spain which had no important results, except to increase 
the financial difficulties of France and to show how little 
Louis XIV.'s War of the Spanish Succession had led to a 
union of Spain and France. 

377. The End of the Stuart Dynasty. — Just before the 



Correard, 

Textes, 

254-259. 



Recovery in 
spite of the 
government. 



Tlie regency. 



The " Quad- 
ruple 
Alliance." 
Perkins, 
Regency, 
Chap. XII.; 
Kitchin, 
France, III. 
381 ff. 



384 



France tries to Dominate Europe [§ 377 



Accession of 
George I. 
See table, 

p. 361. 

Morris, 

Anne, Chap. 

XVIII.; 

Lecky, 

England, I. 

177-183. 

Thackeray, 
Henry 
Esmond 
(novel) ; 
Pamphlets 
by Steele, 
Swift, and 
Bolingbroke, 
in Political 
Pamphlets, 
Pamphlet 
Library. 

The union 

with 

Scotland. 

Morris, 

Anne, 

Chap. XVI.; 

Green, 

English 

People, IV. 

90 ff. 



end of Louis XIV. 's reign, Queen Anne of England had died. 
This event had been looked forward to by the extreme sup- 
porters of the Stuart family in the hope that something 
might then lead to the accession of James III., the " Old 
Pretender." But if any plots had been made to secure him 
the throne they completely failed, and George I. of Hano- 
ver was quietly acknowledged king, according to the Act of 
Settlement which had been passed before the death of Wil- 
liam III. By this act, failing heirs of William or of Anne, 
Parliament had settled the succession on the nearest Protes- 
tant heirs of the throne, the descendants of Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of James I., who had married the unfortunate Frederick 
of the Palatinate. Thus began the house of Hanover, or of 
Guelf, which still reigns in England. 

Another event in the reign of Anne of equal importance 
for the future of Great Britain, was the union of England 
and Scotland into one kingdom. By the accession of James 
of Scotland to the English throne, there had been formed 
what would now be called a " personal union," by which the 
two kingdoms had one sovereign and followed in general a 
common policy, but each retained its own Parliament and 
local government. In 1707 by the Act of Union, Scotland 
obtained representation in the English Parliament and 
ceased to have its own. The result proved a real union of 
the two peoples into one, of great importance in the age of 
expansion which was just beginning. 



Topics 

What reasons can you give for the decline of Spain? Why did it 
seem that France would have free hand in Europe about 1660 ? What 
interest had Holland in the case ? What was now the character of the 
French constitution ? The character of Louis XIV. The changes 
made by Colbert. The importance of the marriage of Louis XIV. 
Louis' first war. His feehng towards Holland. Louis' second war. 
How does the period of the " reunions " show Louis' power in Eu- 
rope ? The revocation of the edict of Nantes and its consequences. 
Did the American colonies gain anything by this ? The effect of Louis' 
wars on France. The relation of England under Charles H. to France. 



Topics 385 

The reasons for the Revolution of 1688. Its effect on France. The 
third war of Louis. The question of the Spanish succession. What 
prevented its settlement as Louis would have liked ? Spain's feeling on 
the subject. What brought on the War of the Spanish Succession ? 
Its character. Its effect on France. The treatment of Spain in the 
peace of Utrecht. The gain of England from the war. The effect of 
Louis' reign on France. The policy of the regent. The accession of 
the house of Hanover in England. The union with Scotland. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

Tlie reforms of Colbert. Perkins, France under, the Regency (Hough- 
ton), Chap. IV. Hassall, Louis XIV. (Heroes), 123-130. Cor- 
reard, Textes, 140-207. 

The revocation of the edict of Nantes. Perkins, Regency, 169-204. 
Hassall, Louis XIV., 241-252. Kitchin, France, III. 224-234. 
Text and contemporary comment. Correard, Textes, 230-240. 
German translation, Schilling, Quellenbucli, 191. 



CHAPTER III 



THE RISE OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA 



Changes in 
north- 
eastern 
Europe. 



Sweden a 
great power. 



378. The Position of Sweden. — While the War of the 

Spanish Succession was introducing the change which we 
have noticed in the relative positions of France and Eng- 
land, changes were taking place in the northeast of Europe 
which, so far as the European politics of the eighteenth and 
nineteenth centuries are concerned, were of even greater in- 
fluence, and in the world politics of the nineteenth century 
of almost equal consequence. Sweden, which at the close 
of the Thirty Years' War had been one of the great powers of 
Europe, rapidly declined into the second rank ; Russia, 
which until this time had never been thought of, became a 
strong European state and began its enormous expansion ; 
and Prussia rapidly rose in power and became the rival of 
Austria. 

The Thirty Years' War left Sweden with a military reputa- 
tion and a geographical position which made her one of the 
first states of Europe. This had been gained by the wise 
policy and the genius of her kings, by religious enthusiasm 
which had inspired her armies, and by unusually favorable 
conditions among her neighbors. The place which she 
had taken she could hardly hope from her own resources to 
maintain. The successes of the elector of Brandenburg in 
the second of Louis XIV.'s wars made this evident, though 
he gained nothing from them at the time. Sweden, how- 
ever, kept her territories and her position until the sud- 
den rise of a new power overthrew the balance in the 
northeast. 

386 



§379] 



Early History uf Russia 



3«7 



379. The Early History of Russia. — Russia was occupied From the 

by the Scandinavians, at the time of the great Northmen ^^'oi'i'^men 

...,., , „,, , to the 

invasions in the ninth century, as we have seen. Ihe dy- Romanoffs, 

nasty of Ruric which was estabhshed at that time remained Rambaud, 






z"'?^ "^ 



THE ( 

BALTIC liANDS 

at ihe be^ n Dg of the f 

EfGHTEENTH CENTURY jJ ^-^ \ -^ 



SCALE OF M LES 



M lOU 2U 



^J?. 



<, ^ 












in power for more than seven hundred years, though there ^us7ia 

was for much of that time no united government. The (London) ; 

Northmen, here as everywhere else, adopted the language Morfill, 

and civilization — or lack of civilization — of the country (Nations). 



388 



Rise of Russia and Prussia [§§ 380, 381 



Not really a 

European 

state. 



Obstacles to 
overcome. 
Schuyler, 
Peter the 
Great, 
2 vols. 
(Scribner), 
1689-1725. 



and became Slavs. They were in closer connection with 
the Greek Empire than with any other civilized state, and 
in the tenth century received Christianity from there, and 
were organized as a part of the Greek Church under the 
Patriarch of Constantinople, a relation which continued until 
the conquest of the Empire in the east by the Turks. At 
the time of the great Mongol invasion in the thirteenth cen- 
tury, Russia came under their rule which lasted two cen- 
turies and a half. In the second half of the fifteenth century, 
the Prince of Moscow, Ivan the Great, a descendant of 
Ruric, threw off the Mongol yoke, got possession of Nov- 
gorod, the great commercial city of the north, and founded 
modern Russia. At the end of the sixteenth century the 
house of Ruric became extinct, and after a few years of civil 
strife Michael Romanoff was made czar, the founder of the 
house of Romanoff. 

380. Russia in the Seventeenth Century. — Still through 
all the seventeenth century Russia was not a European 
power. She was shut out from all contact with the West. 
Sweden had possession of all the shores of the Baltic, and 
the Turks of all the north shore of the Black Sea. In civil- 
ization, political influence, or interest for other states, Russia 
might as well not have been a Christian state ; she was up 
to this time no more a part of Christendom than was China. 
One of the most striking characteristics of the nineteenth 
century has been the extension of European international law 
and close political relationship, to that common system which 
we call Christendom, over the whole world. The first step in 
this expansion of Christendom was the sudden entering of the 
European system by Russia in the reign of Peter the Great. 

381. The Changes made by Peter the Great. — From the 
beginning of his reign in 1689, when at the age of seven- 
teen he began to rule alone, Peter was resolved to intro- 
duce western civilization into Russia, and to make her one 
of the great powers of Europe. To do this he had two 
great obstacles to overcome. One was the opposition of 
the "Old Russian" party, bitterly opposed to all change, 



§38i] 



Chajiges made by Peter 



389 



against which he had to contend ahiiost to the end of his 
reign. The other was the isolated position of Russia, cut 
off from access to the sea, which could be remedied only by 
successful wars with Sweden and Turkey. 

Peter's work in Russia was a revolution. He had from 
youth a band of friends from the countries of the West who 
encouraged his efforts, and he increased their number. He 




Peter the Great 

called into Russia artisans, merchants, ofificers, and artists. 
He organized a new army to take the place of the old royal 
body-guard, the Strelitz, who had assumed too much power. 
He compelled the nobles to submit to his absolute authority, 
forced them to hold their lands of him, made nobility 
depend upon service, and created many new nobles and 
deposed many old ones. He subjected to cruel punishment 
his sister and even his only son when they joined the opposi- 
tion to his reforms. He undertook journeys to Holland and 



Peter's 
reforms. 
Rambaud, 
Russia, II. 
Chap. II. 



390 



Rise of Russia and Prussia 



[§382 



The first 
gain from the 
Turks. 



Charles XII. 
of Sweden, 
1697-1718. 
Morris, 
Age of Anne, 
Chap. VIII.; 
Bain, 

Charles XI I. 
(Heroes). 

Charles's 
first 

successes. 
Rambaud, 
Russia, II., 
Chap. I. 



to England to learn ship-building and to study the methods 
of the western states. He began the construction of a fleet 
while his only harbor was Archangel on the White Sea, 
frozen half the year. The founding of St. Petersburg as a 
new capital, in conquered territory, open to the Baltic, and 
so in connection with the West, symbolizes the result of his 
reign. Russia had been made a new state, facing Europe 
instead of Asia. 

382. Russia against Sweden. — In opening the way to 
the sea, Peter's first success was gained from the Turks. 
Taking advantage of Austria's attack on Turkey in the 
Danube valley, he pushed through to the Black Sea, and in 
the peace of Carlowitz, in 1699, forced the Turks to cede 
to him the strong town of Azof at the mouth of the Don. 
Immediately after this began the great war with Sweden 
which led to the fall of that state. 

In 1697 Charles XII. came to the throne of Sweden at 
the age of seventeen. This, thought all the neighbors of 
Sweden who wished to partition her territories, was an oppor- 
tunity not to be neglected. Denmark, Russia, and Poland, 
whose king was the elector of Saxony, formed an alliance 
against the young king. But they did not know with whom 
they had to deal. 

Charles XII. proved to be a great military genius, but one 
lacking the political insight of Peter the Great. He at once 
attacked the Danes, and in three months, before any of 
their allies could come to their aid, he forced them to make 
peace. Then he turned immediately against Peter, and at 
Narva dispersed a Russian army much larger than his own. 
Here he made his first mistake. Without following up his 
advantage and forcing Peter to make peace as he had made 
the Danes, he turned back and marched against Poland, 
whose king he regarded as a personal enemy. Here he was 
equally successful. Augustus II. was dethroned, and a Polish 
noble, Stanislaus Leczinski, was elected in his place. Then 
he advanced against Saxony and finally forced Augustus to 
make peace and renounce the Polish throne, (1708). 



§§ 3^3^ 384] First Promotion of the HohcnzoUern 391 



383. The Fall of Charles XII. — But in these operations 
he had used up several years more indeed than were neces- 
sary, for he had Hngered long in Poland, pleased perhaps at 
being courted by Louis XIV. on one side, and by the allies 
on the other, who were now in the midst of the War of the 
Spanish Succession, and in these years Peter had not been 
idle. He had beaten the Swedes in battle, taken possession 
of several Baltic provinces, and in one of them had founded 
St. Petersburg. When at last Charles returned to the Rus- 
sian war, he made his second great mistake. Instead of 
going back to the North he let himself be persuaded by a 
revolted Cossack chieftain, Mazeppa, to attack Moscow. 
But the Cossacks gave him no real assistance, and in the 
great battle of Pultava, in the summer of 1 709, he was com- 
pletely defeated by Peter, and escaped with only a few fol- 
lowers into Turkey. 

The war which he persuaded the Sultan to make against 
Russia brought him no permanent advantage, though Peter 
was obliged to give Azof back to the Turks. Charles wasted 
several more years in Turkey, trying to induce the Sultan to 
renew the war, and was at last practically imprisoned there. 
When he escaped in 1 7 1 7 the situation had so changed in 
the North that no recovery by Sweden was possible. The 
old enemies were all in the field. Augustus was again king 
of Poland. The Danes were threatening the capital of his 
kingdom. New enemies had joined the rest, Branden- 
burg, now the kingdom of Prussia, England, and Holland. 
Charles kept up the war, however, until he was killed at 
the siege of Frederickshall in 1718. Sweden then made 
peace at the expense of her southern and eastern Baltic 
provinces. Bremen and Verden went to Hanover, Pom- 
erania to Prussia, and the rest to Russia. Sweden's short 
history as a power of the first rank was over. Russia and 
Prussia had each taken a long step forward. 

384. The First Promotion of the Hohenzollern. — At the 
death of Peter the Great in 1725, Europe knew that a 
power had risen in the East that must be taken into account 



Mazeppa 
and the 
battle of 
Pultava, 
1709. 



Charles in 
Turkey. 



Charles 
killed and 
Sweden 
humbled, 
1718. 



Modern 
Prussia the 
work of 
Frederick 



392 



Rise of Russia and Prussia 



[§385 



the Great. 

Tuttle, 
History of 
Prussia, 
4 vols. 
(Houghton). 



The Hohen- 
zollern first 
obtain 
Nuremberg. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, I., 
Chap. 111. 



Then Bran- 
denburg, 

1415- 
Map of 
growth of 
Prussia, 
Putzger, 
No. 30. 

The Rhine 
provinces 
and the 
duchy of 
Prussia. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, 1., 
Chap. IV. 



The Great 
Elector, 
1640-1688. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, I., 
Chap. V. 



in the future. She hardly felt the satne as yet in regard to 
Prussia. It was the work of Frederick the Great to bring 
his country forward into the rank of a first-rate power. 
But Frederick's work was only the natural conclusion of a 
long line of preparation steadily followed by his ancestors 
through several centuries. 

The origin of the Hohenzollern family was similar to that 
of the Hapsburgs. When they first appear in history they 
are counts of a little territory on the borders of Switzerland. 
Shortly afterward Frederick of Hohenzollern was made 
burggraf of Nuremberg. In this office the family displayed 
the frugal middle class traits which have always character- 
ized it, and at the beginning of the fifteenth century the 
Frederick of the day was able to lend to the Emperor 
Sigismund a large sum of money in final payment of which 
he was made elector of Brandenburg, which had fallen in to 
the Empire by the extinction of the family of Albert the 
Bear. Then began the process by which the present king- 
dom of Prussia has been created — the union under a single 
rule of a great number of the Httle independent states into 
which North Germany was at that time divided. 

385. The Chief Steps in the Making of Prussia. — We 
can follow only the most important steps of this growth. 
At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the inheritance 
of the dukes of Juliers and Cleves was claimed, and a good 
part of it finally secured, the origin of Prussia's Rhenish 
provinces. In 1618 the duchy of Prussia, the lands of the 
old German order, which since the Reformation had been 
held as a secularized duchy by a younger branch of the 
family, fell in to the elector, but was held as a part of 
the kingdom of Poland. The reign of the Great Elector, 
Frederick William, was a time of rapid progress. At the 
close of the Thirty Years' War, Brandenburg received east 
Pomerania, and the secularized ecclesiastical states of Mag- 
deburg, Halberstadt, Minden, and Cammin. During a 
considerable part of his reign engaged in successful war 
with Sweden, he was however obliged by Sweden's ally, 



EUROPE 

about 1740 




^"^^ORTH SEA 







°"t«NS 



''» Ro,h. 



aii.t knifed -. ; }<3, 

Le Havre -XX*? V^ oFraLkfort •-■' 

jartrea \|par,s /»Js??»ySluttUtJ ,,^ 




§ 386] The Father of Frederick the Great 



393 



Louis XIV., to give up his conquests, and secured only the 
independence of the duchy of Prussia of Poland, and the 
reputation of having a fine army. 

More important than his conquests was his work in 
the organization of the government. He centralized his 
scattered states into a single whole. He broke the power 
of the nobles and of the local legislatures where these 
existed, and established the absolute rule of the sovereign. 
His successor joined the alliance against Louis XIV. in the 
War of the Spanish Succession, and Europe in the peace of 
Utrecht, the same peace which gave the title of king to 
the house of Savoy, recognized his right to the title of king 
"in Prussia," which he had assumed in 1701 with the con- 
sent of the Emperor. 

386. The Father of Frederick the Great. — The second 
king in Prussia, his son and successor, the famous father of 
Frederick the Great, the drill sergeant, the corporal, the 
head of the tobacco parliament, was a coarse and brutal 
barbarian who cared nothing for art or knowledge, and was 
only interested in his soldiers. He was ambitious to have 
a large and finely drilled army, but he was unwilling to risk 
it in battle, and took no part in the wars of his time, except in 
the last years of the great war against Sweden. In the peace 
which followed the death of Charles XII., he gained west 
Pomerania for Prussia. His chief service was to hand on to 
his son Frederick the army, which the Great Elector had 
founded, more than doubled in size, and made one of the 
best in Europe, and a large surplus in the treasury. 

When Frederick 11. came to the throne circumstances 
were most favorable for a long step forward towards the des- 
tiny which the different labors of her rulers had been during 
so long a time preparing for Prussia, — to take the place of 
leadership in Germany which Austria had been obliged to 
give up. To obtain this a desperate struggle would be 
necessary, but Prussia was more favorably situated in north 
Germany than Austria in south. She was stronger than any 
one realized, and her young king was to prove himself a 



Absolutism 
founded. 



The title of 
king. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, I. 
289-302. 

Frederick 
William I., 
1713-1740. 



Prussia 
ready for the 
struggle with 
Austria. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, II., 
Chap. I. ; 
Longman, 
Frederick 
the Great 
(Epochs), 
31-42- 



394 



Rise of Russia and Prussia 



[§ 387 



The house of 
Hapsburg 
extinct, 
1740. 



Frederick 
the first to 
strike. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, II. 
42-56 ; 
Longman, 
Frederick, 
42-46. 



genius in the art of war. The full fruits of Frederick's 
policy in the actual headship of Germany, Prussia did not 
gather for a hundred years, but before the close of his reign 

it was plain to all Europe that 
there were two great powers 
in Germany of fairly equal 
strength. 

387. The Pragmatic Sanc- 
tion of Charles VI. — The op- 
portunity for which everything 
was prepared came in the very 
year of Frederick's accession. 
The emperor, Charles VL, was 
the last male descendant of the 
house of Hapsburg. In the 
last years of his reign it had 
been the chief object of his 
])oUcy to provide against the 
jKirtition of the Austrian ter- 
ritories and to secure the un- 
divided inheritance to his 
daughter Maria Theresa. This 
he had sought to accomplish 
by the Pragmatic Sanction, a 
new law of succession in her 
favor, to which he had secured 
the consent of most of the 
states of Europe by treaties. 

His death in October, 1740, 
revealed at once the worth- 
lessness of these treaties. All 
Europe seemed to consider 
the time arrived to bring Aus- 
tria to an end. The electors of 
Bavaria and Saxony advanced 
claims to the inheritance. 
Spain and France showed themselves ready to assist. But 




Gigantic Grenadier of 
Frederick William I. 



§§ 3^8, 389] Maria Theresa and Frederick 



395 



Frederick was first in the field. Before the end of 1 740, 
without waiting for an answer from Maria Theresa to his 
claims, and without a declaration of war he marched his 
army into the Austrian province of Silesia. 

388. The "War of the Austrian Succession. 1740-1748. — 
His success was rapid. The Austrians were defeated at 
Mollwitz. An alliance was formed with France. The elector 
of Bavaria was recognized as Emperor. Moravia was in- 
vaded and another victory gained, and in June, 1742, Maria 
Theresa was ready to make peace with Frederick, that she 
might use all her strength against her other enemies. The 
peace of Breslau gave to Prussia the province of Silesia with 
a million and a half of inhabitants. But it was not yet in 
secure possession. 

The tide which had been running against Maria Theresa 
now turned in her favor. She threw herself on the devotion 
of the Hungarians, and they responded with enthusiasm. 
The Bavarians were driven back. Prague was recovered. 
The English allies of Austria defeated the French at Det- 
tingen. Saxony and Savoy abandoned the allies and joined 
the Austrians. Frederick began to fear that Maria Theresa 
would recover Silesia and he renewed the war. Rapidly he 
gained the victories of Hohenfriedberg, Soor, and Kessels- 
dorf, and captured Prague, while the French defeated the 
EngUsh at Fontenoy. Now Frederick thought he could 
again make peace with safety, and in the peace of Dresden, 
1 745, the cession of Silesia was confirmed, while he recognized 
Maria Theresa's husband, Francis of Lorraine, as Emperor. 

389. Maria Theresa determined to punish Frederick. — 
During the war Frederick H. had twice abandoned his 
allies without hesitation to secure advantages to himself, but 
when a general peace was made at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748 
the conquests which he had made were sanctioned by Eu- 
rope. Frederick was, however, the only one of her enemies 
whom Maria Theresa could not forgive. The especial per- 
fidy of his attack on Silesia, the loss of that great province, 
the impudence of the little kingdom of Prussia in assuming 



Frederick 

gains 

Silesia. 

Tuttle, 

Prussia, 1 1 

Chap. III.- 

VI.; 

Longman, 

Frederick, 

46-56. 



The 

Austrians 
recover 
ground. 



Frederick's 
second war. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, II., 
Chap. VIII. 
Longman, 
Frederick, 
Chap. V. 

Frederick 
cannot be 
forgiven. 



396 



Rise of Russia and Prussia [§ 389 




Europe 
against 
Prussia. 
Hassall, 



Stone Briik;e at Prague 

SO much power and threatening the Austrian leadership in 
Germany, all combined to make her determined to crush 
Frederick in another war. 

Her plan was to form a great European combination 
against the little state, and to raise up so many enemies that 
resistance would be hopeless ; that, as the Austrian Chan- 



J 



§ 39° ] France abandons her Hereditary Enmity 2,^^ 



cellor V. Kaunitz said, they might force upon Frederick the 
fate which Henry the Lion had once undergone. Saxony, 
Sweden, and Poland were not difficult to secure. The 
Empress Elizabeth of Russia hated Frederick almost more 
than Maria Theresa, and was impatient for the war to begin. 
The most difficult, but a very necessary, ally to secure was 
France. 

390. France abandons her Hereditary Enmity. — Austria 
and France had been constant enemies for more than two 
hundred years. It seemed like reversing all history for them 
to join in an alliance against any other state. But there 
were reasons on both sides. Austria did not hesitate to 
make the suggestion, and she found France ready to listen. 
The French statesmen no longer feared Austria. That fear 
belonged to a stage of history now outgrown. On the other 
hand France did fear that the increasing power of Prussia 
would threaten her influence in north Germany, and her 
conflict with England for colonial empire made a war with 
that country inevitable ; in fact, it was going on almost 
without a pause during this interval of peace in Europe. 

An arrangement which England made with Prussia early 
in 1756 to secure the neutrality of Hanover, of which King 
George was sovereign, was immediately followed by an 
alliance between France and Austria. The object of Maria 
Theresa's policy was not the mere recovery of Silesia. It 
was practically the partition of Prussia, and she hoped by 
this means to be permanently rid of her rival in Germany. 
It seemed as if the plan must succeed. Frederick's only 
ally was England, and England's interest in the war was 
not chiefly in Europe. It was in the colonial struggle with 
France which was now at its height, as we shall see else- 
where, and raging with equal fierceness in North America 
and in India. The war now beginning in Europe was the 
greatest of these wars, the French and Indian War of Ameri- 
can colonial history. Indeed, we may almost say that the 
war which began with Spain in 1 739 continued unbroken 
until the peace of Paris in 1763. 



Periods, 
Chap. VIII. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, III. 
Chaps. VI. 
and VIII.; 
Longman, 
Frederick, 
Chap. VII. 



Almost a 
reversal of 
history. 



England 
Prussia's 

only ally. 



A struggle 
for colonial 
empire. 



398 



Rise of Russia and Prussia 



[§391 



Frederick 
will not wait 
to be 
attacked. 
Tuttle, 
Prussia, IV., 
Chap. I. 



Great 
victories. 



The odds 

against 

Prussia. 

Hassall, 

Periods, 

Chap. IX. 

Longman, 

Frederick, 

Chaps. 

VIII.-XI., 

and XV. 



Prussia 
maintains 
herself to 
the end. 
Bracken- 
bury, 
Frederick 
the Great 
(Military 
history, 
Putnam's). 



391. The Seven Years' War (1756-1763). — The allies 
intended to begin the war in 1757, but Frederick, who was 
kept informed of the negotiations by secret agents in 
Vienna and Dresden, determined to attack before their 
preparations were complete. At the end of August, 1756, 
he invaded Saxony, shut up the Saxon army in Pirna, 
defeated an Austrian force that came to their aid, forced 
them to surrender, and in less than a month was in entire 
possession of Saxony, which he treated as if it were annexed 
to Prussia. 

The next year brought all his enemies into the field, but 
it closed on the whole in favor of Frederick. He was de- 
feated by the Austrians at Kolin and forced out of Bohemia, 
but he later gained the great victories of Rossbach over the 
French, and of Leuthen over the Austrians, which saved 
Silesia. 

But the odds were really too great for Frederick. Rus- 
sian and Swedish armies were in Prussian territory. The 
losses which his armies sustained, in victories as well as in 
defeat, could not be made good. England supplied money 
but not men. Berlin was captured by the Russians. 
Nearly all Saxony and Silesia were lost. The country 
held by the enemy was laid waste, and the sufferings of the 
people were extreme. But Frederick met these disasters 
with fortitude, though with occasional thoughts of suicide, 
and displayed the greatest military genius. He reorganized 
his defeated armies, faced his multitude of foes, won from 
them occasional victories, and made them purchase every 
advance. 

In 1760 the death of George H. of England resulted in 
the withdrawal of the supplies from that country, and the 
following year showed the strength of Prussia almost ex- 
hausted. But at the beginning of 1762 the death of Eliza- 
beth of Russia turned the tide. Her successor, Peter HI., was 
an ardent admirer of Frederick's, and he made peace at once. 
Two considerable victories in the same year were followed 
by the recovery of Saxony and Silesia. All hope of destroy- 



§§ 392, 393] Catherine II. of Russia 399 

ing Prussia seemed now at an end. France also had lost 
all her colonies, and was tired of the war. Early in 1763 
peace was made between the several parties to the war. 
The peace of Hubertsburg between Austria and Prussia left 
to Frederick all his possessions at the beginning of the war. 

392 . Prussia a Great Power. — Maria Theresa was obliged Prussia a 
to reconcile herself to the loss of Silesia. Prussia was hence- q^ J^ny. 
forth recognized without dispute as one of the great powers 

of Europe, and as a leader in German affairs, though Aus- 
tria maintained a rival leadership until 1866. A few years 
after the peace, when the line of the electors of Bavaria 
became extinct, Prussia was able to defeat the plans of 
Austria for getting possession of this the largest of the 
south German states, and organized a league of the princes 
— called the Furstenbund — to prevent the increase of Aus- 
trian power in Germany. 

After the war Frederick devoted himself with all the Economic 

- . , , . recovery of 

power of a paternal despotism, and with success, to making p^ussja. 
good to his people the losses of the war and to restoring the Cariyie, 
prosperity of the country. Before the close of his life, ^if^'^'^^f 
Prussia was to receive another large increase of territory g^. XXI.,' 
through the first partition of Poland. In this act the two Chap. II. 
new powers, Russia and Prussia, whose sudden rise was so 
largely due to unjust wars and the disregard of the rights 
of others, fitly joined hands against their weaker neighbor 
in a crowning act of robbery. 

393. Catherine II. of Russia (1762-1796). — From the The plans 
death of Peter the Great to the accession of his daughter Q^g^t^'^ 
Elizabeth in 1741, the history of Russia is one of frequent resumed, 
revolutions, and the policy of Peter was but little advanced. 

It was taken up again by Elizabeth, who forced Sweden to 
give up Finland, but who gained nothing from her war 
against Frederick the Great. Peter III., who succeeded her, 
was thrown into prison by his wife, a German princess, who 
seized the throne and became the famous Catherine II. 
The plans of Peter the Great for the extension of Russia 
to the West, she made the controlling objects of her policy. 



400 



Rise of Russia and Prussia [§§ 394> 395 



A weak state. 
Rambaud, 
Russia, II. 
ii8 ff.; 
Hassall, 
Periods, 
Chap. XI, 



Constitu- 
tional 
anarchy. 



Universal 
corruption. 



Russia about 
to absorb 
Poland. 



Sweden, Poland, and Turkey were to be forced to allow 
Russia a more direct outlet towards Europe. 

394. The Condition of Poland. — The death of Augustus 
III., in 1763, gave Catherine an opportunity to bring the 
Russian influence into the control of Poland, where it had 
been rapidly extending for some years. The condition of 
this country had for a long time invited the interference of 
her ambitious neighbors. It occupied a large territory in 
the centre of eastern Europe, extending from the Baltic 
almost to the Black Sea, and from the Carpathian Moun- 
tains to beyond the Dneiper. It had a population of twelve 
millions ruled by about one hundred thousand nobles. In 
form the constitution was a monarchy, but the king was elec- 
tive and was only a figurehead. All real power was in the 
hands cf the nobles, or it may be said in the hands of each 
noble. Since any act of the Diet could be vetoed by a single 
member — the liberum veto, as it was called — a practical 
right of nullification existed for every noble. 

The nobles were a high-spirited and brave class, but 
utterly corrupt and selfish. The peasantry were sunk in the 
lowest serfdom and degradation, hardly human beings. A 
middle class was wholly lacking. The business, falling to 
the free burgher of western Europe, was entirely in the 
hands of the Jews, who were without political rights and had 
of course no interest in the State. The destruction of 
Poland was a well-merited punishment of the selfish cor- 
ruption of its ruling class, who would not allow reformation 
or abandon their privileges in the interest of the nation, 
but who did stand ready in large numbers to sell themselves 
to the Russian or the Prussian. These facts, however, do 
not justify the open violation of right and justice by those 
who destroyed the State. 

395. The First Partition of Poland. — Catherine secured 
the election in succession to Augustus III. of a former 
favorite of her own, Stanislaus Poniatowski. An attempt to 
reform the constitution in the interest of a stronger govern- 
ment was defeated by the veto and a Russian army, and the 



§395] 



The First Partition of Poland 



401 



influence of Catherine increased so rapidly in the country 

that the fear of Frederick the Great was excited lest the 

whole kingdom should be absorbed by Russia, and the Baltic 

provinces of Prussia be threatened, and perhaps even the 

existence of the State as it once had been by Elizabeth. 

Since the reform of Poland seemed impossible, and the Frederick 

country could be maintained in its present condition only !^^ ^'"^^' 
^ ^ ■> interferes. 




Fredkrick thk Great 



by a great European war of doubtful issue, Frederick pro- 
posed to Austria that they should protect themselves from 
the designs of Catherine and obtain compensation for her 
increase of power by forcing her to abandon to them a part 
of the spoils. With great reluctance, Maria Theresa al- 
lowed herself to be persuaded to this step, and with great 
difficulty Catherine was made to see the wisdom of yielding 
part of her prey. The fall from power in France of the 



402 



Rise of Russia and Prussia [§§ 396. 397 



The partition 
made, 1772. 
Map, 
Putzger, 
No. 25. 



War with 
Turkey. 
Rambaud, 
Russia, II. 
156-165. 



Russia 
reaches the 
Black Sea. 



The other 
states of 
Europe 
interested in 
the disposi- 
tion of 
Turkey. 
Hassall, 
Periods, 
Chap. XIII. 



duke of Choiseul, who wished to preserve the independence 
of Poland, aided the conspirators, and the first partition was 
carried through in 1772. The share of Prussia was only 
half as large as Austria's, and one-third Russia's, but it was 
of especial value to her since it united the outlying duchy 
of Prussia for the first time with the rest of her territories 
by continuous possessions, and so afforded a strong guar- 
antee for its safety. 

396. Further Russian Advance. — Before the second 
partition of Poland took place, Russia had made a great 
advance in another direction. The Turks had declared war 
in 1770, in aid of the Polish patriotic party, but fortune had 
been against them. A Russian army reached the Danube. 
Still more astonishing a Russian fleet suddenly appeared in 
Grecian waters, having sailed around all Europe and through 
the straits of Gibraltar, and surprised and almost destroyed 
the Turkish fleet. Constantinople itself nearly fell into the 
hands of the Russians. In the peace which was made in 
1774, Russia recovered the conquests which had formerly 
been made by Peter the Great, and more, with the right to 
navigate the Black Sea and to exercise a protectorate in 
favor of the Christians in the Turkish Empire, and the 
Crimea was declared independent of Turkey. This was 
the first great gain which Russia had made at the expense 
of Turkey, and the sudden success of the Russian arms was 
a further revelation to Europe of the rising power of the 
new Empire. 

397. The Rise of the Eastern Question. — This was the 
beginning also of the great " Eastern Question " in the inter- 
national politics of Europe, which seems to-day no nearer 
solution than it did more than a century ago. Catherine 
believed that she would be able to settle it in her own reign 
by taking what she pleased of the possessions of the Sultan. 
But Austria, for centuries interested in extending its power 
down the Danube, could not take this view of the case. 
And when Russia and Austria united in a treaty of partition 
in 1780, by which Austria was to take Bosnia, Herzegovina, 



§398] 



Poland at last Destroyed 



403 



and Servia, — a part of which it actually received at the 
close of the last war between Russia and Turkey, — and 
Russia was to carry her boundaries to the mouth of the 
Danube, then the other states of Europe became at once 
interested in the great extension of power which seemed 
thus to open before these two countries. 

France could not be bribed even by the promise of Egypt 
to consent to this arrangement, but remained as she had 
long been the ally of Turkey. Turkey defended herself as 
best she could against the Russian and Austrian armies. 
Sweden took advantage of the war to attack Russia and 
threatened St. Petersburg. Finally the accession to the 
throne in Austria of Leopold II., who was not in favor of 
continuing the war, induced Catherine to consent to peace. 
Russia received the Crimea and other territory on the north 
of the Black Sea, with the right to maintain a fleet on that 
sea, and Austria made a small annexation, but the Turkish 
Empire still survived to be a perpetual source of interna- 
tional plots, jealousies, and wars. 

398. Poland at last Destroyed. — This peace was fol- 
lowed in the next year, 1793, by the second partition of 
Poland. Another attempt had been made by King Stanis- 
laus to reform the constitution, and this had received the 
sanction of the king of Prussia, now Frederick William II. 
Catherine, however, refused to accept it and raised an oppo- 
sition party in Poland. A Russian army then invaded the 
country. A Prussian army immediately entered from the 
other side. It was hoped that it came to support the con- 
stitution as the king had agreed, but it at once joined the 
Russian troops. A victory gained by Kosciusko did no 
good, and the second partition was soon completed. In 
this Austria had no share. Prussia's was nearly twice as 
large as in the first partition, but Russia's was still the lion's 
share. 

Kosciusko and his party refused to submit and still at- 
tempted to resist by arms, but their cause w^as hopeless, and 
their efforts only served to bring on the end at once. The 



Turkey 
saved, but 
Russia still 
advances. 



The second 
partition. 
Rambaud, 
Russia, II, 
165-179, 



The third 
partition. 



404 



Risr of Rjissin and Prussia 



[§ 399 



New states 
had risen 
and old ones 
fallen. 



The decline 
of France. 



third partition took j)lace in 1795. Austria liad again part 
in this, but her share and Prussia's were as usual much less 
than that which Catherine took. Almost all Poland had 
been absorbed in Russia. But the extension of territory 
was the least important gain which Russia had made. Her 
whole western frontier now bordered on the great states of 
central Europe, on Prussia and Austria, and she had en- 
tered as intimately into European politics as the oldest 
Christian state. 

399. A Revolution in the Political Situation of Europe. 
— These events constituted a revolution in the affairs of 
Europe. Two new states had entered the first rank of 
powers and three had disappeared. Sweden had fallen 
from the first rank Poland had entirely ceased to exist, 
and Turkey had revealed to the world her great weakness. 
These three states had been the allies of France in her 
conflicts with the house of Hapsburg. Put into other words 
then, these rapid changes in Europe in the eighteenth cen- 
tury meant that France had been unable to maintain the 
great position which she had held under Louis XIV. And 
this was true. The rapid rise of Russia and Prussia was 
accompanied with the decline of France. But as we shall 
see in another place this age of her political decline was 
an age of wide intellectual influence upon all Europe, and of 
preparation for a new age of political leadership greater 
than any state had exercised since the days of Rome, — the 
age of Napoleon. 

Topics 

The power and possessions of Sv^■eden in 1700. The early history 
of Russia. The reforms of Peter the Great. Charles XII. of Sweden. 
The gains of Russia from Sweden. The origin of the Hohenzollern. 
Their great promotion. In what way was Prussia formed ? The Great 
Elector. The preparation for Frederick the Great. What gave him 
his opportunity against Austria ? What was gained from Austria ? 
Maria Theresa's policy of revenge. Why did France join Austria ? 
What was the interest of England in the matter ? The course of the 
Seven Years' War. How did the war leave Prussia in Europe ? In 
Germany ? The condition of Poland. The history of the first parti- 



Topics 405 

tion. Russian advance towards the south. What is the " Eastern 
Question"? How did it arise? The final destruction of Poland. 
The change in the European situation made in this age. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The father of Frederick the Great. Tuttle, Prussia, I., Chaps. IX-XI. 

Longman, Frederick the Great, Chap. III. Carlyle, Frederick the 

Great, Bk. IV., Chap. IV. 
The first partition of Poland. Perkins, Louis XV., I., Chap. XXI. 

Rambaud, Russia, II., 1 22-130. Carlyle, Frederick the Great, 

Bk. XXL, Chap. IV. 



CHAPTER IV 



THE STRUGGLE FOR COLONIAL EMPIRE 



France loses 
more than 
supremacy 
in Europe. 



World 
supremacy 
in commerce 
and colonies. 



Books for Reference and Further Beading 

Lucas, Histo7-ical Geography of the British Colonies. Introduction. 

(Clarendon; $i.oo.) 
Payne, History of European Colonies. (Macmillan; ^l.io.) 
Seeley, The Expansion of England. (Little, Brown & Co. ; $1.75.) 
Story, Building of the British Empire. 2 vols. (Nations.) 
Parkman, Half Century of Conflict. 2 vols. Motitcalm and Wolfe. 

2 vols. (Little, Brown & Co.; $8.00.) 
Perkins, France under Louis XV. 2 vols. (Houghton; ^4.00.) 
Lecky, History of England in the Eighteenth Century. 7 vols. (Ap- 

pleton; $7.00.) 
Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History. (Little, Brown & Co.; 

$4.00.) 

400. The Dawn of the Age of World Politics. — In the 
international politics of Europe, France had declined, dur- 
ing the eighteenth century, from the position of commanding 
influence which she had occupied when the century opened. 
In the same century, a position of far more commanding in- 
fluence than any limited to the continent of Europe merely, 
and one which France could very likely have gained if she 
had followed a wiser policy, was finally lost to her. For 
this century covers almost the whole of and finally decides 
the struggle between France and England for colonial em- 
pire, for a commanding position in the world as a whole, not 
in a single continent, and the decision goes against France. 

This is almost the same .as saying that in this century new 
interests begin to guide the policy of European states, or at 
least of some of them, interests not connected with those 

406 



§ 4oi] First Modern Colonial Poivcrs 407 

which concerned the balance of power in Europe, but with 
the question of a wider balance of power, or rather with the 
struggle to overcome all rivals and to obtain an exclusive 
commercial and colonial control of all seas and continents. 
This new interest was slow in making itself felt as a guiding 
influence in the eighteenth century. England was the first England fit-bi 
to be moved by it, very greatly to her advantage. France "^^^^''^^^ '^e 
followed some little distance after and partly, but not fully, 
realized the importance of the interests at stake before the 
struggle was concluded. It is only of the nineteenth cen- 
tury and perhaps only the last half of it, that we can say that 
these new questions have been steadily pushing those of 
merely European international politics down into a second- 
ary place. 

401 . The First Modern Colonial Powers. — France was not Other coio- 
the first rival of England in this struggle, nor were either "'^' powers. 
France or England the first of the world's great commercial 
and colonial powers. 

We have already studied the expansion, during the age of Portugal and 
the Renaissance, of the medieval Mediterranean commerce ^P^'"- 
into the ocean commerce of modern times in consequence 
of the discoveries of the Portuguese in Africa and India, and 
of the Spanish in America. Both these nations immediately 
took possession of the countries which their explorers had 
reached, and so began the first age. of European colonial 
history. 

The Portuguese established their factories along the in India and 
coasts of India and in the East India Islands, and under America. 

ITT- All • 1 1 • 1 ^ , . Stephens, 

the Viceroy Albuquerque exercised a kind of authority Albuquerque 
over the whole East. In the West, Cortez conquered (Macmiiian). 
Mexico for Spain, and Pizarro conquered Peru. The fabu- 
lous riches of these western lands attracted to them large 
numbers of Spaniards. At one time there was a fever of 
emigration in Castile almost like the rush for newly dis- 
covered and rich gold-fields in these days. There were very 
many more Spaniards who went to America than there were 
of Portuguese who went to the East. 



4o8 



Struggle for Colojiial Ejnpire [§§ 402, 403 



But no 

colonies in 

the English 

sense. 

Lucas, 

Introduction, 

61-67 ; 

Payne, 

European 

Colonies, 

39-53- 



The Spanish 
the first 
world 
empire. 



In conflict 
with Spain. 
Lucas, 
Introduction, 
74-81 ; 
Payne, 
Colonies, 
53-64- 



Still neither of these nations estabUshed colonies in our 
understanding of that word. The Portuguese establishments 
in India were trading-stations, to which men went for a time 
to make themselves fortunes and then to return home to 
enjoy the results. The Spanish in America were garrisons, 
and overseers of mines, and adventurers, whose object was 
the same, to send or carry back to Spain as much wealth as 
possible, gained from the new country. The Spanish estab- 
lishments grew in the end into a much more permanent and 
real colonization than the Portuguese, but this was not their 
original intention. The idea of finding in these lands a new 
home for the people, where another nation of the same 
blood and language as the mother nation should grow up, 
to enlarge at once the power of the State and the prosperity 
of its citizens, had not yet arisen, 

402. Spain's "World Power Threatened. — We have seen 
elsewhere how successful at first this policy was of drawing 
as much wealth as possible for the home country from the 
colony, and what was its final effect. The mines of America 
added much to the resources of Charles V. in his conflict for 
empire in Europe. When under his son Philip II. Portu- 
gal was absorbed in the Spanish monarchy and the East 
Indies were added to the West in the possession of Spain, 
it seemed as if a real world empire were about to be es- 
tablished. But the reign of Philip saw the rise of two new 
commercial and colonial powers, near together in time and 
under very similar circumstances, partly at least as the result 
of his own mistaken policy, as Spain and Portugal had risen 
together in the age of the Renaissance. 

403. The Rise of the Dutch Empire- — One of these was 
a country which at the beginning of Philip's reign had been 
his own, and which his despotism and intolerance had driven 
into independence. Familiar with the sea from before the 
time when Csesar wrote his description of them, depending 
for a large part of their livelihood upon the difficult and 
dangerous ocean fisheries, the best training-school of sailors, 
and having also already a good beginning of commerce, the 



§ 404] Bcginninf^ of tlie Eiiglisli Empire 



409 



rapid rise of the Dutcli into a great naval and commercial 
power need not surprise us. Hard blows were to be struck 
the Spanish power on many seas, and the native vigor of the 
Dutch, reinforced by the tremendous energy excited by 
their desperate struggle for independence, carried them 
far. 

It was Portugal, after her absorption in Spain, that suf- 
fered the heaviest actual losses from the attacks of the Dutch, 
and in the East Indies the new colonial empire of Holland 
was created. She took the great Spice Islands and Ceylon, 
and established factories on both the east and west coast of 
India. 

In 1602 the East India Company was founded, followed 
soon by the West India Company, which founded the 
colony of New Netherlands in America. Soon afterward 
the settlement of Batavia was made in the East, destined to 
great prosperity, and in no long time the Cape of Good 
Hope was occupied by an agricultural colony for the supply- 
ing of ships on the long India voyage. The East India 
commerce was still very profitable, though less so than it had 
once been ; Amsterdam became the chief entry and distrib- 
uting port for Oriental goods for Europe ; and a large part 
of the world's carrying trade was in the hands of the Dutch. 

404. The Beginning of the English Empire. — But in 
the meantime another commercial power was rising, not so 
rapidly as Holland, but very largely out of the same condi- 
tions, — a power which was destined, not to destroy the com- 
merce of Holland, but to set a limit to its expansion. This 
was England. 

In very early times, owing to their situation, the English 
had become a sea-going people. At the opening of the 
thirteenth century England had asserted her right to rule the 
narrow seas. Her commercial connection with Flanders, 
and still more with the territories which she held in the 
southwest of France, created interests which exercised a 
decisive influence upon her foreign policy in the fourteenth 
century. Before the close of the fifteenth, her navigators 



New Nether- 
lands and 
Cape colony. 
Story, 
British 
Empire, I. 
190-211. 



Contempo- 
rary with the 
Dutch. 



The English 

necessarily 

sailors. 



4IO 



St7'/tgglc for Colonial Empire [§ 4o4 



had had a fair share in the explorations of the time, and to 
one of them, Cabot, had fallen the honor of first seeing the 
continent of America. 
The Empire ^^^ through the whole sixteenth century, the great age of 
begins in the ° i -i i 

struggle with Spanish and Portuguese commerce, or at least until the very 

Spain. end of it, England was not a sea power. It was the conflict 

^BrJi'sh ^^^'•^ Philip II., the struggle for the defence of religious and 

Empire, poHtical independence, as in the case of Holland, which be- 




Bk. I., 

Chaps. III.- 
VI. 

The warfare 
in the Span- 
ish main. 
The Last 
Fight of the 
Revenge 
(Arber 
Reprints) ; 
Payne, 



gan the naval glories of English history and turned the atten- 
tion of her people to distant commercial enterprises. 

It was a most attractive warfare. Rich plunder, strange 
adventures, and the striking of hard blows at the bitterest of 
enemies, all were to be had at one time. It is not strange 
that with these inducements, and with the energy and enthusi- 
asm of a young race in an age of great events on every side, 
the deeds of the English seamen in the first age of the struggle 
for empire have never been surpassed in any later one. 



§4o5] 



TJie First Eus^lish Colonies 



411 



405. The First English Colonies. — In one sense the 
modern colonial supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon race is de- 
served, for the real colony, as a new home of the people, in 
distinction from the trading-station, was begun by Englishmen. 
It was the work, however, of the people themselves and not 
of the government. 

Perhaps this honor is hardly to be given to the first per- 
manent Enghsh settlement in America, that of Jamestown in 
1606. But whatever may have been the original intention 
which influenced the first settlers to undertake the enterprise, 
it very soon found its great source of wealth in tobacco and 
not in gold, and grew into an agricultural colony, the 
planters with their families looking upon the country as 
their home. The same thing may be said, both as to origi- 
nal intention and later 
history, of the Dutch 
colony which was estab- 
lished at New Amster- 
dam in 1614. But in 
1620 there was founded 
at Plymouth, in New 
England, a settlement 
whose purpose was 
from the start, not to 
open up trade or to dis- 
cover mines, but to find 
a new and permanent 
home for the founders 
and their posterity. 

These were the Pil- 
grims, of the extreme Puritan party, called Independents, who 
had fled from England to Holland to escape the persecution 
of the State in the early part of the reign of James I., and 
afterwards abandoned Holland for America, to keep them- 
selves from absorption in the Dutch, to preserve their lan- 
guage, race, and institutions. They were followed in ten 
years by much larger numbers of the Puritans, who founded 




William Penn 



Voyages of 

Elizabethan 

Seamen 

(Clarendon); 

Froude, 

E?!glisk 

Seamen in 

XVI. 

Century 

(Scribner) ; 

Kingsley, 

WestT.vard 

Ho! (novel). 

The first real 

colonies 

English. 

Lucas, 

Introduction, 

90-99. 

Virginia and 
Plymouth. 
Green, 
English 
People, III. 
167-171 ; 
Am. Hist. 
Leaf., 27 and 
29; Old 
South, 48-51. 



The 

Pilgrims. 



The 
Puritans. 



412 



Struggle for Colonial Etnpire [§§ 406-408 



Founded 
from various 
motives. 



Sweden's 
colony. 



Beginning 
about the 
middle of the 
seventeenth 
century. 
Story, 
British 
Empire, I. 
250-255- 



the colonies of Salem and Massachusetts Bay, and a little 
later of Connecticut and New Haven. In America these 
Puritans all became Independents, and organized the churches 
called Congregational. 

406. The Thirteen Colonies. — This beginning of colonies 
was followed by many others of different kinds — Maryland 
for the Catholics, Pennsylvania for the Quakers, Rhode Island 
for the oppressed of all names, the Carolinas by a corpora- 
tion of Enghsh gentlemen, Georgia for the debtor class — 
during the seventeenth and the last not until near the middle 
of the eighteenth century. It is a very interesting indication 
of the feeling that was now beginning to grow up in Europe 
about colonies, or at least trading-stations, in the new parts 
of the world, and their relation to the position of a power of 
the first rank, that Sweden during the time of her greatness 
in the Thirty Year's War attempted to secure her share in 
the division of North America, and began the colony of 
Delaware. The same feeling is indicated by the attempt of 
the Great Elector to obtain trading-stations for the rising 
state of Prussia on the coast of Africa, a Httle later in the 
same century. His experiment was even less successful 
than that of Sweden. 

407. Conflict between England and Holland. — The Thir- 
teen Colonies of North America were only begun when the 
conflict came on between England and Holland. This 
was hardly to be avoided on account of their conflicting in- 
terests in the East. England had begun to try for a share 
in this rich trade as early as Holland. Her East India Com- 
pany was, indeed, organized first, in the year 1600. It was 
a little more than fifty years after this date before their rival- 
ries brought the countries to actual war with one another, 
but their traders were fighting for the possession of the mar- 
kets of the East and for favorable stations before the begin- 
ning of declared war. The massacre of the English residents 
at Amboyna by the Dutch, in 1623, is only the worst of 
many incidents in these conflicts before actual war began. 

408. Government Colonial Policy, Laws, and War. — It is 



§ 409] Pozver of Holland broken by France 4 1 3 



from the time of Cromwell's rule that we may date the 
beginning of a continuous commercial and colonial policy on 
the part of the English government. How far we have a 
right to attribute such a policy to Cromwell himself, as one 
consciously and understandingly chosen, is doubtful. Prob- 
ably in this as in other things he did not see very far into 
the future, but did with great vigor and decision the thing 
that seemed at the moment to be the wisest. But with him 
began the measures which long characterized English policy, 
to defend and develop commerce and the colonies, not as 
colonies mainly but as feeders of commerce, by acts of Par- 
liament and whenever necessary by war. 

In 1 65 1 was passed the first Navigation Act, which forbade 
the importation of goods into any English possession except 
in English vessels or in the vessels of the country producing 
the goods. This was aimed directly at the great carrying 
trade of the Dutch, and was intended to transfer this to 
English ships. Laws of this kind, successively passed, re- 
mained in force until into the nineteenth century. In the 
next year came the first war with Holland, a war of fleets, 
which lasted two years and closed without decisive results, 
though the advantage was chiefly with England. In a war 
of Cromwell's with Spain was made the first important Eng- 
lish colonial conquest, the island of Jamaica. 

409. The Power of Holland broken by France. — The ruin 
of Holland, however, as a great commercial power, was in 
the end not so much the act of England as of Louis XIV., 
though he had the help of England in a part of the process. 
A short war between England and Holland a few years after 
the restoration of Charles II. led to no more decisive con- 
clusion than that of Cromwell, but it is remarkable for the 
appearance of a hostile fleet in the Thames within sight of 
London, and for the conquest of New York, though this was 
really made before the war began. 

In the great Dutch war which Louis XIV. made upon the 
Dutch Republic, to punish the little state for having dared to 
check by the Triple Alliance his conquests in the Spanish 



The begin- 
ning of 
government 
colonial 
policy. 



The first 
Navigation 
Act, 1651. 
Am. Hist. 
Leaf., 19. 



The first 
colonial war, 
1652. 



In the 
wars of 
Louis XIV. 



Green, 

English 

People, 

III. 371-375- 



England's 
last war with 
Holland in 
this age. 



414 



Struggle for Colonial Empire 



[§ 410 



England 
fighting for 
Holland. 



Netherlands, the French monarch had the aid of Charles II. 
under a secret treaty and for an annual pension, until in 
the last part of the war public opinion forced him to with- 
draw. This was the last war which England made upon 
Holland, the last war between them until Holland joined the 
enemies of England in the war of the American Revolution. 
In the later wars of Louis XIV. the two countries were allies 
against the French. But these long and, during some of the 
time, desperate wars had exhausted the wealth and greatly 
weakened the power of the Dutch. It was too small a state 




Champlain 



In the age of 
Louis XIV. 



for so long and violent a strain. On the other hand the 
English commerce had been rapidly extending as the Dutch 
declined, and England now left Holland behind in the race 
as both had earlier distanced Portugal and Spain. 

410. The Beginning of Rivalry with France. — But these 
wars of Louis XIV. were not over before it became evident 
to the colonists in North America, and more slowly to the 
government at home, that there was a new and perhaps 



§§ 411, 412] 



Colonial Wars 



415 



more dangerous rival in the field, with whom a conflict must 
now begin. This was France. 

The French had established a settlement in North Amer- 
ica, in 1605, before the English, but the English colonies, 
once begun, filled up more rapidly with settlers. On the 
other hand the French occupation was more widely extended, 
and they came to hold, before the close of the seventeenth 
century, an important strategic position which gave them a 
very decided advantage in a struggle for the possession of 
the continent. From Louisiana up the Mississippi and Ohio 
rivers to the Great Lakes and Canada, they laid claim to the 
whole interior, and would shut the English in between the 
mountains and the Atlantic. In America the French saw 
the advantage which they possessed, but it was impossible 
to persuade the government at home to make full use of 
it. France was too deeply interested in the pohtics of the 
continent of Europe to realize the rise of. these new and 
greater interests until the opportunity was passed. 

411. The Advantages of the English. — This one advan- 
tage of position was the chief one which the French pos- 
sessed. Almost everything else was in favor of the English. 
Their colonies were filled with a much larger number of per- 
manent settlers. The bigotry of the French government came 
to their aid, for it refused to allow homes in the colonies to 
the Huguenot exiles, and they added to more than one 
of the Thirteen Colonies a valuable element which would 
have gone to the side of the French had it been allowed. 
The French government also extended its paternal despotism 
to the colonies, from the days of Colbert, vexing them with 
minute and unsuitable regulations, which hampered their 
free development, while the English colonies were especially 
fortunate in being left almost entirely to themselves. 

412. Colonial Wars. — The last two wars of Louis XIV.'s 
had been colonial as well as European wars. The first is 
called in American colonial history King William's War, and 
the second, which was in Europe the War of the Spanish 
Succession, is known as Queen Anne's War. These were 



In North 
America. 
Payne, 

Colo7iies, 



The French 
have the 
advantage 
of position. 



Numbers 
and inde- 
pendence. 



French 

colonial 

policy. 

Parkman, 

Old Regime, 

Chaps. XII.- 

XVI.; 

Lucas, 

Introduction, 



King 
William's 
and Queen 
Anne's War. 



4i6 



Struggle foj- Colonial Empire 



[§413 



Parknian, 
Half 
Century, 
Chaps. III.- 
V.; VII. -IX. 



An interval 
of peace, 
1713-1743. 



The fountl- 

ingof 

foreign 

dominions 

easy. 



mainly wars of the colonists with one another to which the 
home governments, absorbed in the European struggle, paid 
little attention. They show clearly enough, however, that in 
.America the great conflict was opening, and that the colonists 
realized the importance of the issue. Neither led to decisive 
results, though in the second Nova Scotia — Acadia — was 
conquered, mainly by the efforts of the New England colonists, 
and was ceded to England at the peace of Utrecht, together 
with Newfoundland and the Hudson Bay territory. 

Queen Anne's War was followed by thirty years of peace, 
during which the colonies of both nations in America were 
developing very rapidly, the English more rapidly than the 
French in population and resources. In Europe, France 
was becoming by degrees more conscious of the real char- 
acter of the conflict before it, and was endeavoring to pre- 
pare for it by the strengthening of her fleets and the 
encouragement of commercial enterprises, but she could 
not, unfortunately for her future, get rid of the belief, in 
which she had been trained for so many generations, of the 
superior importance of European politics and of the great 
danger which threatened her from the house of Austria. 
Spain also was alarmed at the progress which the unauthor- 
ized English commerce with her colonies was making. 
This she now endeavored to stop, and she also strengthened 
her fleets, and made an alliance with France. 

413. The Situation in India. — It was in India, however, 
that the greatest changes occurred in this quarter of a 
century. The situation there was one especially favorable 
to the building up of a foreign dominion. The Empire of 
the Great Mogul was falling to pieces, and numerous little 
states were gaining an insecure kind of independence, with 
the natural result that there was more anarchy than good 
government, and that it was easy for a strong outside power 
to gain a footing in alliance with one native state or another 
and begin the creation of a territorial dominion. It was 
easy, indeed, for two outside powers to carry this process on 
until they came into collision with one another. 



§414] 



Kinsr Geor^-es War 



417 



This change, by which a trading company was transformed 
into the poUtical ruler of wide territories and milUons of 
human beings, was a most revolutionary one, but it was 
well under way before the next war between France and 
England began. As in America, so in India, the French 
had at the beginning of the war much the stronger position. 
They had also the decided advantage in the first war in 
India of commanders of genius. 

414. King George's War. — Frederick the Great's attack 
on Maria Theresa, in order to seize the province of Silesia 
and to lead in the partition of the Austrian dominions, 
opened the war between France and England. England 
was on the side of Maria Theresa, but if France had been 
for her, England would have been against her, as was the 
case in the next war. Before this European war broke out 
England and Spain had come to blows, in consequence of 
the attempts of the Spanish to break up the English com- 
merce with their colonies. Throughout this was for Eng- 
land a commercial war, and this clearness of aim went far to 
balance the better position 
of France in the colonies, 
for France did not realize 
even yet as clearly as Eng- 
land what was at stake. 

The war, which lasted 
from 1 74 1 to 1748, did 
not end in the triumph of 
either nation, but the pe- 
riod is characterized by a 
very rapid extension of 
the French power in In- 
dia, and hardly less so in 
America. In India the 
French interests were in 
the hands of Dupleix, a 

most able and successful statesman, who marked out the way 
to empire which the English have since followed, — conquest 



France has 
the best 
position. 



In Europe 
the War of 
the Austrian 
Succession. 
Green, 
EftgUsh 
People, IV. 
164-173. 

England and 
Spain at war, 
1739- 




4i8 



Struggle for Colonial Empire [§§4i5)4i'^ 



and in 
America. 



The capture 
and return of 
Louisburg. 
Parkman, 
Half 
Century, 
Chaps. XIX. 
and XX. 



The war does 
not stop in 
America. 
Parkman, 
Montcalm, 
Chap. VII. 



here, alliance there, and drilled native soldiers to supplement 
his European troops. Had the French ofificers in India been 
more ready to cooperate heartily with one another, and had 
home government been willing to put its strength into their 
support, the issue would most likely have been different. In 
America, also, the French became during this war con- 
scious of the great advantages of their geographical position 
in the interior of the continent, and they began to connect 
Canada and Louisiana with a chain of fortified posts along 
the great rivers, — a measure which excited the serious alarm 
of the English colonists. 

415. The Close of the War. — Only one event of the 
war is important here. That was the capture, in 1745, of 
the strong fortress of Louisburg, the "Gibraltar of America," 
by troops of the New England colonies. At the close of 
the war, Louisburg was returned to France in exchange for 
Madras in India, which had been taken by the French. 
The people of New England thought this was a sacrifice of 
their interests, and to a certain extent they were right, but 
for the interests of the Empire at large — and we have now 
a right to speak of the Empire — the recovery of Madras 
more than outweighed the surrender of Louisburg. These 
two events, however, the conspicuous success of the New 
England troops and the apparent heartless disregard of the 
interest of the colonies by the home government, became 
important influences preparing for the American Revolution. 

416. The Interval of Nominal Peace. — So clearly was it 
seen in the colonies that the conflict must go on until one 
party or the other was forced to yield, that the peace of 
Aix-la-Chapelle, which the two nations signed in Europe in 
1 748, hardly made a pause in the war in America, and 
suspended it only in form in India. For the Thirteen 
Colonies the occupation of the interior was a matter of the 
most vital importance, since on it depended all opportunity 
of future expansion. They could not sit quietly by and let 
the French take possession. Washington's expedition, Brad- 
dock's disastrous attack on Fort Duquesne, and the attack 



§417] 



TJie Great Colonial War 



419 



on the upper French posts near Lake George, were all 
attempts of the colonists to break through the barrier which 
the French were erecting against them, and they were not 
the less real war because no formal declaration had been 
made. 

In India France lost her advantages through the bUnd- 
ness of the authorities at home. Dupleix's operations were 
cut short because they were too expensive, and then the 
English succeeded in getting him recalled because his 
schemes might lead to a renewal of the war. There was 
no other genius on the French side, but one immediately 
arose on the English. Clive began to profit by the lessons 
which Uupleix had taught, and to open a new war, under 
the thin veil of aiding one native state against another. 
His brilliant capture and defence of Arcot took place before 
the declaration of war. 

417. The Great Colonial War. 1756-1763. — Maria 
Theresa's war of revenge, in which she united almost all 
Europe against Frederick the Great, the Seven Years' War 
of European history, was the signal for the next war in the 
colonial struggle. This was the great and final war of the 
series, for since its close France has never been able to rival 
England for colonial empire. Her empire was everywhere 
ruined. In America the English attacked the French posts 
along the whole line and with success. Montcalm made a 
brave defence, but Wolfe purchased Quebec with his life 
and thus forced the surrender of Montreal and all Canada. 
At the end of the war France withdrew entirely from North 
America, ceding her western possessions to Spain, and her 
northern to England. 

In India Lally-ToUendal made a vigorous defence but 
with no better success. He was obliged at last to surrender. 
Clive won the great victory of Plassy, which carried with 
it the conquest of almost all Bengal. And at the peace 
France gave up everything but five trading-stations which 
she promised not to fortify. 

England also made important gains in the West Indies 



And Clive 
renews it 
in India. 
Wilson, 
Clive, and 
Malleson, 
Lord Clive 
(Macmillan). 



The 

" French and 

Indian War" 

in America. 

Story, 

British 

Empire, II. 

85-101 ; 

Payne, 

Colonies, 

115-125; 

Bradley, 

Wolfe (Mac 

millan) ; 

Old South, 

73- 

Parkman, 

Montcalm, 

Chap. XXXI. 

France gives 
up India. 



420 



Struggle for Colonial Empire 



[§418 



II. 



The ministry 
of William 
Pitt. 
Lecky, 
England, 

555-565 ; 

Green, 
English 
People, IV 
176 ff. 



The 

American 

colonies less 

dependent 

on England. 

Lecky, 

England, 

III. 290-333; 

Green, 

English 

People, \\L 

187-200. 



France 
rejoices in 
the prospect 
of revenge. 



and in Africa. It was a great war, the most brilliant in the 
modern history of England. A national enthusiasm was 
aroused again as under Elizabeth. Robert Walpole wrote : 
" We need to enquire every morning what new victory there 
has been, lest any escape us." These great successes had 
been won for England not merely by the generals in the 
field, but largely by the energy which a great minister, 
William Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham, infused into the 
administration at home. He was not able, however, to 
make his influence felt at the conclusion of the peace, for 
he had lost office on the accession of George III. in 1760, 
because of the king's alliance with the Tory party. 

418. The Ultimate Consequences of this War. — This great 
war involved, however, in the course of a few years, further 
consequences which went far to balance, looked at in one 
way at least, all the gains which had been won by it at first. 
In the first place the conquest of Canada removed from the 
great American colonies the constant danger which had 
made them closely dependent upon the aid of England. 
They had long been left to manage their own affairs with 
scarcely any interference from the mother country, and 
these affairs had now become equal in importance to those 
of the smaller states of Europe. They had lately grown 
accustomed to raise and direct military enterprises of con- 
siderable extent from their own resources and with their 
own officers. There had been good training-schools for 
both the statesman and the soldier. It is only what might 
be expected that, without an enemy to be feared upon the 
continent, the colonists should decide for independence 
upon the first serious difficulty with the home government. 

At the close of the war some of the French statesmen had 
realized this great change which had been made in the situa- 
tion of the Thirteen Colonies by the transfer of Canada to 
England and the probable consequences, and had rejoiced at 
the prospect of revenge in the not distant future at the hands 
of England's own colonies. 

In the second place the war immediately created the 




George Washington 



§419] 



Ens'/ is h Colonics to be taxed 



421 



difficulty. The enormous cost of the war gave rise to an 
extremely difficult question, so difficult indeed that England 
after more than a hundred years has not found any answer 
to it. This is the question of the way in which the expense 
of defending the Empire ought to be divided between the 
mother country and the colonies. In 1763 it was an 
entirely new question. It had never risen before in the 
history of the world. Neither the English government nor 
the colonies had any experience to guide them in the diffi- 
culty. It ought not to be surprising that the wrong thing was 
done, perhaps on both sides. 

419. The English Ministry determines to tax the Colonies. 
— The English government determined to lay taxes upon 
the colonies by act of Parliament. The colonies, on the 
principle that they could only be taxed by their own repre- 
sentatives, determined to resist the collection of these taxes 
by a war of independence if necessary. So far as the strict 
letter of the law is concerned there can be no doubt that 
the English government was within its rights. The colonies 
were in every particular subject to the laws made in Parlia- 
ment. Repeatedly, in the past. Parliament had passed as 
oppressive laws as these, with special reference to the col- 
onies, and they had been submitted to. The cabinet of 
George III. had reason to believe that these new measures 
might be successfully carried through. 

On the other hand there can be just as Httle doubt that, 
not merely the attempt at taxation, but the whole practice 
of governing great communities of Englishmen by a distant 
parliament in which they had no voice, was in violation of 
the spirit and fundamental principles of the English consti- 
tution. England came during the nineteenth century to 
admit this in practice with the great colonies of that time, 
but this was not until long after the American Revolution, 
and was due to the rise of new influences. The colonies 
were right in the general position which they took, and 
England ought to have seen it and to have realized that the 
colonists were still Englishmen. It was only a hundred 



The question 
of the 

expenses of 
defence. 
Am. Hist. 
Leaf., 21. 



The case for 
England. 
Cook's 
Burke's 
Speech on 
Conciliation, 
Introd. Pt. I. 
(Longmans). 



The case for 
the colonies. 
Fiske, 

War of Inde- 
pendence 
(Houghton), 
58-70. 



422 



Struggle for Colonial Empire [§§-l--3--Pi 



Compromise 
the proper 
settlement. 



Royal and 

party 

obstinacv. 



Many 

motives at 
work in the 
colonies. 



The colonies 

declare their 
indepen- 
dence. 
Woodbum's 
Lecky's 

Resoluticn 
( Appleton) . 



years before that she had gone through revolution and civil 
war to secure these principles for all her citizens. 

420. Compromise not possible. — This was a question for 
compromise, for the caJm and careful comparison of the two 
positions. If this could have been done the result would 
have been very diflFerent. But it was impossible. There 
were reasons on both sides which shut up this way out of 
the difficult}'. 

On the EngUsh side it was very unfortunate that the man- 
agement of this crisis fell to the hands of George III. and 
a Tory ministry. Not that the Tories were entirely respon- 
sible for the attempt. These measures had been fore- 
shadowed by Whig ministers and would undoubtedly have 
been tried by a ^^'hig cabinet. But the ^\'hig3 would have 
been more ready to jield and to oppose the king. The 
Tories were on principle opposed to such concessions, and 
they held office largely by their compliance with the obsri- 
nacy of the king. In the second place there was in the 
Parliament and the government so little understanding of 
the actual situation in the colonies that the danger of push- 
ing things to an extreme was not appreciated. 

On the other hand, it is probable that there were other 
motives in the colonies for pushing the dispute on to inde- 
pendence than appeared on the surface. Perhaps those 
which have been suggested by English historians, local pride, 
personal ambition, and the influence of fiery oratory, were 
less effective than the willingness of a community heavily in 
debt to another to try what relief might be found in the 
issue of war. At any rate the spirit of concession was no 
more acrive in America than in England. 

421. The War of the ReTolution. — In a situation of this 
sort, the quarrel soon became bloody. Battles were fought, 
and on July 4th, 1776, came the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. In the war the apparent odds were aU against the 
Americans, but England was undertaking the impossible 
task of keeping down a whole population by military force. 
The .\merican3 lost New York and Philadelphia, but they 



§ 422] Xhe Empire apparently broken up 



423 



gained a great success in forcing the surrender of Burgoyne 
at Saratoga. This was soon followed by the alliance with 
France, which was anxious to take vengeance for its misfor- 
tunes in the past. Not long after, Spain and Holland joined 
the war against their old commercial enemy. 

These events greatly changed the character of the conflict The revolt 
for England. It now became a war not merely to preserve ° I ^ 
the Thirteen Colonies, but to preserve the whole Empire. Colonies 
It was fought in every quarter of the globe, especially in becomes a 






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tUi H^^^ 















(r^ to cUrcrCt^ t^ , 0^ Co- </ruo U/Ct***- ->u!tv Cxrv-e/r-n/DT-^^nX , Coa^i^ o^'j /o-^''-'r^^UtXe~<,-r^ crr\. 

The Declaration of Independence 

Facsimile (reduced) of the first lines of Jefferson's original draft 



India, the Mediterranean, and the West Indies. The bal- 
ance of defeat and victory was about evenly divided. The 
French had the experience, not recent with them, of some 
naval victories. Suffren won a series of brilliant successes 
in India. Cornwallis was forced to surrender at Yorktown. 
On the other hand, De Grasse was beaten in the West Indies, 
and a combined French and Spanish fleet near Gibraltar. 

422. The English Empire apparently broken up. — At the 
peace in 1 783, England recognized the independence of the 



world war. 
Hassall, 
Periods, 
Chap. XII. 

Suffren. 
Mahan, 
Sea Power, 
Chap. XII. 

England 
gives up 



424 



Struggle for Colonial Empire 



[§423 



many 

possessions. 
Lecky, 

England, IV. 
274-289. 



No commer- 
cial loss. 



Loss of 
Empire 
stimulates its 
growth. 



Ill-feeling 
between 
America and 
England. 

See Green, 

English 
People, IV. 
266-271. 



United States, and thus lost her greatest colonies, and the 
only ones she had at that time in which a new English nation 
was growing up. In Africa, France recovered Senegal, and 
in the West Indies two islands. To Spain was given back 
Florida, and in the Mediterranean Minorca, but she failed 
in the great effort which she made to regain possession of 
Gibraltar. In India nothing was lost. So far as the French 
were concerned, things remained as they were, but the Eng- 
lish Empire was rapidly advancing under the vigorous but 
unscrupulous policy of Warren Hastings. 

423. The Revenge of France more Apparent than Real. — 
The revenge which France, in alliance with the other beaten 
colonial rivals of England, had taken, was in appearance 
complete. But in reality it proved to be, except in one par- 
ticular, in appearance only. In commerce England lost 
nothing. The colonies were no longer compelled by law to 
trade with her, but they continued to do so from interest, 
and the rapid development of the United States which fol- 
lowed independence had its effect on commerce, so that in 
twenty years this had increased to undreamed of proportions. 

On the growth of Empire also the revenge of France had 
an opposite effect to that intended. England sought com- 
pensation for her loss, as we shall see, in other regions which 
she would probably have long left unoccupied if she had still 
possessed the American colonies. The United States also 
grew into a nation and took possession of the great West, as 
it most likely could not have done if it had remained under 
the "government of England. The Anglo-Saxon Empire in 
the world is to-day larger and stronger, the French Empire 
is smaller, than would have been the case if the American 
colonies had not become independent. 

In one particular the results were not so fortunate. The 
American Revolution split the Anglo-Saxon Empire into two 
halves, and, with other events which followed, taught the 
people of the two parts to disUke and distrust one another. 
Fortunately these feelings have been growing weaker of late, 
and more natural ones have begun to take their place, and 



Topics 425 

we may perhaps reasonably hope that now all possibility of 
danger from them, which might sometime make the revenge 
of France a real one, is happily over. 



Topics 

The first colonial powers. Their possessions. How differ from the 
English ? How did the Dutch Empire begin ? Their colonial posses- 
sions. What circumstances like the Dutch in the beginning of the 
English Empire? The first real colonies. The Thirteen Colonies. 
The beginning of the conflict with the Dutch. What was the govern- 
ment policy expressed in the Navigation Acts? The effect of Louis 
XIV.'s wars upon Holland. The French and English in North 
America. In India. What advantages had the English in America? 
The French in India? The first colonial wars with France? The 
third war, King George's. What is the meaning of the fact that the 
colonists keep up the war during the interval of peace in Europe? 
What gains were made by the English from the fourth colonial war? 
What unfavorable results followed it? Give both sides of the question 
of taxation. Why not compromise ? How did the Revolution become 
a world war? The losses of England. Why less than they seemed? 
What positive advantages? 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

Clive wins India. Perkins, Louis XV., I., Chap. X. Lecky, England, 
II. 541-550. Story, British Empire, II. 56 ff. Macaulay's essay. 

Englishmen on the right to tax the colonies. Lecky, England, HI. 
333-361. Green, English People, IV. 225-240. Story, British 
Empire, II. 128-140. See also Burke's and Chatham's contem- 
porary speeches, in many editions. 

Compare in object, spirit, and language, the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence (Old South, 3); the Magna Charta (Old South, 5); 
the Petition of Right (Old South, 23; Gardiner, i); and the Bill 
of Rights (Old South, 19). 



426 



Struggle for Colonial Empire 



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CHAPTER V 

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON 

424. The Intellectual Leadership of France. — During the France leads 
eighteenth century France had not been able to maintain Europe 
her leadership in the international politics of Europe, and government, 
in the struggle for colonial empire she had been defeated 

by England ; but in another direction, in intellectual influ- 
ence, and in the preparation of the nations of Europe for 
the next great stage of political advancement, through revo- 
lution and war to civil liberty, France exercised a leader- 
ship which is a compensation, in its real service to mankind, 
for all that she had lost. At the close of the century she 
led again in the revolution itself. And in the wars which 
followed, with enormous loss and suffering, though with 
great military glory which is dear to the French heart, she 
opened the doors of all the continent of Europe to the forms 
of free government which the Anglo-Saxons had long en- 
joyed. 

425. The Deists. — Near the end of the seventeenth cen- A school of 
tury there arose in Europe a school of thinkers who are critical and 

. ' , . , . ... sceptical 

called Deists from some of their teacmngs about religion, thinkers. 
Their ideas were a result of the marvellous scientific advance 
of the seventeenth century, and were characterized, like the 
thinking of all such ages, by a tendency to criticise and call 
in question many old behefs. Early in the next century 
several French members of this school began to criticise the 
government of France. It was at a time when the selfish 
policy of Louis XIV. had brought such misery upon the 
French people, when a corrupt and extravagant government 

427 



428 The Fn-fich Revolution and Napoleon [§ 426 



The influ- 
ence of 
England. 



Monfes- 

qLiieu. 

Lowell, 

Eve of 

French 

Revolution 

(Houghton), 

126-153. 

Voltaire. 

Morley, 

Voltaire 

(Macmil- 

lan); 

Lowell, 

Eve, 51-69. 

Rousseau. 
Morley, 
Rousseau 
(Macmillan), 

The abuses 
denounced 
were very 
real. 
Adams, 
French 
Nation, 
Chap. XV. ; 
Penn. IV., 
No. 5. 



seemed to be forcing the nation under heavier and heavier 
burdens at home, and to be powerless to maintain its pres- 
tige abroad. In other words, it was a time when absolute 
government, which had so long existed in France, seemed 
to have failed, or at least when it should be forced to defend 
itself and prove its right to further existence. 

426. Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau. — Two of the 
greatest leaders of this school, Voltaire and Montesquieu, 
had spent some time in England, and had there studied the 
constitution of a limited monarchy, and observed the pros- 
perity and freedom from oppresssive exactions and galling 
caste privileges of the people. What they had learned in 
this way enabled them not merely to criticise the abuses in 
France more sharply, but also to describe the kind of gov- 
ernment which should exist. 

This was especially done by Montesquieu, whose praise of 
the English constitution had a great influence throughout 
Europe, and even on those who framed the government of 
the United States. Voltaire obtained a reputation and an al- 
most autocratic authority in Europe, such as have hardly been 
enjoyed by any other in the history of literature. Rousseau, 
a third leader of the same school, urged a return to nature 
in education, society, and government. All the little courts 
of Germany in the eighteenth century were making them- 
selves as French as possible, and following the example set 
by Versailles as closely as they could, so that the writings of 
these men had as much influence in Germany as in France ; 
they profoundly affected and for a long time theories of 
education and government. 

427. Abuses existing in France. — It is one thing, how- 
ever, to influence philosophical theories about things and 
quite a different one to bring about an actual revolution in 
the State. If the abuses in France had not been so mon- 
strous and so plain to every one, these writings would have 
had no such eff'ect. They were often exaggerated and 
declamatory ; scarcely one of them is a permanent part of 
literature ; and in their zeal against superstition, selfish- 



I 



§427] 



Abuses existing- in France 



429 



ness, and corruption, they often fiiiled to distinguisli between 
the false and the true. But the abuses were too glaring 
and universal to be denied, when these writings turned the 
light upon them, and this made the revolution necessary. 

The nation was practically divided into two classes, the The privi- 
privileged and the non-privileged. To the first everything '^^S"^^ °^ *'^^ 
seemed to be given and of them nothing demanded, while orders, 
the second class had to meet all the expenses. The privi- 




Versailles 



leged orders were two, the clergy and the nobles. To them 
were reserved all the offices in the court, the State and the 
army. Many of them also received large pensions from the 
public treasury. Two-thirds of all the land belonged to 
them, and its cultivators paid them heavy dues besides the 
other burdens which they bore. They were exempt, legally 
or illegally, from almost all the State taxes, which there- 
fore rested with greater weight than was just on the other 
orders. 



Taine, 

Ancic?if 
Regime 
(Holt). 
13-85- 



430 77^1!' FrencJt Revolution and Napoleon [§ 4^8 



France on 
the verge of 
bankruptcy. 
Lowell, Eve, 
230-242. 



The experi- 
ment of 
John Law. 
Perkins, 
Regency, 
428-519; 
Adams, 
French 
Nation, 
237 ff. 



A burden- 
some 
method 
of tax 
collecting. 
Taine, 
Ancient 
Regime, 

349-373 ; 
Lowell, Eve. 
207-229. 



428. The Financial Condition of France. — This burden of 
taxes and the general financial condition of the government 
was one of the most decisive causes of the revolution. 
France had entered the century heavily in debt because of 
the wars of Louis XIV., and these debts had constantly 
grown. Salaries and pensions, reckless extravagance at the 
court, the cost of wars which were of frequent occurrence 
through the whole century, these kept pushing France 
nearer and nearer to bankruptcy. 

A great experiment had been made at the beginning of 
the reign of Louis XV., under the Regency, to relieve the 

treasury by the issue of an 
irredeemable paper currency, 
under the direction of the 
Scotch banker, John Law, 
but, after causing immense 
speculative excitement and 
making and destroying great 
fortunes, this proved a f^ilse 
hope. 

The burden of the taxation 
was greatly increased for the 
people by the method of its 
collection. The State did 
not collect the taxes but sold 
the right of collection to 
private individuals, the reve- 
nue farmers, who took pains 
to make themselves rich from 
their contracts by forcing the 
people to pay much larger sums than the treasury received. 
The well-to-do in each community were made responsible 
for the taxes of the less frugal, so that often a heavy penalty 
was placed on industry and saving. In some parts of 
France the peasantry were reduced almost to the condi- 
tion of wild beasts, and in places the land fell back into 
wilderness. 




Mauie Antoinette 



§§ 4-9' 43°] Failure of attonpted Reforms 



431 



429. Attempts at Reform. — It was impossible that this 
condition of things should last, but there were only two ways 
out of it, — reform by the government as it existed or the 
overthrow of the government and the substitution for it of 
some other kind of a government which should be able to 
relieve the nation of its burdens and of their causes. The 
impossibihty of securing reformation under the government 
of the king led to the opening steps of the revolution. 

This was not until the alternative of bringing about a 
reformation under the existing government had been tried. 
Louis XV. was one of the most selfish of kings that ever 
reigned. He knew that the State seemed to be drifting to 
ruin, but he said, " Let those that come after me look out 
for that." No change was possible while he lived. Louis 
XVL was a much better man, but he was too weak for his 
place. He could not resist the pressure of a corrupt court 
whose privileges were threatened by any reformation. 

Louis promised one of his early ministers, Turgot, who 
was one of the first of political economists and who knew 
the changes which should be made, that he would support 
him in his reforms. But when the test came he failed to 
do so .and Turgot had to give up his ministry. The more 
moderate reforms of Necker, later in the reign, also raised 
too heavy a storm for the king. The war which France 
made to aid the American colonies and to take vengeance 
on England plunged the State still deeper into debt. 
Finally in despair, after trying every expedient except a 
genuine reformation, the government decided to call to- 
gether the representatives of the nation, the Estates General, 
to see if they could suggest any way out of the difficulty. 

430. The Danger of calling together the Estates General. 
— It seems to us now as if the privileged orders ought to 
have been able to see that this experiment was likely to be 
far more dangerous to them than even the reforms of 
Turgot. The new ideas of liberty and equality, of a state 
of nature in which all men stood on the same level, and 
of the right of the people as a whole to determine what the 



Revolution 
the alterna- 
tive of 
failure. 
Adams, 
Fre7ich 
Nation, 
250-257- 



The kings 
were greatly 
at fault. 



The reform 

ministers. 

Turgot. 

Correard, 

Textes, 

327-344- 
Penn. V, 
No. 2. 
Necker. 



Revolution- 
ary ideas 
fashionable. 



43^ 



TJie FrencJi Revolution and Napoleon [§ 43 1 



The Third 
Estate has 
the best of 
leadership, 
May 5, 1789. 
Speeches of 
Mirabeau. 
Stephens, 
Speeches, I. 
47 and 55 ; 
and Indiana, 
Mod. Hist., 
No. I. 

The Third 

Estate 

demands 

union. 

Stephens, 

French 

Revolution, 

I- 55-63- 



It declares 
itself 
supreme, 
June 17. 



This was 
revolution. 
See Indiana, 
Mod. Hist., 
No. 2. 



government should be, were now the prevaiHng fashion 
and had won many adherents even among the nobles and 
the clergy. It was almost certain that an attempt would 
be made in the Estates General, as legally standing for the 
whole nation, to bring the government under the control of 
the people and of these ideas. 

This was at any rate exactly what did happen. When 
the Estates General came together, it was found that certain 
of the nobles like Mirabeau, and of the clergy like Sieyes, 
filled with the new ideas, had had themselves elected repre- 
sentatives of the Third Estate, or non-privileged order, and 
they at once took the leadership of its policy. To put the 
people into power two things must be done : the other two 
orders must be forced to accept the leadership of the Third 
Estate, and then the king and the government must be 
made subject to the legislature. 

431. The Struggle for One Chamber. — In earlier times 
the Estates General had met as three separate chambers 
each estate by itself and each having a single vote. Now 
the Third Estate, which had a small majority of all the 
deputies elected, demanded that they should meet as a 
single chamber in which each deputy should have a vote. 
This would mean that the privileged orders accepted the 
leadership of the Third Estate, and very naturally they refused. 

The struggle lasted for more than a month, the Third 
Estate refusing to allow any business to be done. Finally 
on motion of Mirabeau they declared themselves the 
representatives of the people of France, and on motion 
of Sieyes they assumed the name of the National Assembly, 
and the power to regulate the taxation without the consent 
of the other estates. 

Such action was of course revolutionary, for it was not 
sanctioned by the old constitution of France, but was really 
in violation of it. It brought matters to a crisis at once and 
led to the second step in the development of the revolution, 
the conflict between the Third Estate and the king. In 
reality in calling together the Estates General at all, the 



§§ 432, 433] TJie Kijig completely Overcome 



433 



king had practically abandoned the theory of absolute 
monarchy, as held by Louis XIV., that the king determined 
everything for the good of his people under a responsibility 
to God, but not to the nation. But the king and the court 
did not yet recognize this, and a struggle with the Assembly 
was necessary to make it evident. 

432. The Struggle with the King. — On this action of 
the Third Estate the king determined to interfere in per- 
son, and a session of the three estates was held at which he 
attended. He promised that in the future taxes should 
be voted by the representatives of the nation, but he ordered 
the estates to meet and vote separately, and to take up 
only financial questions. 

On the departure of the king the Third Estate refused to 
adjourn as they had been directed to, and on the king's 
master of ceremonies repeating the order, Mirabeau cried 
out : " Tell your master that we are here by the will of the 
people, and we can be driven out only by the bayonet." 
This was drawing the issue sharply between the people and 
the king, but Louis did not accept the challenge. He passed 
over the refusal of the Assembly and allowed them to score 
the first point. At his request, indeed, the deputies of the 
other estates joined the Third, and their first victory over 
him was thus complete, and the way well opened for the 
second. 

433. The King completely Overcome. — Lnmediately the 
National Assembly, going on in the way of revolution, began 
to take measures for the transformation of the entire con- 
stitution. Then the king made up his mind to appeal to 
force, and troops began to be collected near Paris. Necker, 
who stood in the popular opinion for the reform party in 
the cabinet, was removed from his ministry and exiled. 

These measures brought to the front at once the most 
terrible ally of the Third Estate, the mob of Paris, to 
whose influence the bloody excesses of the revolution were 
due. This mob now took possession of Paris amid the 
greatest excitement. The old government of the city was 



Louis orders 
the houses 
to meet 
separately. 



The Third 
Estate 
refuses to 
obey. 



The king 

tries 

resistance. 

Stephens, 

Periods, 

51-57- 



The first 
rising of the 
mob. 



434 TJie FrencJi Revolution and Napoleon [§ 433 



July 14. 
Stephens, 
French 
Revolution, 
I- 135-145- 



overthrown, its head was murdered, and a new revolutionary 
government was put into power. A city militia was organ- 
ized, the first of the National Guards. The Bastille, symbol- 
izing to the mind of the mob the tyranny and abuses of the 
old regime, was stormed and its commander murdered after 
surrender. 




The Taking of the Bastille 



The king 
surrenders. 



Louis yielded at once to the storm. He promised to send 
away the troops and to recall Necker. He went to Paris 
and was received with wild enthusiasm. He recognized 
the new mayor, and the National Guards with Lafayette 
as their commander, and put on the tricolor cockade. 
This was the complete surrender of the king. The nobles 
who were most bitterly opposed to change with the king's 



§§ 434, 435] Rise of Opposing Parties 435 

brother, the Comte d'Artois, at their head, recognized the 
fact that the revolution could not now be held back and 
fled from France, the first of the emigres. 

434. Revolution Completed. — The revolution was indeed The old 
in full tide, and its progress from this time rapid. The •'^S'"!^ 

1 ■ ■ • • 1-1 ^ r T^ ■ destroyed. 

Other cities set up citizen governments like that of Pans. Penn. I. 
The peasants rose and sacked the castles of the nobles and No. 5. 
destroyed the evidence of their feudal services. Finally on 
the night of the 4th of August, the National Assembly, in a 
session of intense excitement, swept away all the odious 
privileges of the old regime, and decreed in law the reign 
of equality in France. 

The making of a new constitution was not so easy as the A new 
destroying of the old. The French were very familiar with constitution, 
philosophical theories of government, but they had never French 
had any actual experience in making constitutions or in Revolution, 
governing themselves, and they had all this to learn. It ^^y^' '' 
ought not to surprise us that they did not succeed very well French 
at first. It was not until September, 1791, that the new Revolution 
constitution was finished and accepted by the king. 187-216. ' 

435. The Rise of Opposing Parties. — Meantime many xhe progress 
events of importance had occurred. In October, 1789, the of events, 
king and his family had been forced by the mob to leave 
Versailles and take up their residence in Paris, where he 

would be more directly under control. On the first anni- 
versary of the taking of the Bastille, a striking ceremony 
took place in Paris called the " national federation," at which 
the king, the Assembly, the officers of the State, the National 
Guard, now organized throughout France, and the people 
present, took a solemn oath of fidelity to the nation and the 
law. 

Notwithstanding, in June, 1791, the king attempted to The king 
escape from Paris with his family and to reach the fron- ^"^^ ^^ 

escape. 

tier, but he was recognized and brought back. The endow- 
ment lands of the clergy were taken possession of by the 
Assembly for the benefit of the nation, and the Church was 
reorganized and given a civil constitution as a department 



43^ The French Revolution and Napoleon [§ 43^ 



Two parties 
forming. 



Mirabeau. 



The clubs. 



The 

Assembly 

dissolved. 



The finances 
still in 
disorder. 



The seizure 
of the 
Church 
lands. 



of the State. The old provinces of France had been abol- 
ished and the country divided for administrative purposes 
into new divisions called departments. 

Before the new constitution was finished the Assembly 
began to divide into parties, especially into two, a party in 
favor of a limited monarchy somewhat after the English 
model, and a party in favor of a republic. Robespierre 
was a leader of the latter and Mirabeau of the former. So 
long as Mirabeau lived his influence was very strong in the 
Assembly, and the constitution adopted embodied many of 
his ideas. His death on April 2, 1791, was a great loss to 
the moderate party. 

The clubs organized in Paris, at whose meetings ques- 
tions of government were debated, often in a purely theo- 
retical way and sometimes with great excitement, began 
to exercise an influence on the people and on the Assembly. 
The Jacobin club, at first moderate, became finally more 
vigilant under the lead of Robespierre. That of the Cor- 
deliers, led by Danton, was early an advocate of the extreme 
revolution. On the flight of the king, the republican party 
attempted to establish a republic, but they were dispersed 
by the National Guards under Lafayette. This was the 
first open break l)etween the two parties. 

436. Financial Difficulties still Continue. — On the adop- 
tion of the constitution and its acceptance by the king, the 
Assembly, which had been called in 1789, and which now 
called itself the Constituent Assembly, was dissolved Sep- 
tember 30, 1 79 1. 

The meeting of the Estates General had been forced upon 
the king by the impending bankruptcy of the State. The 
representatives of the people, however, showed themselves no 
more able to find a wise and permanent solution of this diffi- 
culty than had the absolute government. After the failure 
of some attempts to fill the treasury, it was proposed to take 
possession of the endowment lands of the Church. These 
were more than half the area of France, and their value, if it 
could be realized, would relieve the government of its pres- 



§437] 



Paper Money based on Land 



437 



ent difficulties and make some provision for the future. It 
was argued that these lands had been given to the Church in 
trust by the nation, to provide for religious services, education 
and charity ; that the clergy had not fulfilled these obliga- 
tions ; that instead their wealth had led to corruption and 
scandal ; and that in consequence the nation had a right to 
resume the lands, both to its benefit and to that of the 
Church, it was asserted. The vote of resumption was 
passed in November, 1 789, and the lands were offered for 
sale. It was soon found that sales would be slow, as possi- 
ble purchasers feared a speedy counter revolution and the 
consequent loss of their whole investment. 

437. Paper Money based on Land. — In December it was 
voted to try a most attractive plan. Paper money was to be 
issued, secured 
by these national 
lands, and thus 
their value be 
realized for the 
State. In theory 
this seemed a 
most satisfactory 
arrangement. 
The actual value 
was in the land 
behind the notes, 
which would 
therefore circu- 
late readily and 
relieve the nation of its embarrassments. The first issue was 
for 400,000,000 francs. But this succeeded so well, and was 
so easy a way to solve problems which did not seem to admit 
of any other solution, that one issue quickly followed another, 
with the inevitable results. 

In a few years the purchasing power of the paper money, 
the so-called assignats, declined to one four-hundredth of 
its face value, and the printing-presses could not work fast 




I)praaiaes>Mtioiiaux. 

p^ame-aurportetu'. .__ 




Facsimile of an Assignat (reduced) 



Stephens. 
French 
Reviiliition, 
I. 297-303. 
Civil consti- 
tution of the 
clergy. 
Penn. I., 
No. 5. 



" The land 
secures the 
notes." 
Stephens, 
French 
Revolution, 
I- 351-362. 
A speech of 
Mirabeau's. 
Stephens, 
Speeches, 
I. 197. 



The results 
of inflation. 



438 Tlie Frejich Revolntioji and A^apoleon [§ 43^ 



The Legisla- 
tive Assem- 
bly, Oct. I, 
1791. 



The 

Girondists. 



War de- 
clared by 
France, 
Apr. 20, 
1792. 



Penn. I., 
No. 5. 



The war 
.<:;oes against 
the French. 



enough to supply the needs of the government. The ex- 
periment only postponed the real solution of the problem 
of meeting the financial needs of the State, and still further 
complicated it. Later governments had to devise new 
measures, and these included at least a partial repudiation. 

438. The Beginning of a Long War. — From this date 
revolutionary France drifted rapidly into a war with Europe 
which scarcely ceased until the battle of Waterloo. A new 
Assembly, the Legislative Assembly, met the day after the 
adjournment of the Constituent. It was composed of men 
without experience, for the old deputies had forbidden their 
own reelection. Its control was at first in the hands of the 
constitutional monarchists and moderate republicans, the 
party of the Girondists,- but the extreme republicans were 
well represented. Outside the Assembly their influence was 
rapidly extending, especially through the aid of the Jacobin 
and its affiliated clubs. 

On the Rhine frontier of France the etnigtrs, the nobles 
who had abandoned France, were collecting and organizing 
for an attempt to reverse the revolution. The republicans 
believed that the king and the court sympathized with their 
plans and stood ready to assist them. This belief seemed to 
be confirmed by the rapid veto by the king of the measures 
of the Assembly against the emigres and for the national de- 
fence. Austria was plainly preparing to interfere in France 
against the revolution, and Prussia had formed an alliance 
with her for the same purpose. The emperor, Leopold II., 
refiised any explanation of his preparations or of his relations 
with the emigres, and in April, 1792, the Assembly declared 
war with the consent of the king. 

439. The First Step towards the Republic. — The war at 
first went everywhere against the French. Enthusiasm was 
a poor substitute for discipline and experience, and the best 
officers of France were on the other side. The people of 
Paris believed that the successes of the enemy were due to 
the treason of the court, and a mob took possession of the 
Tuileries and forced the king to a new declaration of his 
fidelity to the nation. 



§44°] 



The Republic Proclaimed 



439 



On the news of this the duke of Brunswick, at the head 
of the Prussian army which was advancing on Paris, issued 
his famous manifesto, threatening to hold the citizens of 
Paris responsible for any injury to the royal family. This 
excited the mob beyond all bounds. The palace was 
stormed, the Swiss guards murdered, and the king forced 
to take refuge in fear of his life in the chamber of the 
Assembly. The mob demanded the republic at once, and 
the Assembly voted the suspension of the king from all his 
functions, and called a convention to decide the question of 
the form of government. This was the famous loth of 
August, 1792. The king remained a prisoner in Paris in 
the Temple. 

440. The Republic proclaimed and the King executed. — 
The commune was now in possession of the capital under 
Robespierre, Marat, and their friends. They organized its 
defence with great energy, but the Prussians continued to 
advance, and to gain success after success. It seemed as if 
nothing could check them, and the mob, in an insane passion 
of anger at the supposed royalist traitors who were aiding 
their advance, burst open the prisons and massacred more 
than a thousand men and women, on the 2d and 3d of 
September. But within a few days the French army gained 
an advantage over the Prussians in the battle of Valmy, and 
the immediate danger was past. 

On the next day after this battle, the Convention unani- 
mously declared the monarchy abohshed. But it was not 
so easy to decide what to do next. The Girondists had a 
majority at the opening of the Convention, but the Jacobins, 
or the " Mountain," had a larger number than in the last 
Assembly, and between the two parties was the " Plain," or 
the " Marsh " as it was called in derision, containing a large 
number of undecided members, whom the French method 
of allowing free entry into the galleries of the mob was 
likely to convert to the side of the extremists. 

The battle of Valmy was speedily followed by other suc- 
cesses. The invaders were driven out. Belgium was occu- 



The mob 
forces the 
suspension 
of the king. 



The massa- 
cres of 
September. 
Stephens, 
French 
Revolution, 
II. 141-150. 



The 

monarchy 
abolished. 
Carlyle, 
French 
Revolution, 
Bk. IV., 
Chaps. VI. 
and VII. 
A speech of 
Robes- 
pierre's. 
Indiana, 
Mod. Hist., 
No. 4. 



440 The Ffench Revolution and Napoleon [§ 44i 



French 
successes. 



The king 
executed, 
Jan. 21, 
1793- 



Europe 
combines 
against the 
revolution. 



A stronger 

executive 

necessary. 



The Reign 

of Terror. 

Stephens, 

French 

Revolution, 

II., Chap. X.; 

Carlyle, 

French 

Revolution, 

Bks. VI.- 

VIII. 

A speech of 



pied, annexed to France, and divided into departments. 
The conquest which the French monarchy had been striv- 
ing for during more than two centuries was made by the 
repubhc in two months. This was followed by the execu- 
tion of the king. The Girondists, irresolute before the 
superior energy of the Jacobins, yielded ; Louis was put on 
trial before the Convention, and declared guilty of high 
treason by almost a unanimous vote, and finally condemned 
to death by a small majority. 

441. War against All Europe. — The execution of the 
king, together with the violation of international law which 
had taken place, and the evident intention of extensive con- 
quest on the part of the republic, combined all Europe 
against France. War existed with Austria and Prussia, and 
on the ist of February, 1793, it was declared against Eng- 
land, Holland, Spain, Naples, and Sardinia. These were 
great odds, and the first results were disastrous to France. 
Belgium was lost, and the enemy everywhere made advances. 

These disasters led to a step which resulted finally in a 
change of government in France and prepared the way for 
Napoleon. The first Committee of Public Safety was elected 
by the Convention, and soon after, the second, which re- 
mained in power for a year. The object of this step was 
to strengthen the executive authority, in view of the public 
danger, and to avoid a divided responsibihty. Its power 
continued to increase, as was inevitable in times of so great 
confusion, and it passed in the end, through the stages of 
the Directory and the Consulate, into the Empire. 

442. The Reign of Terror, followed by Reorganization 
and Success. — The two years which followed the election 
of the first Committee of Public Safety, from the spring of 
1793 to that of 1795, ^^^^^ filled with events of the greatest 
importance to France and to Europe. In the Convention 
the extremists quickly gained the upper hand, the Girondists 
were expelled, the Reign of Terror began and raged in Paris 
and throughout France, until passion was exhausted and the 
leaders of all parties had been guillotined. Then the more 



§§ 443' 444] Bonaparte forces Austria 



441 



moderate recovered power, the Girondists were recalled, 
and Europe became aware that the days were over when 
the French were resolved to revolutionize all the world at 
the point of the bayonet. 

On the frontiers the French armies had been made over. 
New officers had arisen, and the men had been brought 
under strict discipHne. Continuous successes were the 
result. Not merely was Belgium recovered, but Holland 
also was conquered, and though not annexed to France, it 
was transformed into the Batavian republic, and made a 
close ally. Important successes were also gained in the 
south. Some of the states of Europe were now ready for 
peace, and in the spring of 1793 the number of the enemies 
of France was reduced. But England and Austria remained 
in the field. England's successes on the sea had been very 
great and almost all the French and Dutch colonies were in 
her hands. 

443, The Work of the Convention. — In 1795 the Con- 
vention established the constitution which it had been 
elected to make, called the constitution of the year III. It 
vested the legislative power in a legislature of two houses, 
and the executive in the Directory of five members elected 
by the legislature, one going out of office each year. The 
legislative work of the Convention in other directions was 
of great importance. It established a uniformity of weights 
and measures, adopted the republican calendar, began the 
formation of a code of laws, and organized with great 
abiUty a new system of national education. 

444. Bonaparte forces Austria to make Peace. — The 
new government had the war against England and Austria 
to carry on, but the military situation of France was now 
much improved. The war department was in the hands of 
Carnot, the " Organizer of Victory," who conducted it with 
great skill. ' Bonaparte had also risen by this time to such 
a military reputation that the conduct of the war in Italy 
was confided to him over older and more experienced gen- 
erals. He quickly justified the confidence. In ten days 



Danton's. 
Stephens, 
Speeches, II. 
265. 

Renewed 

military 

successes. 



The new 

republican 

constitution. 



Bonaparte's 

first cam- 
paign in 
Italy, 

1796-1797. 
Stephens, 
Periods, 

173-193; 
Morris, 
Napoleon, 
Chap. II.; 
Fyffe, 



442 The FrencJi Revolution and Napoleon [§ 445 



Europe, 
Chap. III. 



The treaty of 
Campo- 
Formio. 
Lanfrey, 
Napoleon I. 
(Macmillan), 
I., Chap. IX.; 
Penn. II., 
No. 2. 



The way 
preparing for 
the Empire. 




Lazare Carnot 



he forced the Sardinians to withdraw from the war, and in 
six weeks he had defeated the Austrian armies, occupied 

Milan, and begun to levy heavy 
contributions from the Italian 
states. New armies from Aus- 
tria were beaten one after an- 
other, and the fortress of Mantua 
was forced to surrender. In 
March, 1 797, Bonaparte invaded 
Austria itself, and in a month 
had compelled the emperor to 
sue for peace. 

The war was closed by the 
treaty of Campo-Formio. Aus- 
tria recognized the annexation 
of Belgium, the extension of 
France to the Rhine, and the 
republics in alliance with France which had been formed 
in Italy, the Ligurian around Genoa, and the Cisalpine 
around Milan. Venice, which Bonaparte had seized, was 
given to Austria in compensation, and was retained by her 
until late in the nineteenth century. This treaty completed 
the sanction of Europe to the great conquests which the 
republic had made. England alone refused to be a party 
to it. 

445. Revolution within the Revolution. — Before the re- 
turn of Bonaparte to Paris, a series of coups d'etat, of revo- 
lutionary appeals to force in violation of the constitution, 
but designed to keep in power the party which had made 
it, had been begun ; and these prepared the way by clear 
precedents for Bonaparte's arbitrary assumption of power 
two years later. The first of these was against the mon- 
archical party which had begun to recover strength in 
France. By the aid of troops, two Directors and about fifty 
deputies were expelled from office and new elections or- 
dered. A second, the next May, was against the Jacobins, 
who were beginning to acquire a majority in the legislature. 



§§ 446, 447] Stj'ons: Government Demanded 



443 



446. Bonaparte in Egypt. — • A few days later Bonaparte 
set sail for Egypt, to restore if possible the French suprem- 
acy in the Orient and to destroy that of England. By the 
conquest of Egypt he hoped to be able to aid the insurrec- 
tion of Tippoo Sahib in India, and to injure fatally the Eng- 
lish power there. The famous battle of the Pyramids gave 
him the country, and he a little later beat off the army which 
the sultan sent against him. But Nelson's victory in the 
battle of the Nile cut off his communication with France, 
and the British hold of India proved too strong to be shaken. 
In the meantime, changes in France seemed to open a brill- 
iant prospect of advancement for himself, and he returned 
after an absence of a year and a half, escaping the English 
cruisers with marvellous good fortune. 

447. A Strong Government Demanded. — On every hand 
in France the strong man was now demanded, and the only 
strong man in whom every one had confidence was Bona- 
parte. The Directory was unpopular and weak, and seemed 
able to govern only by repeated coups d'etat. Their con- 
duct of foreign affairs, as arbitrary and unprincipled as that 
of the early republic, had enabled England to renew the 
European coalition against the French, and the war was 
going against them, especially in Italy, where a skilful 
Russian general, Suvarov, carried all before him. Steady 
government at home, better generalship abroad, was the 
desire of all. 

With the aid of one of the Directors, Sieyes, who had 
kept his head above water through every storm, a revolu- 
tion was quickly carried through. Troops dispersed a 
part of the legislature; Consuls were put in the place of the 
Directors, Bonaparte among them ; the constitution was 
revised in favor of a stronger executive, and the Consuls 
were made the permanent executive with Bonaparte as the 
first Consul and real ruler of France, a position which he 
henceforth held. The first and longest step had been taken 
toward the making of a new absolute government in France, 
as unlimited in power as the old monarchy, but with the old 



An attack on 
the Empire 
of England, 
1798-1799- 
I^anfrey, 
Napoleon /., 
I., Chaps. X. 
and XL; 
Morris, 
Napoleon, 
Chap. III. 



The weak- 
ness of the 
Directory. 



Bonaparte 
put into 
power by a 
revolution, 
Nov. 1799. 
Stephens, 
Periods, 
210-217 ; 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 

13S-144; 
Morris, 
Napoleon. 
69-77. 



444 TJic French Revolution and Napoleon [§ 44^ 



England 
even con- 
sents to 
peace with 
France. 
Stephens, 
Periods, 
217-225. 



The Treaty 
of Amiens, 
1802. 

Bonaparte's 
attempt on 
Louisiana, 
1802. 




The Three Consuls 



feudal distinctions and privileged orders swept away. That 
much at least the revolution had accomplished. 

448. Bonaparte turns the Tide of War. — Bonaparte 
quickly restored order to all departments of the government 

at home, and victory to the 
French arms in the war. 
He went himself to Italy, 
gained the victory of Ma- 
rengo, and drove out the 
Austrians. Along the Dan- 
ube also they were forced 
to fall back, and before 
the close of the year 1800 
to make peace again, with 
a recognition of all the 
French conquests. Rus- 
sia had already withdrawn 
from the coalition. Eng- 
land again remained alone 
to carry on the war a year or two longer. But England and 
France were hardly within striking distance of one another. 
England had no armies on the continent. France had no 
fleets on the sea. Nelson's attack on Copenhagen prevented 
Bonaparte from securing the Danish fleet. By the end of 
1 80 1 both parties were ready to end the useless war, and the 
treaty of Amiens was made. England surrendered nearly all 
her own conquests and recognized nearly all those of France. 

449. The Interval of Peace. — The final treaty was not yet 
signed when Bonaparte began a new attempt to recover the 
colonial empire of France, and to weaken that of England, 
in the expedition which he sent to recover the island of San 
Domingo, which had revolted. This he proposed to use as 
a base of operations for the occupation of Louisiana and the 
restoration of French power in North America. The first 
step failed through the obstinate resistance of the revolted 
negroes and the ravages of the yellow fever, and before a 
second could be taken war had been renewed in Europe. 



§ 45°] 



TJie War Rciiezved 



445 



In the interval, the organization of France had been Constitu- 

carried forward. The balance was established between the ^'o"ai 

„-,,,... , . , changes. 

various parties. 1 he administrative machinery was central- Lanfrev 

ized. The codes were completed. An agreement was made Napoleon /., 

with the pope, and the Church became reconciled to the ijt-Chap.v, 

. . Morns, 

new state of things. The constitution was twice revised in 




Napoleon 



the interest of a stronger executive, and Bonaparte was made 
first Consul for ten years and then for life. Everything was 
so arranged that a little later, in May, 1804, the Empire 
could be proclaimed with scarcely a change. 

450. The "War Renewed. — Neither Napoleon nor Eng- 
land could consider the peace of Amiens as much more than 
a truce and the war began again in the spring of 1803, 



Napoleon, 
Chap, v.; 
Stephens, 
Periods, 
237-241- 
Napoleon at 
the height of 
his power. 
Stephens, 



446 TIic French Revolution a)id Napolcoti [§ 45' 



Periods, 
250-262 ; 
Blackmoie, 

Springhaven 
(novel). 

The Romati 

emperor 

deposed. 

Schilling, 

Quellenbuch, 

331; 
Bryce, 

Holy Roman 
Empire, 

359-368. 

The map of 
Europe torn 
to pieces. 

The " con- 
tinental 
system," 
1806. 
Penn. II., 
No. 2. 



Joseph made 
king of 
Spain, 1808. 



Austria's 

premature 

attempt. 

Maria 

Louisa. 

Sloane, 

Napoleon, 

III., 

Chap. .XX. 

The exhaus- 
tion of 
France. 



through the fault of both. Austria and Russia also took 
the field against France, but with the usual result. Ulm and 
Austerlitz forced Austria to retire. Prussia tried to take 
her place, but lost the battle of Jena, and could not save 
Berlin. Then came the turn of Russia which finally con- 
sented to the peace of Tilsit. 

This was the moinent of Napoleon's greatest success. All 
the continent was at his feet. Boundary lines in every direc- 
tion were wiped out and redrawn where he pleased. His- 
tory and the former relations of territories were not in the 
least regarded. His allies took what they wished at the 
expense of his enemies. Two of his brothers became kings. 
France was further enlarged, and the European Empire 
of Rome and of Charlemagne, of which Charles V. had 
dreamed, was created. But England would not submit. 

451. Napoleon stretches his Power too Far. — The tide 
was now about to turn. The change began through two 
mistakes of Napoleon's, whose results were not at first ap- 
parent. The one was his attempt to strike at England, by 
shutting out her goods from the markets of the continent — 
his "continental system," which had the effect to excite 
against him much discontent and opposition. The other 
was his attempt to make his brother Joseph king of Spain. 
This brought into the field against him an enemy he had 
never met before, the determined spirit of a nation in de- 
fence of its independence, and it opened the way for the 
celebrated peninsula campaign of Wellington, which weak- 
ened the French so greatly. 

So much in the situation seemed encouraging that in 
1809 Austria tried the experiment of war again, but with 
no better success than earlier. Wagram was an old time 
Napoleonic victory, the emperor had to give up more terri- 
tory, and to allow his daughter, Maria Louisa, to become 
Napoleon's wife, in the place of Josephine whom he dis- 
carded. 

452. The Beginning of the End. — But these continuous 
wars, if they seemed to leave Napoleon still the Dictator of 



§§ 453, 454] 



Tlic Charter of 1814 



447 



Europe, were steadily exhausting the resources of France, 
especially in men, and it was becoming more and more 
difficult to keep the quality of the armies up to the level of 
those that had won the earlier successes. In northern Ger- 
many also a great revolution was taking place, under the 
lead of Prussia, reforms in all department of the State, and 
the growth of that sort of national feeling which had proved 
so difficult to deal with in Spain. 

Napoleon, however, did not seem to realize that the 
foundations of his power were weakening. When Russia 
became unwilling any longer to adhere to the continental 
system and began to draw towards England, he resolved to 
treat her as he had the rest of Europe, and set out in May, 
181 2, on the invasion which led to his fall. At first he was 
as successful as ever. He drove back the Russian armies 
and entered Moscow. But this was the limit. The Rus- 
sians burned him out and forced him to retreat. Then his 
army began to melt away before the winter storms and the 
swift attacks of the Cossacks. Prussia believed the time had 
now come and rose against him, better prepared than ever 
before. Austria quickly followed. At Leipzig in one of the 
greatest battles of these wars, often called the battle of the 
nations, his army was almost totally destroyed. 

453. The First Restoration. — Napoleon was now obliged 
to cross to the French side of the Rhine. The terrible 
losses which his armies had suffered he could not make 
good. His genius was as great as ever, but he had no 
longer the same material to work with. Steadily he was 
pushed back, and in the spring of 1814 his enemies entered 
Paris. The Bourbons were restored in the person of Louis 
XVHL, brother of Louis XVI., but the old absolute monarchy 
was not restored. The new king promised to reign as a 
constitution monarch. Napoleon was sent to the island of 
Elba, between Corsica and Italy, where he was kept in honor- 
able confinement, retaining his title of emperor. 

454. The Charter of 1814. — Louis XVIII. began his 
reign with many indications of the Bourbon spirit. He put 



The awaken- 
ing of 
Prussia. 
Penn. II., 

No. 2. 



The invas- 
ion of 
Russia. 
Morris, 
Napoleon, 
273-286 ; 
Tolstoi, 
W 'ar and 
Peace, 
Pt. III. 
(novel). 



Europe rises 

against 

Napoleon. 

Morris, 

Napoleon, 

Chaps. XI. 

and XII.; 

map, 

Putzger, 

No. 29. 

Napoleon 
sent to the 
island of 
Elba, 18 14. 



448 TJie French Revolutioji and Napoleon [§ 455 



Louis 

XVIII. king 
by divine 
right. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
368-380. 
The Charter 
in Penn. I., 
No. 3. 



What the 

revolution 

had 

permanently 

secured. 



A new map 
of Europe to 
be made. 



Discontent 
in France. 



aside the constitution suggested by the Senate. He claimed 
the constitution-making power for himself. He would grant 
a constitution to his people. Shortly afterwards he issued it, 
the so-called Charter of 1814. In this he called himself 
king " by the grace of God," and dated it from the nine- 
teenth year of his reign, counting from the death of Louis 
XVII., the little Dauphin who died in the Temple prison. 
It was made very evident that he was determined to be 
regarded as the fountain and source of all authority. 

But the work of the revolution could not be set aside. 
The old monarchy was impossible even for a Bourbon. The 
representative system was secured, and the responsibility of 
the ministers to the legislature. All Frenchmen were to be 
equal before the law, in taxation and in eligibility to office. 
Private property as transferred by the revolution, should not 
be disturbed. The right of suffrage was determined by a 
property quahfication. The constitution, though bestowed 
as an act of the king's good grace, was not an illiberal one. 
In the administrative system of the kingdom, the close 
centralization which had been devised by Bonaparte was 
retained and has become apparently permanent in France. 

455. The Congress of Vienna. — The removal of Napo- 
leon and the restoration of the Bourbons were not the only 
things the allies had to do. Napoleon had at one time made a 
map of Europe to suit himself. This of course the ministers 
of Europe could not allow to stand, but they must agree 
among themselves on the new one, and such an agreement 
was not easy to reach. One thing was quickly settled. 
France was to be set back to the boundaries of 1792, and 
this was determined upon, and accepted by France, a few 
weeks after the entry of the allies into Paris. A diplomatic 
congress assembled at Vienna to settle the rest, and there 
the allies began to show signs of quarrelling over the spoils. 
News of this was carried to Napoleon at Elba. 

In France, also, considerable discontent had arisen with 
the new government. The nation began to fear a reaction- 
ary tendency against the results of the revolution, and not 



§§ 456,457] 



The Second Restoration 



449 



without some reason. The censorship of the press was re- 
estabUshed. The ofificers of Napoleon were sent into retire- 
ment and their places supphed with the nobles who had 
fought against him. Lands confiscated by the revolution, 
but not yet sold, were restored to their old emigre owners. 
Napoleon learned of this feeling in France also. 

456. The "Hundred Days." — Suddenly at the end of 
February, 1815, he left Elba, landed in the south of France, 
and began to advance towards Paris. Everywhere he was 
well received. His old soldiers joined him. Officers and 
troops sent to arrest him went over to his side. In twenty 
days the king had fled and he was in Paris. Here he tried 
to persuade Europe by solemn assurances that he would not 
renew the war, and the French people by issuing a constitu- 
tion supplementary to that of the Empire that he would not 
renew his despotism. Neither attempt entirely succeeded. 
The allies certainly could not allow him to reestablish his rule 
and prepare in peace for the inevitable attempt to recover 
the lost frontiers, and they immediately declared war. 

One great battle ended the war. This fell to the English 
and the Prussians. WeUington held firmly his position at 
Waterloo until the Prussians came up and Napoleon's army 
was totally routed. He tried to secure the succession of his 
son by abdicating, but the allies restored the Bourbons once 
more, and Napoleon was carried by the English to the 
island of St. Helena, where he died May 5, 1821. 

457, The Second Restoration and the Congress of Vienna. 
— The second restoration of the Bourbons was more per- 
manent than the first, but they had learned Httle by their ex- 
perience. Louis XVHL showed the same characteristics as 
before the return of Napoleon. The reaction against the revo- 
lution grew ever stronger until it led to another revolution. 

The Congress of Vienna completed its work in 1815. A 
little more territory was taken from France after the battle 
of Waterloo. Holland was made a kingdom and given the 
Austrian Netherlands or Belgium, Switzerland was enlarged 
and its neutrality guaranteed. Savoy was given back to the 



Napoleon's 
return to 
France. 



Waterloo, 
June 18, 
1815. 



Bourbon 

reaction. 

Adams, 

Democracy 

and 

Monarchy, 

219-251. 

The work 

of the 

Congress. 

Stephens, 

Periods, 

336-350; 



450 The French Reiiohition and Napolco7i [§ 45^ 



Fyffe. 
Europe, 
380-387 and 
411-418. 



Reaction and 
absolutism 
only 
temporary. 



king of Sardinia, and the Bourbons restored in Naples and 
Sicily. Nearly all north Italy, Venice, and Lombardy was 
put under the rule of Austria, which retained it until the 
formation of the present kingdoni of Italy. Prussia received 
a part of Saxony, which had been too faithful to Napoleon, 
and also considerable lands in the Rhine valley taken from 
the small German states of a former time and from France. 
England's gains were colonial, and the most important was 
the Cape Colony. 

458. Results of the Revolution in Europe at Large. — 
The diplomats at Vienna could treat a large part of Europe 
as if they were the absolute owners of it, disregarding utterly 
the feelings of the inhabitants, but they could no more undo 
the work of the revolution in Europe at large than the Bour- 
bons could in France. The way had been made open 
everywhere for constitutional liberty, and if it did not at 
once appear, the delay was only temporary. The worst 
abuses of the old regime had disappeared. Feudalism, 
serfdom, and insignificant sovereignties were to a large 
extent things of the past. A new national spirit had been 
excited in countries like Germany, which had long been 
divided into fragments, and the preparation was begun for 
their future national governments. The next few years 
might be characterized by reaction, and absolutism seem 
to triumph, but the people of Europe were really a new 
people, and they had begun to cherish the spirit of liberty 
and democracy which reigns at the present day. 



Topics 

The compensation of France for her pohtical decline in the eighteenth 
century. The influence of England on French thinkers. The leaders 
of French thought and their ideas. The real abuses in France. Her 
financial condition. Why were not reforms carried through? The 
character of the two kings. Why was the Estates General called? 
Why a dangerous experiment? What was the first conflict which 
introduced the revolution? The result and its effect. The struggle 
with the king. The part played by the Paris mob. The completion 



Topics 



451 



of the revolution. The formation of two parties. The clubs. What 
were the assignats? Why necessary? How secured? The result. 
The beginning of European war. What led to the suspension, and 
what to the execution, of the king. Effect on Europe. Change in the 
executive government in France. The Reign of Terror. The military 
successes of the Republic. The constitution of the year III. Bona- 
parte in Italy. Gains in the treaty of Campio-Formio. Why did 
Bonaparte invade Egypt? Result. How did he gain political office 
in France? What preparation had there been for this step? The 
treaty of Amiens. How did Bonaparte use the interval of peace? 
The great successes of Napoleon in the next war. How did he treat 
Europe? What were his mistakes? What were the causes and the 
successive steps of the overthrow of Napoleon? The first restoration. 
Character of the Bourbon constitution. What things encouraged 
Napoleon to return to France? How was he received by France? 
By Europe? Waterloo. The new map made by the Congress of 
Vienna. Permanent results of the revolution in France. In Europe. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The execution of Louis XVI. Stephens, French Kevohidon (Scrib- 

ner), II. 2 1 2-221. Carlyle, French Revolution, Book IV., Chap. 

VIII. A speech of Robespierre's. Stephens, Speeches of French 

Revolution (Clarendon), II. 357. In French. 
The battle of Waterloo. Sloane, Napoleon (Century Co.), IV., Chap. 

XXIII. Ropes, Campaign of Waterloo. (Scribner.) Morris, 

Napoleon (Heroes), Chap. XIII. 



Important Dates for Review 



1789. 


May 


I79I. 


Sept. 


1793- 


Jan. 




June 


1796 




1798 




1799. 


Nov. 


1802 




1804. 


May 


1806 




1808 




I8I0. 


Apr. 


I8I2 




I8I3. 


Oct. 


I8I4 




ISI5. 


June 



Estates General meet. 

The new constitution proclaimed. 

Louis XVI. executed. 

Reign of Terror begins. 

Bonaparte in Italy. 

Bonaparte in Egypt. 

Bonaparte, Consul. 

Treaty of Amiens. 

Bonaparte made emperor. 

The continental system. 

Joseph, king of Spain. 

Napoleon marries Maria Louisa. 

Invasion of Russia. 

Battle of Leipzig. 

Napoleon at Elba. 

Battle of Waterloo. 



CHAPTER VI 

EUROPE SINCE 1815 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Fyffe, History of Modern Europe. In one volume. (Holt; ^2.75.) 
'M.xiWe.T, Political History of Recent Times. (Harper; $2.00.) 
AAa.m%, Democracy and Monarchy in France. (Holt; $2.50.) 
Andrews, The Historical Development of Modern Europe. 2 vols. 

(Putnam; $5.00.) Suggestive and instructive commentary for 

the use of the teacher. 
Seignobos, Political History of Modern Europe. Announced. (Holt.) 
Holland, 7/i<? European Concert in the Elastern Question. (Claren- 
don; ^3.75 ) Treaties and other public acts. 
Murdock, The Reconstruction of Europe. (Houghton; $2.00.) On 

the national movement. 
Thayer, The Dazvn of Italian Independence, 1S14-1849. 2 vols. 

(Houghton; ^4.00.) 
Lieber, Civil Liberty and Self Government. (Lippincott; $3.15.) 

Interpretation of English liberty, especially in comparison with 

French ideas. Contains many documents. 



The inter- 
national 
system be- 
ginning to 
embrace the 
whole world. 



459. The Nineteenth Century an Age of Transition. — By 

the year 18 15 the world of international politics had begun to 
be considerably larger than the continent of Europe, and it 
has been expanding ever since. Very soon after that date 
the United States began to make her voice heard in the 
councils of the nations. England had become even earlier 
so much more concerned with the affairs of the larger world 
that she had begun to consider all questions of European 
politics from their bearing on her wider interests, as she still 
does. Other nations have become by degrees interested in 
the same way, and new nations, once unthought of and 
lying far remote from Europe and its local questions, like 

452 



§§460,461] TJic Absolutist Reaction 



453 



Japan, have entered the field of international politics and 
secured immediate and strong influence. 

The nineteenth century is in this respect an age of transi- 
tion. The twentieth century will before its close have ceased 
to regard the local balance of power in Europe, or the minor 
details of its interior boundary lines, as the leading questions 
of international diplomacy. There are, however, running 
through the whole of the nineteenth century, certain lines of 
European pohtical movement which are of decided impor- 
tance in the history of the world. 

460. Three Lines of Great Political Changes. — Of these 
lines there are three of especial interest, which can be 
readily traced, and whose history makes up in large part the 
political history of Europe. They are : 

First : The continued effects of the French revolution ; 
the efforts of the people to secure a larger share in their 
governments, and of the sovereigns to prevent this ; the con- 
sequent revolutions and changes of government, advancing to 
the result, which has now been reached almost everywhere, 
of the triumph of hberal government and of the democratic 
principle. 

Second : Closely connected with the first, growing largely 
from the same causes, and greatly aided by the increasing 
influence of the people upon their governments, the move- 
ment to secure for nations long broken into fragments by 
the arbitrary dispositions of absolute rulers, a political unity 
whose boundary lines should correspond to the territories 
occupied by the nation, and whose government should be an 
expression of the national will. This has resulted in a very 
considerable making over of the map of Europe in the 
interest of the idea of nationality. 

Third : The Eastern question, occasioned by the slow 
dissolution of the Turkish Empire and the rivalry of several 
European nations for the inheritance. An essential part of 
this is the enormous expansion of Russia, both in Europe 
and Asia, during the century. 

461. The Absolutist Reaction. — The first results which 



Local 
European 
politics still 
of great 
interest. 



Three lines. 



The struggle 
for constitu- 
tional 
government. 



The idea of 
nationality. 



The Eastern 
question. 



454 



Europe since 1 8 1 5 



[§462 



The sover- 
eigns want 
no constitu- 
tions. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
Chap. XIII. 



The Holy 

Alliance, 

1815. 

Mulier, 

Recent 

Times, 2-5 ; 

Penn. I., 

No. 3; 

Schilling, 

Quellenbuch, 

407- 



Metternich. 
Penn. I., 
No. 3. 



The univer- 
sities, and 
the secret 
societies. 



followed the overthrow of Napoleon by the allies were 
disastrous to the cause of free government. We have seen 
the consequences in France, where the restored Bourbons 
had granted a constitution, but where the whole tendency 
was towards illiberal government and the limitation of the 
rights of the people. The same was true of all Europe, 
both in the states whose rulers had been compelled to grant 
constitutions and in those where they had not been. The 
sovereigns of Europe had been thoroughly frightened by the 
revolution and they did not propose to allow it to proceed 
further. 

Three months after the battle of Waterloo a treaty was 
signed at Paris between the emperors of Russia and Austria 
and the king of Prussia. Ostensibly the purpose of this 
alliance was to make the precepts of the Christian religion 
prevail everywhere, in the relations of states to one another 
and of governments and their citizens. On this account it 
became known as the Holy Alliance. Whether the profes- 
sions originally made were sincere or not, the Holy Alliance 
came very soon to mean an agreement between the sover- 
eigns to interfere in any state which was threatened with 
revolution, and to force the people to submit to their rulers. 
Count Metternich of Austria was one of the most active sup- 
porters of the policy ; he possibly gave the Holy Alliance this 
direction ; and the arrangement has sometimes been called 
from him " Metternich's system." Diplomatic congresses 
were held at frequent intervals to carry out the policy, 
almost as if the alliance had created a government for all 
Europe with a regular cabinet. 

462. Revolutionary Movements. — On the other hand, 
the people did not propose to give up everything without a 
struggle. In Germany, Italy, and Spain the movement 
against absolutism was especially active. The universities 
were seats of vigorous propaganda, as they are in Russia 
to-day. Secret societies were organized, the Burschenschaft 
in Germany, the Carbonari in Italy. In Germany some of 
the sovereigns thought it wise to yield a little. The king 



§ 463] The Monroe Doctrine 455 

of Prussia made some concessions. In Bavaria, Baden, 
Wiirtemberg, and Weimar constitutions were granted. But 
repression quickly followed. Agitators were punished and 
the universities put under special supervision. 

In Italy and Spain insurrections took place and armed Armed 
intervention was necessary. In 1820, in the kingdoms of '"surrec- 
the Two Sicilies and of Sardinia, the sovereigns were com- down by the 
pelled to grant constitutions. At the Congress of Laybach Holy 
the next year, Austria was authorized to deal with these „ '^"'i^' 

■' ' Penn. I., 

cases, and her armies overthrew these constitutions and No. 3. 
repressed agitation in Lombardy. The same result followed 
in Spain. There a constitution had been established in 
181 2, but King Ferdinand VII. had taken advantage of 
later events to get rid of it. In 1820 an insurrection of a 
part of the army had compelled him to reestablish this con- 
stitution. Then the Holy Alliance interfered. The Con- 
gress of Verona, in 1822, commissioned France to do the 
work, and a French army made Ferdinand VII. a despotic 
sovereign again. 

463. The Monroe Doctrine. — The action of the Con- The 
gress of Verona in regard to Spain had consequences out- Spanish 

• 1 r T-i r 1 • mi , • ^ American 

Side of Europe of the greatest miportance. The colonies of colonies 
Spain in South and Central America had taken advantage of independent. 
the troubles of that country during the Napoleonic wars to 
declare their independence and to establish republican gov- 
ernments of their own. It now looked as if the interference 
of the Holy Alliance might be extended so far as to attempt 
the recovery for Spain of the colonies which she herself had 
not been able to accomphsh. England, which had favored 
the independence of these colonies, was opposed to such 
interference, and she suggested to the United States that a 
declaration to the same effect from that government would 
aid in preventing the attempt. 

This led to the famous Monroe Doctrine, which, as then The Monroe 
stated, was that the United States would regard any attempt Doctrine, 
of the allied powers to extend their system — that is, the 
system of armed interference to establish a government op- 



456 



Ejirofe since 1815 



[§464 



Charles X., 

1824-1830. 

Muller, 

Recent 

Times, 

96-101. 



The revolu- 
tion of 1830. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
603-619 ; 
Muller, 
Recent 
Times, 



posed to the will of the people, Metternich's system — to 
any part of these continents as an unfriendly act. 

464. Further Reaction and a New Revolution in France. 
— The great days of the Holy Alliance ended with the 
death of the Czar, Alexander I., in 1825, but the opposition 
to free government had the upper hand for a few years 
longer. In France, Louis XVIII. was succeeded in 1824 by 
his brother Charles X., who as the Count of Artois had been 
the leader of the emigres and who seemed incapable of 
learning anything from experience. Under him reaction- 
ary measures rapidly followed one another. More of Napo- 
leon's officers were dismissed from the army. The National 
Guard was dissolved. The press was placed under stricter 
control. The Church was given more authority. A large 

sum was appropri- 
" -r, ated to pay the 

emigres for the 
lands of which they 
had been deprived 
by the revolution. 
And finally, in July, 
1830, the king at- 
tempted a coup 
d'etat. He issued 
a series of ordi- 
nances by which he 
practically made a 
new constitution in 
the interest of his 
own ideas. 

Immediately 
Paris broke out in 
insurrection. The troops proved untrustworthy. Lafayette 
was put at the head of a provisional government. The king 
fled and abdicated in favor of his grandson, the Comte de 
Chambord, but instead the duke of Orleans, Louis Philippe, 
was proclaimed king of the French. He was descended 




Lafayeite 



§§ 465j 466] Preparation for AnotJicr Revolution 457 



from a brother of Louis XIV. ; his family had long professed 
Uberal ideas ; he was himself popular with the people and 
was known as the citizen king. The constitution was imme- 
diately revised to secure greater freedom, and the king rec- 
ognized the right of the people to determine for themselves 
the form of their government. 

465. The Consequences of the Revolution in France. — 
The July revolution, as it is called, encouraged the friends 
of liberal government throughout Europe, but the time was 
still too early to overthrow the strongly intrenched sover- 
eigns. An insurrection in Belgium against the continued 
rule of Holland was successful and the two states were sepa- 
rated. A similar one in Poland against Russia, though 
bravely fought, was a failure, and resulted in the loss of the 
constitution which had been secured to Poland at the close 
of the Napoleonic period, and its reduction to a province 
of the Russian Empire. Insurrections in Italy were for a 
moment successful, but the Austrian troops proved again 
too strong. In Spain and Portugal, however, constitutions 
were secured within a few years of the July revolution, but 
this was due not to revolutions but to disputes as to the 
succession in the royal families which forced the rightful 
claimants to rely upon the liberal party for success. 

It had proved easy to suppress insurrections for a time at 
least, and for eighteen years longer the absolute governments 
were in possession. But it was not so easy to suppress liberal 
ideas, and the longing and determination of the people, 
and these were making steady progress through these 
years. In the new revolution which was to advance greatly 
the realization of these ideas, France was still as before the 
leader of the nations. 

466. Preparation for Another Revolution. — The reign of 
Louis Philippe excited no enthusiasm in France. It was 
marked abroad by a policy of conciliation and concession 
which was not flattering to French pride, and at home by a 
disposition to leave the constitution as it was formed in 
1830 and to allow no extension of the popular influence. 



Constitution 
in Lieber, 
Civil Liberty. 



Unsuccessful 
attempts to 
follow the 
example of 
France. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
619-643 ; 
Muller, 
Recent 
Times, 
I 12-143. 



Ideas not 
easy to 
suppress. 



Louis 
Philippe's 
government 
unpopular. 



458 



Ejtropc since 1815 



[§§ 467, 468 



The growth 
of socialistic 
ideas. 



The 

" February " 

revolution. 

Adams, 

Democracy 

and 

Monarchy, 

Chap. VII.; 

Fyffe, 

Europe, 

Chap. XIX.; 

Muller, 

Recent 

Times, 

186-192. 

The attempt 
to realize 
socialistic 
theories. 



But the demand for this was not long in arising. The prop- 
erty quaHfication required for the suffrage and for member- 
ship in the legislature had been reduced at the accession of 
the citizen king, but they were still so high as to place the 
real control in the hands of a minority of the people. 
The demand for an extension of the suffrage was made by 
the liberal party and was steadily resisted by the king. 

Meantime the artisan class, especially in Paris, was be- 
coming greatly interested in economic and political ques- 
tions. The rapid introduction of labor-saving machinery, 
together with over-production in many lines, had led to a re- 
duction of wages and had even thrown many workmen out 
of employment. A group of writers of much ability began 
to propound socialistic and communistic theories, and in 
these many of the workmen became greatly interested. In 
this way was prepared a party which in the next revolution 
and in many later events in France exercised a great and 
sometimes a very destructive influence. 

467. The Revolution of 1848. — The revolution came 
in February, 1848. The signal was given by the refusal 
of the government to allow a banquet to be held at 
which the liberal party proposed to advocate the exten- 
sion of the suffrage. A public protest of the liberal leaders 
followed. They probably did not intend or expect a revo- 
lution, but events rapidly drifted beyond their control. The 
mob took charge. The king showed no firmness of resis- 
tance and abdicated. But the people of Paris organized 
a provisional government and the Republic was proclaimed. 

468. The Second Republic. — This was a very short-lived 
republic, but it is interesting for one experiment which it 
tried. Among the theories held by the Parisian artisans 
was one which asserted the right of every man to a liveli- 
hood, and the duty of the State to insure him the means 
of procuring it. The provisional government, which found 
it necessary to satisfy the demands of the workmen who 
had carried through the revolution, determined to fulfil this 
duty. 



§ 469J Revolution in Austria and Italy 



459 



National workshops were opened and the unemployed 
were guaranteed labor by the State. Though the wages 
were small the number of the state workmen was found to 
mcrease very rapidly, it became very difficult to keep them 
profitably employed, and the government was at last com- 
pelled to lay a special tax to meet the expenses, much to 
the discontent of the rest of the nation. The experiment 
lasted four months. Then the Constituent Assembly, which 
had been called to frame a new government, closed the 
national workshops. The workmen immediately rose in 
insurrection, and for four days fought like savages, throwing 
aside the restraints of civilized warfare, before they were 
subdued. The bourgeois, or middle class of Paris, long 
remembered the terrible experience of these days, and the 
dread of the communistic spirit was one of the things which 
made easy the way of Louis Napoleon and sustained the 
despotism of the second Empire. 

469. Revolution in Austria and Italy. — With the tri- 
umph of this French revolution of 1848, it seemed for 
a moment as if constitutional government and political 
freedom were about to triumph in the whole of Europe. 
Everywhere the people rose against the absolute sovereigns, 
and their speedy success showed the depth of the prepara- 
tion which had now been made. Even in Vienna the revo- 
lution could no longer be suppressed. A popular insurrection 
forced Metternich into exile early in March, and made the 
emperor call a constitutional convention elected by uni- 
versal suffrage. When a little later he attempted to with- 
draw these concessions he was himself forced to leave 
Vienna, and abdicated in favor of his nephew, Francis 
Joseph. 

In all the Austrian dominions similar events took place, 
and the Empire was for a time threatened with dissolution. 
Prague expelled the Austrian troops, and Bohemia proposed 
to secure a government of its own. Hungary did the same 
and soon went a step further, declared its independence 
and organized a republic under Kossuth. 



National 
workshops. 
Muller, 
Recent 
Times, 
192-196. 



Constitution 
in Lieber, 
Civil Liberty, 

Insurrection 
of the 
workmen. 



Metternich 
and the 
emperor 
driven from 
Vienna. 
Leger, 
Austro- 
Hungary, 
Chaps.XXX. 
and XXXII. 
See Maurice, 
The Revolu- 
tionary 
Movement of 
iS48-i84g 
(London). 



In Bohemia 

and 

Hungary. 



460 



Europe since 1815 



[§ 470 



In Italy. 
Miiller, 
Recent 
Times, 
202-211 ; 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
Chap. XX. 



Italy had not remained behind the other peoples. 
Indeed, a few days before the revolution in Paris, the king 
of the Two Sicilies had been compelled to grant a constitu- 
tion. In Rome, Pius IX., who had been lately elected 
pope, granted a constitution in March and seemed to give 
promise of a liberal disposition. When, however, somewhat 
later in the year, he withdrew the constitution, the people 
rose again, drove him out of the city, and with the aid of 




I'Ul'K 1 11 



The house 
of Savoy 
assumes the 
lead in Italy. 



Mazzini organized a republic. Florence did the same. 
Milan and Venice expelled the Austrian troops. 

This was the opportunity of the house of Savoy, and the 
way in which it was used prepared for them the throne 
of a united Italy. The reigning king of Sardinia, Charles 
Albert, put himself at the head of the movement for national 
independence, and made war upon the Austrians, at first 
with success, and Venice and Milan accepted his rule. 

470. Unsuccessful Attempts in Germany. — In Germany 



§ 47'] Suppression of the Revolution 461 

the struggle for constitutional liberty was closely bound up Hindered by 
with that for national unity. A popular movement begin- '^'^^ °* 
ning in Baden demanded civil rights, the freedom of the ^^^^^^ 
press, and a constitutional government for the whole of Fyffe, 
Germany. The first step was the election of a constituent f'^^''^\-yr . 
assembly, which met at Frankfort, in May, 1848, to form Miiiier, 
a government and a constitution. J?ece?!t 

Early in 1849 the crown of a new German Empire was ^"^^^' 
offered by the Assembly to Frederick William IV. of Prussia. ^^^^ ^ ^^ 
This proved a premature realization of the ambition of the Prussia will 
HohenzoUern family, for the king declined the offer, believ- "o* ^^ 
ing that it should be made by the state governments of G^|^ma°ny° 
Germany. Austria and some of the other larger states Schilling, 
refused to accept the constitution, and the mission of the Q'^'^i^^'^buch, 

- , 428 and 431. 

Assembly finally ended in failure. In Prussia itself, however, 
a constitution was finally secured, with a representative 
assembly of a limited character. 

471. The Suppression of the Revolution. — Not merely The czar of 
in Germany but everywhere else, these promising beginnings R^^^'a 
came to nothing in the end. The czar, Nicholas I., even 
more bitterly opposed to liberty than Alexander had been, 
came to the aid of the Austrian emperor. An army of 
100,000 Russians entered Hungary, overthrew the Republic, 
and restored the Austrian rule. In Vienna and Prague 
force also triumphed. 

The Italians, not well united among themselves, suffered Despotism 
several defeats, and in the spring of 1849, Charles Albert reestablished 
abdicated in favor of his son Victor Emanuel. Milan and '" ^ ^' 
Venice submitted. In Rome the Repubhc was destoyed by 
French troops sent by Louis Napoleon, the President of 
France, and they remained to sustain the pope's absolute 
government so long as the rule of Napoleon III. lasted. 
In the Two Sicilies, also, the constitution was annulled. 
All Italy was thrown back into the old condition, except in except in 
the kingdom of Sardinia, where Victor Emanuel refused to Sardinia, 
do away with the constitution at the demand of Austria, and 
thus kept the hopes of Italy centred in his house. 



462 



Europe since 181 5 



[§§ 472, 473 



Louis 

Napoleon, 

President. 



The coup 
d'6tat of 
Dec. 2, 1 85 1. 
Victor Hugo, 
History of a 
Crime ; 
Muller, 
Recent 
Times, 
197 ff. 

New consti- 
tution in 
Lieber, 
Civil Liberty. 

The second 
Empire. 
Revised 
constitution 
in Lieber, 
Civil Liberty. 

The cause 
of free gov- 
ernment 
apparently 
hopeless. 



472. The Second Empire established by Napoleon III. — 

In the meantime the short-Uved second Republic in France 
was drawing rapidly to its end. It had been weak from the 
beginning because it was not desired by a majority of the 
people. Louis Napoleon had been elected President by a 
very large popular majority, and was laying plans to make 
his power permanent. He set himself forward as the cham- 
pion of universal suffrage against the monarchically inclined 
Assembly, and of order and security against the red republi- 
cans, while the army was tired of the long inglorious peace 
and hoped for better things from a Bonaparte. 

By a sudden coup d'etat on the 2d of December, he 
arrested the leaders of the opposition, dissolved the Assem- 
bly, and called for a vote by universal suffrage to make him 
President for ten years and to authorize a revision of the 
constitution. An attempt to raise Paris against him failed, 
and the popular vote was overwhelmingly in favor of the 
change of government. 

This was but a step to the second Empire, and a year 
later that was proclaimed, after the sanction of another 
popular vote. The constitution made the emperor abso- 
lute. He was responsible to the people only, his ministers 
to him alone. The legislature was under his control ; free- 
dom of speech and of the press were no more. But France 
had secured what it especially wished at the time, a strong 
government. 

473. Free Government indirectly Secured. — It was now 
sixty years since the opening of the French revolution, and 
still the effort to secure real political liberty was a failure. 
Despotism seemed as strongly intrenched almost every- 
where as before the age of revolutions began. In some few 
countries, like Prussia and France, constitutions existed in 
name, and this was a point gained, but in these constitu- 
tions the real power was most carefully preserved to the 
sovereign. The cause of the people might well seem hope- 
less, but it was in truth just on the eve of success. It had 
met its last great defeat. 



§§ 474j 475] The Independence of Greece 



463 



The final triumph of constitutional government in Europe 
was secured, however, not by a direct effort of the kind 
which was made in the revolutions of 1830 and 1848. It 
was brought about rather by the triumph of the right in 
another cause, that of national unity and independence, 
which had been all along closely associated with it. To 
this we must now turn as the leading movement in the next 
stage of European history. 

474. The Congress of Vienna and the Idea of National- 
ity. — The Congress of Vienna, in rearranging the boundary 
Hnes which Napoleon had moved about to suit himself, 
treated Europe as if there were no such things as nations 
to be considered. Italy was divided up into petty states as 
the interests of the sovereigns dictated. Germany was treated 
as arbitrarily in the same interest, but many of the smaller 
states of earlier times which had been wiped out by the dis- 
positions of Napoleon were not reestablished, and the larger 
became larger still, but there was no Germany. The Ger- 
manic Confederation, which was established with a Diet 
under the presidency of Austria, was as empty a form as 
the old Empire. 

Belgium, though differing from Holland in language, reli- 
gion, and economic interests, was made a part of it. Poland 
remained divided, and though a part of it was given a 
constitution and called the kingdom of Poland, with the 
czar as king, this was a form and disappeared at once on 
the first attempt to make it more real. Meanwhile such 
a composite empire as that of Austria, which corresponded 
to no nationality but included several great races or parts 
of several, Germans, Bohemians, Hungarians, Italians, and 
others, seemed to be regarded as resting on as natural a 
foundation as any true nation. 

475. The Independence of Greece. — But the spirit of 
nationality and the longing for independence, which are 
perhaps never entirely wanting, had been newly awakened 
by the uprising of the peoples against Napoleon, and they 
were no more destroyed by the temporary triumph of the 



Secured in 
alliance with 
the cause of 
national 
unity. 



The diplo- 
mats care 
nothing for 
nationality. 
Maps, 
Putzger, 
No. 28. 



Austria their 
idea of a 
nation. 



The Greeks 
the first 
nation to 
rise. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
Chap. XV. 



464 



Europe since 18 15 



[§476 



The powers 
interfere. 



Belgium 
successful in 
1830. 



Failure in 



opposite principles than was the desire for pohtical liberty. 
Their first outbreak in actual strife was in the insurrection 
of the Greeks against the Turks, which began in 1821. 
This struggle for independence involved from the begin- 
ning of course the perennial Eastern question, and was 
settled at last as a part of that question. 

Here is to be said only that at first the Greeks were left 
to themselves, because the powers could not agree upon 
their action ; and after more than five years of heroic re- 
sistance, aided only by a few volunteers, like Lord Byron, 
the Turkish warfare characterized as always by horrible 
atrocities, they were practically subdued by Egyptian troops 
in the Turkish service. Then Russia, on the accession of 
the new czar, Nicholas I., interfered, seconded by England 
and France, and Turkey was compelled to acknowledge 
the independence of Greece in 1829, An attempt to or- 
ganize the new state as a republic proved a failure, and 
Otto of Bavaria became its first king. 

476. The Attempts following the Two French Revolu- 
tions. — The revolution of 1830 in France enabled the 
people of Belgium to break their connection with Holland 
and to found a government representing the nation, with 
Leopold of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha as king. But every other 
attempt to realize national aspirations failed. Poland lost 
even the little that it had ; Italy remained under Austria. 

Again in 1848 the same result followed most promising 
beginnings, as we have seen. The Hungarians organized 
a republic. The Bohemians drove out the x^ustrians, as 
did the ItaUans from north Italy. The king of Sardinia 
threw the resources of his little state into the struggle for 
Italian independence. In Germany a national constitution 
was drawn up, and the crown, which it was hoped would 
be that of a united nation, was offered to the king of 
Prussia. But Prussia hardly saw as yet that the way to the 
realization of her long-cherished ambition, to expel Aus- 
trian influence and to become the leading state in Germany, 
should be the way of national unity. 



§§ 477j 478] The Policy of Cavoiir 



465 



She had already, unconsciously, taken one long step 
towards this result in the ZoUverein which she had organ- 
ized in 1833, in spite of the opposition of Austria. This 
was a customs union between most of the German states, 
by which national unity on one most important side, the 
commercial, was created, and a strong influence towards 
political unity set in motion. But Frederick William now 
refused the crown ; the constitution could not be put into 
operation ; and Austria recovered control of all her revolted 
races. 

477. The Spirit of Nationality growing stronger. — But 
the spirit of national unity and independence had grown 
much stronger in spite of these failures, and it was not 
much longer to be held down. The king of Prussia soon 
made an attempt to form a political union between a part 
of the German states, but gave it up on the determined 
opposition of Austria. In Italy the house of Savoy stood 
clearly forth as the declared champion of union and inde- 
pendence. In both these countries the central core of a 
new national state was prepared. 

It was in these two countries also that the current ran 
most strongly in this direction. Neither had ever had a 
government giving expression to the national feeling since 
they had become conscious of such a feeling. The feudal 
system, the Holy Roman Empire, the policy of the papacy, 
and the diplomacy of modern Europe, had in turn kept 
them broken and divided. But now that the current had 
begun to run, it ran all the deeper and stronger for the 
long holding back. 

478. The Policy of Cavour, — It was ten years before 
another opportunity occurred. In the meantime the king 
of Sardinia had made, under the wise guidance of his min- 
ister, Cavour, a shrewd stroke to gain the gratitude of some 
of the first powers of Europe by joining the alHes against 
Russia in the Crimean war and sending his little army to 
their aid. This led directly to the desired result. The 
Congress of Paris, which followed the war, was not willing 

2 u 



The 

ZoUverein. 
Miiller, 
Recent 
Times, 164. 



The cause 
of unity 
gaining 
leaders. 



The current 
strong in 
Germany 
and Italy. 



Cavour wins 

allies for his 

plans. 

Fyffe, 

Europe, 

Chap. 

XXII.; 

Miiller, 

Recent 

Times, 



466 



Ettrope since 1815 



[§479 



270-292 ; 
Cesaresco, 
Liberation of 
Italy 
(Scribner). 

War with 
Austria. 



to allow Cavour to accomplish his plans by diplomatic 
means. But the emperor, Napoleon III., was ready to 
enter into a close alliance with him. 

Encouraged by this, Cavour began extensive military 
preparations. When he refused to explain these prepara- 
tions at the demand of Austria, she declared war and sent 
a large army into Italy. Napoleon III. immediately sent 
against it a still larger army. The Austrians were beaten 




Count Cavour 



The people 
too strong 
for the 
diplomats. 



in three great battles. Lombardy and Milan were occupied 
and Venice threatened. But Napoleon did not wish to 
go too far. He refused to drive the Austrians from Venetia. 
In November, 1859, he concluded the treaty of Zurich with 
Austria, by which Lombardy was given to Victor Emanuel, 
and the Italian states were authorized to form a confederacy. 
479. United Italy. — But matters had now gone too 
far to be controlled any longer by diplomacy. The people 
took matters into their own hands. Everywhere they arose, 



§48o] 



William I. and Bismarck 



467 



expelled the rulers of their little states, and voted their own 
annexation to Sardinia. All central Italy down to the States 
of the Church had done this by March, i860. Napoleon III. 
signified that he would acquiesce in these arrangements if 
compensation were granted him by the cession to France 
of Savoy and Nice, and this was allowed him, — the largest 
permanent annexation of territory made by France since 
the reign of Louis XIV. 

But the end was not yet. In the next month the people 
of Sicily rose against their Bourbon king. Garibaldi went 
to their aid. In a short time the whole kingdom of the 
Two Sicilies and a large part of the territories of the pope 
had been freed, and had put themselves under Victor 
Emanuel. In February of the next year, the kingdom 
of Italy was proclaimed, — the first real one that had ex- 
isted in history, — with a constitution and parliamentary 
institutions. Rome was not yet its capital, for the French 
troops still held that city and Victor Emanuel was not ready 
to break with France, and Austria still kept Venetia. But 
the occupation of Rome and Venice could only be delayed 
until the first favorable opportunity. 

480. William I. and Bismarck, — The realization of 
German aspirations for national unity was deferred for ten 
years longer, and cost in blood and treasure far more than 
had Italian. Frederick William IV. of Prussia, who had 
refused the imperial crown in 1848 and who had been un- 
willing to oppose Austria with the necessary determination, 
was succeeded in 1861 by his brother William I, He was 
a man of different stuff. Early in his reign he made Otto 
von Bismarck his leading minister, and through a long reign 
he cordially sustained the vigorous and determined policy 
of his chancellor. 

If Frederick William's policy had been to wait until the 
chance should come when everything would be favorable, 
Bismarck's was to force the favorable opportunity and to 
overturn every obstacle with violence — the policy of blood 
and iron, as he called it himself. So far as national unity 



Garibaldi 
and the 
south of 
Italy. 



The king- 
dom of Italy, 
1861. 



William I. 

opens a new 

era for 

Prussia, 1861. 

Fyffe, 

Europe, 

Chap. 

XXIII.; 

Malleson, 

K'efouiidhig 

of the 

German 

Empire 

(Scribner). 

The policy 
of " blood 
and iron." 

Miiller, 
Rece?it 
Times, 
304-309. 



468 



Europe since 1815 



[§§ 481, 482 



The consti- 
tution 
overridden. 



The 

Schleswig- 

Holstein 

question. 

Miiller, 

Recent 

Times, 

309-318. 



Little 
Denmark 
the first 
stepping- 
stone in tlie 
rise of 
Prussia, 
1864. 



was concerned that should be realized, but it should be real- 
ized by the sword of Prussia, and the new nation should re- 
main under the dominant control of Prussia. From the 
beginning this was the end which Bismarck sought to reach, 
and this was what he accomplished. 

481. The Army made ready. — The first necessity for 
the success of such a policy was a strong army. This 
William had seen before Bismarck entered the ministry ; 
and while he was regent, in the last years of his brother's 
reign, he had begun to increase the size of the standing 
army, and to improve its organization and discipline. In 
the Prussian legislature a majority was opposed to these 
measures, and repeated dissolutions failed to secure the 
lacking votes. But the policy could not be abandoned. 
Soon after Bismarck took office, it was announced to the 
legislature that the government would go on with its plans 
without the required constitutional sanction. It was only 
after the first great military successes of this army that the 
representatives of the people acquiesced in this policy. 

482. The New Prussia's First War. — The opportunity 
to try the army came very soon. The king of Denmark 
was the sovereign also of two German duchies, Schleswig 
and Holstein, lying directly south of Denmark proper. 
According to existing diplomatic arrangements, these were 
to remain separate states and could not be incorporated in 
the kingdom of Denmark. At the end of 1863 a new 
constitution was made for Denmark, which was arranged to 
apply to Schleswig also in such a way as practically to an- 
nex that duchy to Denmark. The German Confederation 
objected. Denmark persisted. In January, 1864, an army 
of Austrian and Prussian troops invaded the country. 
Resistance was determined but hopeless against such odds. 

Denmark was forced out of the country in a few weeks, 
and in October ceded the duchies. After some disagree- 
ment between Austria and Prussia as to the disposition to 
be made of the conquest, Prussia took Schleswig and 
Austria Holstein. The immediate gain was very consider- 




Bismarck 



470 



Europe since 1815 



[§§ 483. 484 



Prussia 

could not 

unite 

Germany 

without first 

overthrowing 

Austria. 



Careful 
preparation 
made for 
the war. 



The odds 
against 
Prussia. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
Cliap. 
XXIII.; 
Miiller, 
Recent 
rimes, 
318-368; 



able for Prussia and almost nothing for Austria. Still more 
important was the fact that this arrangement would be likely 
to afford grounds for a quarrel with i\ustria as soon as 
Prussia was ready for it. 

483. War with Austria must come. — This conflict was 
a necessity, both for the realization of the plans of Prussia 
and of the hopes of German patriots. Prussia could not 
be the dominant power in the nation unless Austria were 
humbled. No national unity was possible so long as these 
rival powers stood upon an equal footing. All through the 
middle of the century public opinion in Germany had looked 
more hopefully to Prussia than to Austria as the power from 
which unity was to be expected. Lately, feeling had begun 
to turn against Prussia on account of the violence which the 
government had shown to the constitution and on account 
of its treatment of the Schleswig-Holstein question. 

Bismarck made careful diplomatic preparation for the com- 
ing war. Measures were taken which it was hoped would 
secure the neutrality of Napoleon III. With Italy, which 
was more than wiUing from its eagerness to obtain Venice, 
a close alliance was made for the event of a war of either 
state with Austria. Immediately after the making of this 
treaty, Bismarck proposed to the Diet the calling of an 
assembly for a revision of the constitution of the Confeder- 
ation. This could only mean one thing, the formation of a 
new confederation without Austria. The Diet decided, how- 
ever, rather in favor of Austria. Thereupon Prussia formerly 
withdrew from the Confederation, and war began at once. 

484. The " Seven Weeks' " War. — The war was a real 
civil war. On the side of Prussia were the small states 
of the north. But on the side of Austria all the south, 
and all the large states of the north, like Hanover, Saxony, 
Nassau, and the electorate of Hesse, whose governments 
had the most to fear from the designs of Prussia. The 
odds seemed to be against William and his minister, but 
the advantage of their thorough preparation was quickly 
manifest. 



§§4851486] Results of the War for Austria 471 



The war was soon over. It has been called the Seven 
Weeks' War. In three weeks, indeed, Austria had been so 
thoroughly beaten in the great battle of Koniggratz, or 
Sadowa, in Bohemia, that no further resistance was for the 
moment possible, and the Prussian army reached the neigh- 
borhood of Vienna before an armistice was arranged through 
the mediation of Napoleon III. The allies of Austria could 
not hope to overcome Prussia alone, and were obliged to 
accept the result. The Italians had had no corresponding 
good fortune in their campaign. They had been beaten on 
land and at sea, but the destruction of the Austrian army at 
Sadowa had compelled the recall of her Italian troops and 
the abandonment of Venice. 

485. The Results of the War for Germany. — The peace 
of Prague, which closed the war, did not create German 
unity, but it made its creation very easy on the next oppor- 
tunity. Austria withdrew from Germany. Prussia made 
large annexations. Hanover, Nassau, Electoral Hesse, 
Schleswig-Holstein, and Frankfort were taken, and thus for 
the first time her provinces on the Rhine were connected by 
continuous territory with those in the east. 

Then a new confederation was formed with the other 
North German states, a union whose constitution formed the 
foundation of that of the present German Empire. The 
foreign policy of the Confederation was to be under the 
control of Prussia, and its military resources in time of war. 
The large South German states, though not members of this 
confederation, in a short time made secret treaties with 
Prussia, by which their troops were to be placed under the 
command of the king of Prussia in case of war. It needed 
but slight changes to transform this arrangement into a 
federal state, the present Empire. 

486. The Results of the War for Austria. — The with- 
drawal of Austria from Germany did not constitute all the 
change which the war forced upon her. Venice was ceded 
to Italy, and so that country advanced a step towards national 
completeness. But also the spirit of race independence and 



Leger, 

Austro- 

Hmigary, 

567-571- 

Austria 
quickly 
beaten, 1866. 



Prussian 
annexations. 



The new 
German con- 
federation. 



The creation 
of Austria- 
Hungary 
under con- 
stitutional 
governments. 



472 



Europe since 1815 



[§§ 487, 488 



Leger, 
A74stro- 
Hungary, 
572-588. 



A necessary 
war. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
Chap. XXIV. 



Discontent 
in France. 



of constitutional government triumphed elsewhere in the 
Empire. Francis Joseph had granted a constitution to the 
Empire, after the war with Italy and France in i860, but it 
had been very imperfectly carried out. Now Hungary was 
created a separate kingdom, with its own constitution, minis- 
try, legislature, and local self-government. A similar consti- 
tution was also given Austria, and the two states were united 
in a kind of federal legislature for the consideration of com- 
mon affairs. The day when the Bohemians and the other 
races under Austrian rule should obtain their local inde- 
pendence was postponed, but the way was made easier by 
what Hungary had gained. 

487. The Franco-Prussian War desired by Both Govern- 
ments. — Another greater and more glorious war was to 
complete the process of nation making in Germany, the war 
with France. This was a war which seemed equally neces- 
sary to the governments of both countries. If Prussia 
needed it to complete the. organization of the new Empire, 
Napoleon III. thought that by a victorious war with Prussia, 
whose growing power seemed a menace to France, he could 
strengthen his government. 

Things had not been going well with the emperor of 
recent years. The failure of his attempt in Mexico to 
overthrow the republic and set up an empire under his pro- 
tection had reacted against him in France. The republican 
opposition was growing constantly stronger, not merely 
among the people, but in the legislature. The concessions 
which Napoleon made from time to time, going at last so 
far as to grant the responsibility of the ministry to the legis- 
lature, failed of their purpose — the conciHation of the oppo- 
sition. The republicans were glad to get anything they could, 
but they were not to be satisfied short of everything. A 
glorious foreign war, especially one against Prussia, would 
arouse the enthusiasm of the French and the memories of 
the first Empire, and secure the position of the Napoleonic 
dynasty for another generation. 

488. The Pretext found for War. — When two countries 



§§ 489> 490] The Course of the War 



473 



are anxious to go to war with one another, an excuse can 
soon be found, and the ostensible reason for the Franco- 
Prussian War was a mere excuse. In 1868 the Spanish peo- 
ple, tired of the rule of their Bourbon queen, Isabella, had 
driven her out by a revolution, and had organized a republic. 
But Spain was not yet able to govern herself under repub- 
lican forms, and in a few years they began to look about for 
some prince, not a Bourbon, who would rule as a constitu- 
tional sovereign. 

Early in the summer of 1870, Prince Leopold, of the 
younger Hohenzollern line, accepted the throne. At once 
France protested. It could not tolerate the reestablishment 
of the monarchy of Charles V. in favor of the HohenzoUerns. 
Prince Leopold withdrew his acceptance. France then de- 
manded of King William an assurance that the crown of 
Spain should not be accepted at any future time. When 
this was refused, relations were broken off and the war was 
begun. 

489. France began the War with False Hopes. — France 
immediately found herself disappointed and deceived in 
more ways than one. She had expected that Austria and 
the South German states would join in the war against 
Prussia, anxious to be revenged for their defeat in the last 
war. But Austria was held back by Russia, and the South 
German people proved themselves as enthusiastic and patri- 
otic as those of the north in resisting the hereditary enemy. 
The German nation was at last united. 

France had believed also that everything was well pre- 
pared in the way of war material and a well- organized and 
disciplined army for a rapid advance into German territory. 
" On to Berlin" was the cry of the multitude. In this she was 
deceived. Nothing was ready. The German army was larger, 
in better order, and better handled. It was especially rapid 
in its attack, and there never was a moment when the 
French had the least chance of invading German soil. 

490. The Course of the War. — Within two months the 
great French armies which were to capture Berhn had sur- 



A revolution 

in Spain. 

Miiller, 

Recent 

Times, 

409-417. 



France 
cannot allow 
a Hohenzol- 
lern in Spain. 

The declara- 
tion of war 
in Schilling, 
Quellenbuch, 
464. 



Disap- 
pointed of 
allies. 



Deceived in 
regard to her 
own 
resources. 



Napoleon 
III. and his 



474 



Europe since 1815 



[§ 490 



armies 

surrender. 

Miiller, 

Recent 

Times, 

426-440. 



The 

republic 
proclaimed 
in Paris. 
Sept. 4, 1870. 



rendered to the enemy. MacMahon was beaten in the great 
battle of Worth, and later his reorganized army 
was compelled to surrender at Sedan, where 
also the Emperor Napoleon, who had been 
present at the battle, sent his sword to 
"his brother" King William. Ba- 
zaine with the other great army 
f'^ ^s^ held out for a few weeks longer 

in the fortress of Metz, and 
then surrendered also. " 
In Paris on the news 
Sedan the repub- 



lic had been pro- 
claimed and a pro- 
visional govern- 
ment of national 
defence had been 
organized, x^fter 
an attempt to ne- 
gotiate with Bis- 
marck, the new 
government, 
which refused to 
pay the price of 
the cession of Al- 
sace and Lorraine 
which was de- 
m a n d e d for 
peace, deter- 
mined to go on 
with the war. Be- 
fore the end of 
September, hardly 
more than six 
weeks after the 
first fighting, Paris 




Germania Niederwald Monument 



was completely surrounded by the German hnes. 



§§ 491? 49-] Alsace-Lorraine and Rome 



475 



The city made a brave defence. It endured a bombard- 
ment of three weeks, and attempted in a desperate sortie to 
break the siege Hnes. Outside the city also the efforts of the 
provisional government had no better result. Their armies 
in the various provinces all met with defeat. Finally further 
resistance became hopeless, and an armistice was agreed 
upon at the end of January, 1871. A national assembly was 
elected which met in Bordeaux to arrange the terms of 
peace. France was obliged now to accede to Bismarck's 
demand and give up Alsace and Lorraine, to pay a large 
war indemnity, and to allow the German troops to hold a 
part of France until it was paid. 

491. The Empire of Germany. — In demanding the ces- 
sion of these provinces, Bismarck was hardly true to the 
principle of nationality to which he owed so much. For 
that principle had now completely triumphed in Germany. 
On the i8th of January, in the hall of Louis XIV. 's palace at 
Versailles, the German Empire had been proclaimed with 
William I. as emperor, and all the States united under one 
government. This triumph of the principle of nationality in 
Germany carried with it in form the triumph of constitutional 
government, for the constitution of the Empire was that of a 
limited monarchy. But in practice the imperial ministries 
have not been responsible to the legislature, and the German 
people have still much to gain before they have entirely free 
government. 

492. Alsace-Lorraine and Rome. — In the case of Alsace 
and Lorraine, the territory had indeed at one time belonged 
to Germany. It had come into the possession of France 
at various times and in different ways. Some of it had 
been conquered by Louis XIV., and a part of this, hke 
Strasburg, by a most violent and brutal disregard of law 
and right. But it had now become really French, and 
its representatives in the assembly made solemn protest 
against the cession. That it may in time become as 
truly German is likely, but its annexation by Germany, in 
which it was organized as a separate imperial territory, can 



France 
forced to 
accept 
Bismarck's 
terms. 



William I., 
emperor of 
Germany. 
See on 
growth of 
German 
unity to the 
Empire. 
Bryce, 

Holy Roman 
Empire, 
399-445. 



Alsace- 
Lorraine 
really a 
foreign 
conquest. 



476 



Europe since 1815 



[§§ 493, 494 



Rome the 
capital of 
Italy. 



The 

Commune. 



The consti- 
tution very 
slowly 
created. 
Annals Am. 
Acad. Pol. 
and Social 
Science, 
Vol. VI., and 
Supplement, 
March, 1893. 



National 
unity and 
constitu- 
tional 
governments. 



hardly be regarded otherwise than as a conquest of force, 
like Louis XIV.'s. 

The war had other consequences than the union of Ger- 
many, Napoleon could no longer protect the pope. In 
September, 1870, the Italian troops entered Rome, and that 
city became the capital of united Italy. In France the re- 
sults were still more important. The despotism of the 
second Empire was at an end, and the third Republic was 
begun. 

493. The Third Republic in France. — The way of the 
new republic was not easy at first. It had many dangers to 
overcome. The communistic party in Paris, which had 
aroused so much fear in the middle classes in 1848, had in- 
creased in strength. Now it rose in insurrection again, 
seized Paris, and held it several weeks, doing enormous 
damage before it could be subdued. 

Throughout the whole of France the republic was hardly 
desired by the majority of the people, and progress in the 
formation of a final republican constitution was slow and 
cautious. It was five years before the legislature contained 
a republican majority, and it was some years more before 
the constitution was completed, and the country began to 
have confidence in the permanence of the government. 
The third Repubhc has now, however, passed through several 
severe crises in safety ; its legislatures and cabinets have 
shown themselves less subject to panic in times of threatened 
coup d'etat than was formerly the case with republican gov- 
ernments in France ; and the people seem to have acquired 
calmness and self-control and to be learning real self-gov- 
ernment. We may hope that France has at last obtained 
a free government by the people in the place of paternal 
despotism. 

494. The Results of the Period in Europe at Large. — By 
the end of the Franco-Prussian War, in 1871, national unity 
had been secured by Italy and Germany, and all the coun- 
tries of Europe, except Russia, had gained constitutional 
government. These governments all follow more or less 



S495] 



The Eastern Question 



A77 



closely the model of limited monarchy created by England, 
and where they are administered in the same spirit, as is 
nearly everywhere the case, they make, as the constitution 
of England does, a virtual republic. 




M. Thiers 



495. The Eastern Question. — During the last quarter More than a 
of the nineteenth century, the great interest of international century old. 
politics in Europe has been the " Eastern question." This 
question has troubled European diplomacy for more than 
a hundred years, and seems after all this time no nearer 
solution than at the beginning. The difficulty has not been The real 
to overthrow the Turk, for, if he had been left to himself, difficulty, 
his dominion would have ended long ago, but it has been 
to find a disposition of his territories which would satisfy 
all the interested parties. Russia, Austria, and England, 
on account of her possession of India, have all had an im- 



478 



Eiirope 



1815 



[§§ 496, 497 



The results. 



Its origin. 
See p. 402. 



Mahmoud 

H., 

1808-1839. 



The value 

of reforms. 

Fyffe, 

Europe, 

659-672; 

Miiller, 

Recent 

Times, 

155-159- 



The inter- 
ference of 
Russia. 



mediate concern in the result, and the other states have 
been indirectly interested not to allow too great an exten- 
sion of power to any one state. 

The impossibility of reaching an agreement among the 
great powers, except for a small piece at a time, has kept 
the Turkish Empire a long time dying, and it has exposed 
the weaker Christian races left under its rule at different 
times to most barbarous atrocities ; but on the other hand, 
in a part of European Turkey, it has led to a recogni- 
tion, which would not otherwise have been made, of the 
principle of local self-government and of race indepen- 
dence. 

496. The First Stages of the Question. — Near the close of 
the eighteenth century, as we have seen, Catherine II. had 
a plan for the disposition of European Turkey and thought 
that she was going to be able to carry it through with the 
aid of Austria, but the other powers stepped in and she was 
not allowed to complete the work. During the first third 
of the nineteenth century there was a considerable re- 
vival of strength in the Turkish Empire due to the vigor 
and abiUty of the sultan, Mahmoud II. During his reign 
occurred the revolt of the Greeks, but this would probably 
have been subdued by the Turks if Russia, England, and 
France had not taken part against them. 

497. Rise of Egypt under Mehemet Ali. — At the same 
time there was in Egypt a most remarkable revival of 
Mohammedan power under the pasha, Mehemet Ali, one of 
the ablest men of his day. He began with well-considered 
political and military reforms in his own province, and 
appears to have been anxious to extend the benefit of these 
measures to the whole Empire, as the first minister of the 
sultan, with the hope of bringing back the great days of 
Turkish history. 

He was opposed at Constantinople, however, and was at 
last obliged to make war on the sultan. His troops were 
at once successful, and conquered all Syria and a large part 
of Asia Minor. Then Russia interfered, alarmed at his 



§ 49^] Preliminaries of Crimean War 479 

growing power. In 1833 Mehemet Ali agreed to a peace 
with Turkey by which he was left in possession of Syria and 
a small portion of Asia Minor, Russia managing as usual to 
secure important advantages from the troubles of the suc- 
cessor of the prophet. 

The sultan, however, did not propose to allow this Finally 
arrangement to stand, and six years later he attacked his /'^''°P^ 
too ambitious governor. Success was again on the side of 
Mehemet Ali, and again the intervention of Russia was 
necessary. But by this time the interest of other powers 
had been excited, particularly that of England, because she 
recognized, as Bonaparte had done, that the way of dan- 
gerous attack upon India lay through Egypt. Russia had 
to admit the intervention of England, Austria, and Prussia 
with her own. The allied powers attacked Syria. Mehemet 
Ali was of course compelled to submit. His conquests in 
Asia were taken from him, but he was allowed Egypt as a 
hereditary possession of his family, with local autonomy but 
under the suzerainty of Turkey. By another treaty the 
European powers guaranteed the integrity of the Turkish 
Empire. 

498. The Preliminaries of the Crimean War. — If this Nicholas I. 
arrangement was for the purpose of putting Russia under ''^^sumes the 
bonds not to proceed with her designs in regard to Turkey, Catherine II. 
it had no more effect than such treaties usually do in simi- 
lar cases. In ten years' time Nicholas I. had resumed his 
plans, on a scale as extensive as those of Catherine II., and 
he hoped to succeed in alliance with England, as she had 
hoped to by the help of Austria and France. Egypt, which 
Catherine had offered to France, he offered together with 
Crete to England. He proposed to take the most of 
European Turkey and Constantinople himself. England 
refused the offer. Then he demanded of the sultan the 
protectorate of the Christians in Turkey, which in former 
times had been conceded to Russia by treaty and subse- 
quently withdrawn. On the refusal to grant this he began 
war. 



48o 



Europe since 1815 



[§499 



England and 499. The Crimean War (1854-1856). — This was the be- 
France make ginning of the Crimean War. His successes early demanded 
the attention of England. Napoleon III. also had reasons of 
his own for interference, and he was not sorry to have the 
opportunity for a war. Later the king of Sardinia joined 



war on 
Russia. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 




■1:1; \s|i i|'i 'I 



Chap. XXI. ; 

Miiller, 

Recent 

Times, 

253-270. 



in the war and sent fifteen thousand men against the 
czar. The allies attacked southern Russia through the 
Black Sea, and thus forced the return of the Russian army 
from beyond the Danube. The chief event of the war was 
the siege of Sebastopol, which the Russians were finally 
obHged to yield. In the course of the war Nicholas I. died 
and the more liberal-minded Alexander II. came to the 



§ 50o] 



R7issia again attacks Tin-key 



481 



throne. The peace of Paris in 1856 deprived Russia of her 
right to maintain a fleet on the Black Sea, and of her pro- 
tectorate of the Danubian principaUties, Wallachia and Mol- 
davia. A short time afterwards these principalities were 
united to form that of Roumania with local independence 
on the payment of a tribute to Turkey. 

The result of the Crimean War was, therefore, the intro- 
duction of the practice of forming little independent states 
out of European Turkey, corresponding to the local division 
of races, and this practice has since been carried much 
further. It placed a barrier of independent territory be- 
tween Russia and the Turkish Empire, and this result was 
no doubt more desired by the allied powers than any recog- 
nition of the principle of nationality ; but it is not to be 
regretted that diplomacy was for once on the side of the 
people. 

500. Russia again attacks Turkey. 1877. — Alexander 
II. set free the serfs of Russia in 1863, but he had no in- 
tention of abandoning the policy of his ancestors for aggran- 
dizement at the expense of Turkey. The Franco-Prussian 
War gave him an opportunity of which he took advantage 
to recover the right to keep ships of war on the Black 
Sea. Soon afterwards insurrections of the Christians be- 
gan in the Danube valley, which the Turks undertook to 
repress in their usual style with barbarous cruelties. The 
Bulgarian massacres so excited the horror of Europe, es- 
pecially of England, that Russia believed she could venture 
to interfere. 

The Turks made a most vigorous defence, especially at 
the fortress at Plevna, under Osman Pasha, but he was 
obliged to surrender in December, 1877. The Russians 
now crossed the Balkans, and advanced to the neighborhood 
of Constantinople. It was the plan of Alexander to form a 
great state under Russian protection of almost all the Euro- 
pean territories of Turkey, and to this the sultan consented 
in the treaty of San Stefano. This would never do for the 
interests of Austria and England. Lord Beaconsfield — > 
21 



The terms 
of peace. 



The princi- 
ple of 
nationality 
recognized. 



Alexan- 
der II. 
continues 
Russia's 
policy. 
Fyffe, 
Europe, 
Chap. XXV. 



The Bul- 
garian 
massacres. 



Russia 

defeats the 

Turks. 

Miiller, 

Rece?ti 

Times, 

528-544. 



482 



Europe since 18 15 



[§§ 501, 502 



In general, 
Muller, 
Recent 
Times, 

5+7-554; 
McCatthy, 
Our Own 
Times, II., 
Chap. LXV, 

Russia. 



Austria. 



The Balkan 

states. 

Miller, 

The Balkan 

States 

(Nations). 



Russia not 
(Ml !i rely 
satisfied. 



Disraeli — especially protested against it, and by the medi- 
ation of Bismarck a congress was called to meet at Berlin 
and make arrangements satisfactory to all. 

501. The Treaty of Berlin. 1878. — The treaty of Berhn 
changed entirely the dispositions of that of San Stefano. 
Russia gained less, Turkey retained more, and at the same 
time the small states of the Danube valley obtained a more 
independent position. To Russia was given a strip of 
territory at the northwestern corner of the Black Sea, 
which carried her boundary once more to the northern 
mouth of the Danube, and in Asia an addition to her 
lands south of the Caucasus, including the cities of Kars 
and Batoum. 

Austria was allowed the mihtary occupation and adminis- 
tration of the provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a virt- 
ual annexation. England, by an arrangement of its own 
with the sultan, took possession of Cyprus, engaging to pay 
over to Turkey the surplus revenue, and hoping to be able 
from there to watch and check the designs of Russia in 
western Asia. 

Russia's great Balkan state was cut to pieces. Macedonia 
went back to Turkey and has remained under the sultan 
ever since. Bulgaria, between the Danube and the Balkans, 
was made a principality dependent upon Turkey, and the 
province south of the Balkans was left to Turkey, but was 
to have an independent administration under a Christian 
governor. The sultan agreed to make some small additions 
to Greece, and this was done a few years later. The older 
Danubian principalities, Roumania, Servia, and Montenegro, 
were made independent states. 

502. Later History of the Balkan States. — This treaty, 
the most important step ever taken towards the settlement 
of the Eastern question, because it proceeded according to 
national lines, did not prove a final settlement because it did 
not go far enough. Russia was disappointed of the con- 
trolling influence which she hoped to exercise in Bulgaria, 
a strong party in that state favoring an independent national 



484 



Europe since 1815 



[§ 503 



Bulgaria 
advancing. 



Bulgaria's 

independent 

attitude. 



The future of 
the Danube 
valley. 



The 

Armenian 

massacres. 



policy. In 1885 the South Balkan province, eastern Rume- 
lia, elected the prince of Bulgaria its governor. This was 
equivalent to an annexation, and Servia at once took arms 
to prevent it. But she proved no match in the field for 
Bulgaria, and was only saved from conquest by the interven- 
tion of the great powers. Rumeha has since remained 
under the prince of Bulgaria. 

In 1886 the first prince of Bulgaria, Alexander of Batten- 
berg, who proved to incline too much to the national party, 
was forced by Russian intrigues to abdicate, but Russia was 
not strong enough to prevent the election of Prince Ferdi- 
nand of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha as his successor ; he accepted 
the position without the international sanction required by 
the treaty of Berlin, but has proved himself able to hold it. 

These small Danubian states are constitutional monarchies, 
modelled on that of England, which are fairly well managed, 
and are very democratic in spirit. They have an intense 
national feeling, and are extremely jealous of one another. 
Each is eagerly hoping for some opportunity for expansion 
in the dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and each is watch- 
ing lest some one of the others should gain a premature 
advantage. What the final outcome will be, still remains 
as uncertain as ever, but it will hardly be possible for 
Europe, once having so clearly recognized the principle of 
nationality, to recede from it in the settlement of the future 
of European Turkey. 

503. Later Phases of the Eastern Question. — After a few 
years pause, the Eastern question again advanced to a sharp 
crisis in another part of the Empire. Turkish passion — the 
passion of a dying race taking vengeance upon any of the 
races that are surplanting it which it still has in its power — 
broke out in fearful atrocities against the Christian Armeni- 
ans of Asia. The material for the history of this period is 
not yet accessible, but it seems evident that the jealousies of 
the great powers prevented the adoption of any effective 
check on the actions of the Turks, until their passion burned 
itself out. 



§ S°3] Later Phases of the Eastern Question 485 



Early in 1897 the rather uncalculating anger of the Greek 
people forced that government into a war with Turkey, which 
proved in a few weeks disastrous to Greece. Her prepara- 
tions were insufificient, and her troops though brave were 
very poorly led. But for the intervention of the great powers 
she would have been obliged to agree to any conditions of 
peace demanded, and as it was the war proved a very costly 
experiment. 

The Eastern question seems on the eve of leading to new 
and decisive events, which no one can foreshadow. But it 
is only one of the great unsettled problems in the political 
situation of the world with which the twentieth century will 
open, and which seem about to bring us very soon to mo- 
mentous issues. 



War between 
Greece and 
Turkey. 



The Eastern 
question but 
one of the 
problems of 
world 
politics. 



Topics 

The three lines of important changes in the nineteenth century. 
The purposes of the Holy Alliance, ostensible and real. The character 
of the early revolutionary movement. What were the events in Europe 
which led to the Monroe Doctrine? What led to the "July revolu- 
tion" in France? Its consequences in Europe. Character of the 
reign of Louis Philippe. The causes and character of the Revolution 
of 1848. The socialistic experiment and its outcome. The revolution 
in Austria. In Italy. The new policy of the House of Savoy. The 
movement in Germany. Attitude of the king of Prussia. Russia's 
policy towards free government. How was the second Empire estab- 
lished? The union of the cause of free government with that of 
nationality. Treatment of the national idea by the Congress of Vienna. 
The Greek war of independence. The independence of Belgium. The 
failure in 1848. The ZoUverein. The Italian policy of Cavour. How 
did he win France? The formation of the kingdom of Italy. The 
new policy of Prussia. The attitude of William and Bismarck towards 
the constitution. Prussia's first step — the quarrel with Denmark. 
Why was war with Austria necessary? How was it brought about? 
The character of the war. The new German confederation. Changes 
produced in the Austrian Empire. What advantages to the cause of 
constitutional government in Italy, Austria, and Germany? Why was 
Napoleon III. willing for a war with Germany? Why was Prussia also 
willing? What was the pretext for the war? How was France dis- 
appointed? The events of the war. What change of government in 



486 Europe since 1 8 1 5 

France? In Germany? The terms of peace. The Alsace-Lorraine 
question. The constitution and condition of the third Republic in 
France. In what circumstances did the Eastern question first arise? 
What is the real question, and why is it difficult? ISIehemet Ali, his 
plans and their outcome. The plans of Nicholas I. The allies in the 
Crimean War. The settlement at its close. The war of 1877. The 
treaty of Berlin. The recent history of Bulgaria. The situation at the 
close of the nineteenth century. What advantages to the principles of 
nationality and of free government from the changes in Turkey ? 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

European politics and the Monroe Doctrine. Fyffe, Europe, Chap. XIV. 

Miiller, Recent Times, 23-62. Am. Hist. Leaf., No. 4. Old South, 

No. 56. 
The Bulgarian massacres. Miiller, j^^^^w^ 7V/«f5, 505-517. McCarthy, 

Our Own Times, II., 591-595. Fyffe, Europe, in Chap. XXV. 



CHAPTER VII 

ANGLO-SAXON EXPANSION AND THE GROWTH OF 
WORLD POLITICS 

504. Europe no longer the Stage of History. — Tradition- The globe 
ally the politics of the continent of Europe, the international ]^ . ^^^^^^ 
relations of the great powers, are the controlling factors in Europe in 
diplomacy. Men find it still difficult to believe that this is ^^°°- 

no longer so, but in reality the nineteenth century has 
wrought a great change. The interest of most nations is now 
turned far more to other continents than to Europe. The 
whole world is now the field of active diplomacy, and with 
the vast improvements in means of intercommunication and 
the transmission of news, the globe is no larger than the con- 
tinent of Europe was when the nineteenth century opened. 
Its remotest inhabited parts are about as easily reached and 
controlled as the remotest portions of Europe a hundred 
years ago. 

505. The Occupation of the World. — Germany, France, All the great 
and England have divided Africa between them. Russia P°"^'"s 

directly 

has stretched over the whole of central and northern Asia, iaterested. 
English territory has been greatly extended in southern 
Asia. At the eastern end of that continent, Japan has sud- 
denly risen to be a power of the first rank, and there is now 
as much doubt and eager jealousy over the ultimate disposi- 
tion to be made of China as there ever was over that of 
Turkey. Off to the south of Asia a new English nation has 
grown up in Australasia, soon to be of the first rank, and 
already greatly interested in the settlement of Oriental ques- 
tions. 

487 



488 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion 



[§ 506 



The United 
States a 
world power. 



World 
politics the 
work of 
the Anglo- 
Saxon. 



Transporta- 
tion. 



Australia 
then unoccu- 
pied. 
Captain 
Cook. 
Story, 
British 
Empire, II. 
216-222 ; 
Cassell's 
National 
Library, 
No. 40. 



In America the whole northern continent has become 
Anglo-Saxon, and in the last half of the century the United 
States has seemed to be developing a claim to a controlling 
interest in the South American states which alone would 
bring it directly into the field of world diplomacy, but by its 
annexation of Hawaii, and by the results of its successful 
war with Spain, the United States has definitely taken its 
place as one of the great powers of the world, and will find 
in the end its interests immediately involved in the settle- 
ment of some of the Oriental problems, both in the disposi- 
tion of China and in that of the great island region of the 
south seas. 

In this bringing of the world under civiHzed control, and 
making it into a closely connected system in which every 
power must play its part, the Anglo-Saxon race has led. 
Its expansion began indeed long before the present century 
and has continued without a check, if we leave the American 
Revolution out of account, as should be done from the 
present point of view. 

506. Australia the First Step. — It was the loss of the 
thirteen colonies, indeed, that led immediately to the first 
step of a new expansion. At the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tury it was still believed that, in practice as well as in 
theory, the best disposition which could be made of the 
criininal class was to send them into the colonies to begin hfe 
over again. Up to this time England had used the Ameri- 
can colonies for this purpose, but she could do so no longer. 
It was necessary to find a new place of transportation. 

For about thirty years both England and France had had 
Australia in mind. Captain Cook had visited the east shores 
of the island soon after the conclusion of the Seven Years' 
War, and had taken possession of the country, which he 
named New South Wales for England. Neither France nor 
England had made any actual settlement there, however, 
up to this time, and it would very likely have remained still 
longer unoccupied, in the rush of events which followed the 
French Revolution, if it had not been for this need on the 



rv 




490 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion [§§ S^?- 5°^ 



The settle- 
ment of 
Botany Bay. 
Story, 
British 
Empire, II. 
223-229. 
Becke, 

A First Fleet 
Family 
(novel). 



Expansion in 

Australia. 

Siory, 

British 

Empire, 

Bk. IV.. 

Chap. IV.; 

Payne, 

Colonies, 

165-176. 



The place of 

the thirteen 

colonies 

filled. 

Tregarthen, 

Australasia 

(Nations) ; 

Jenks, 

Australian 

Colonies 

(Cambridge 

Hist. Series). 



Transporta- 
tion 
abandoned. 



part of England. She determined to found a new penal 
colony and occupy a new region at the same time. 

507. Early History of Australia. — Preparations with this 
object in view were almost immediately begun on the con- 
clusion of peace in 1783, and the first expedition was sent 
out in 1787. This consisted of about a thousand persons, 
the convicts and their guards included, but there were no 
real colonists among them. It was several years before the 
settlement, known as Botany Bay, became anything more 
than a kind of open-air prison, and certainly those who de- 
termined upon the first occupation of Australia had no vision 
of the unparalleled development of the country in a hundred 
years. 

The first step forward was the introduction of grazing, 
especially of sheep raising, about twenty years after the 
first occupation. This was soon followed by the opening up 
of the interior, and by the founding of new settlements. 
Tasmania was occupied in 1803. Victoria was settled in 
1834 and became a part of New South Wales. New Zealand 
was taken possession of by a free colony from England just 
as it was on the point of being occupied by the French in 
1839. South Australia was also founded by free settlers from 
England in 1836, and West Australia in 1829. 

508. A New English Nation. — Before this last date the 
great island continent had come to take the place once 
held by the American colonies as a field for emigration, and 
to be looked upon as a future home of one branch of the 
English race. About the time of the founding of these last 
colonies a new method of disposing of the public lands was 
adopted, by which they were sold at good prices and the 
proceeds used in bringing out other settlers. This proved 
for a time very successful, and nearly all the colonies ad- 
vanced rapidly in population and wealth. By 1835 ^^^y 
numbered together 80,000. 

As the free settlers became numerous and new ones be- 
gan to come in large numbers, the colonies very naturally 
began to object to being used any longer as a dumping- 



§ 5°9] E7is;land in the French Revolution 



491 



ground for English criminals. It was not easy to persuade 
the home government to give up this practice so useful to 
the mother country, and language of considerable violence 
was used in some of the colonies before they accomplished 
their purpose, but within a few years transportation was given 
up to all the colonies except to West Australia, which re- 
quested that criminals might still be sent on account of the 
scarcity of laborers. It was finally abandoned there in i860. 

509. England in the Wars of the French Revolution. — 
Scarcely had the occupation of Australia begun when 
England was led into the wars which grew out of the French 
Revolution. For her these wars, as all wars had now been 
for a hundred years, were chiefly colonial and commercial 
wars. There was some real ground for fearing that 
the new enthusiasm of the French nation might lead them 
to try to reconstruct their naval power and their colonial 
empire. This became especially the case when in 1795 
Holland was practically absorbed in the French republic. 
This would give them at once a considerable reenforcement 
of their navy and a most valuable foundation of empire in 
the East Indies. England at once blockaded the Dutch 
fleet, and with quick blows took possession of most of the 
Dutch and French colonies, including the Cape of Good 
Hope and Ceylon. 

The danger became still more acute on Bonaparte's occu- 
pation of Egypt. Could he succeed in establishing a strong 
French power there, England's hold upon India would be at 
once shaken. But the fatal weakness of his plans was that 
he could not command the sea. Nelson's victory in the 
battle of the Nile shut him up as closely as if he were on an 
island, and it was by good fortune only that he got back to 
France at all. The war in India in which he had hoped 
that Tippoo Sahib with French aid would overthrow the Eng- 
lish was not successful, though it was no easy task to bring 
it to an end. It served rather to extend the British domin- 
ion. Here it was that Wellington as a young officer served 
his apprenticeship in the art of war. In a series of wars 



The danger 
to the 

Empire from 
France. 
Payne, 
Colonies, 
Chap. X. 



Bonaparte 

in Egypt. 



Expansion 
in India. 
Story, 
British 
Empire, II. 
242-253. 



492 



A nglo- Saxon Exp a us ion [ § § 5 1 °' 5 ' ' 



England's 
conquests 
surrendered. 



Napoleon 
saw the 
importance 
of colonial 
power. 



Napoleon 

determines 

to occupy 

Louisiana 

and the 

Northwest. 

Adams, 

History 

United 

States 

(Scribner), 

I., Chaps. 

XIV.-XVII. 



The 

Louisiana 
purchase, 
1803. 



before the fall of Napoleon the strong Mahratta tribes of 
south central India were subdued and the Einpire greatly 
enlarged and strengthened. 

In the peace of Amiens, in 1802, England showed that she 
had looked upon the war as chiefly a defensive one, for of 
all her extensive conquests, of which she could have kept 
anything that she pleased, she retained only Ceylon froiii 
Holland, and the West India island of Trinidad from Spain. 

510. Napoleon's Attempt at Colonial Empire. — Napoleon 
appears to have realized that France could become perma- 
nently the leader of the world only by a reconstruction of 
her colonial empire. He realized also that the greatest 
obstacle in the way was the power of England. England, 
on her side, saw the great danger with which she was threat- 
ened by the genius of Napoleon. As a natural result they 
were irreconcilable enemies. When the war opened once 
more, in less than two years after the peace of Amiens, it 
never paused again between them though all other nations 
made peace. 

The second attempt which Napoleon made in the direc- 
tion of colonial dominion, immediately after this peace of 
Amiens was concluded, was a most promising one, and it 
threatened the American half of the Anglo-Saxon race with 
as serious a danger as the English. His recovery of Louisi- 
ana from Spain, and his attempt to obtain in San Domingo 
a base of operations for its occupation and colonization, 
seemed about to be successful. But the first expedition was 
fatally weakened by the yellow fever, and the immediate 
breaking out of the European war prevented any renewal 
of the attempt. It led, however, indirectly, to one of the 
greatest extensions of Anglo-Saxon territory made during 
the century. 

511. The Expansion of the United States. — The United 
States was more immediately interested in the growth of a 
great French dominion west of the Mississippi than England 
even. Before the practical failure of the attempt was known, 
the plans of Bonaparte had aroused some excitement, and 



§512] Expansion of the United States 



493 



steps to protect American interests had been determined 
upon. Bonaparte seems to have known, however, that to 
keep this territory in the hands of France after the war 
began was simply to make a present of it to England, since 
there was no French naval force to protect it, and conse- 
quently the American envoys to Paris found him willing to 
sell it all to the United States as if he supposed her to be 
as great an enemy of England as himself. The bargain 
was soon made. The enormous advantages offered, and 
the inborn Anglo-Saxon trait of acquisitiveness overruled the 
constitutional objection of no power expressly granted the 
general government to make annexations, although the party 
of strict construction was in power, and the area of the 
United States was doubled. 

Already the United States had become a great colonizing 
nation. Settlement after settlement had been made in the 
region beyond the AUeghanies. In the northwest ordinance 
of 1787, for the government of territories and their admis- 
sion into the Union on the same footing as the original 
states, a most wise arrangement had been adopted for the 
management of colonies and the securing of their allegiance 
to the home country. Already by the time of the Louisiana 
purchase, four new states had come into the Union and 
others rapidly followed. Not long afterwards a second im- 
portant annexation was made in the purchase of Florida 
from Spain, a sale to which Spain was practically forced by 
methods of a somewhat unneighborly character. 

512. The English Empire in the Napoleonic Period. — In 
the war which began in 1803 between England and Napoleon, 
the occurrences of the earUer war were repeated. England 
took possession of the French and Dutch colonies, and main- 
tained an indisputable command of all oceans. The short and 
indecisive war which was fought during this period between 
England and the United States, growing out of the harshness 
with which England, exercised the rights which she claimed 
over neutral commerce and to the compulsory service of 
her own seamen wherever found, though it showed the 



The coloni- 
zation of the 
west. 



Florida, 
1819. 



England 
supreme on 
the sea. 



The War 
of 1812. 



494 



Anglo-Saxon Expajisioji 



[§ 512 



English 
annexations 
in 1815. 



American navy to be worthy of its parentage, served only to 
perpetuate and intensify the bitterness of feehng between 
the two nations. In this respect the United States was serv- 
ing well the purposes of Napoleon. 

At the close of the war, England retained in addition to 
her annexations at the peace of Amiens, the Cape of Good 
Hope, a part of Dutch Guiana, and a few small French 




DrRDAN. Naiai. 



Story, 
I'ritish 
Etiipire, II., 
304-317- 

The impor- 
tance of the 
Cape 
Colony. 
Lucas, 
Historical 



islands. For the territories taken from Holland, England 
made a large payment in compensation. 

Of all the gains of England since the occupation of Aus- 
tralia, the Cape Colony was by far the most important. 
Holding a strategic position unequalled by any other land in 
the world, commanding the passage from the Atlantic to the 
Indian Ocean, a vitally necessary connecting link in a world 
empire, a half-way house between England and both India 



513] 



The Expansio}i of Laiiada 



495 



and Australia most conveniently situated for supplying and re- 
fitting ships, and, finally but by no means the least important, 
an opening which would render easy the occupation of the 
best portions of the continent behind it, the colony was of far 
greater value than its area indicated or its stage of develop- 
ment at the time. 

513. The Expansion of Canada. — During these years the 
population of Canada had steadily increased, though not 
with the phenomenal rapidity of Australia or the United 
States. As a result of the American Revolution there was 
a large immigration of families devoted to the old govern- 
ment, known at the time as United Empire Loyalists. 
Slowly, also, Canada began to attract immigrants from Great 
Britain, and these were usually of a very good class. By 
18 15 there was a European population in British North 
America of about half a million. 

As the Enghsh population and the wealth of the country 
increased an agitation began to secure more complete self- 
government. A constitution had been granted Canada in 
1 791 by the ministry of the younger Pitt which was based 
on the English constitution of the time. In imitation of the 
monarchical and aristocratic elements in the government of 
England, which were then in supreme control, the power 
in Canada was placed in the hands of the governor sent by 
the cabinet in London and in an appointive upper house. 
As the English at home were at this time hardly conscious 
of the principle of ministerial responsibility to Parliament, 
as they came to be fifty years later, there was no suggestion 
made that this practice should be allowed in Canada. 

The debate in Parliament upon the grant shows that it 
was the conscious intention of everybody to create an aristo- 
cratic government for these colonies, and this the bill cer- 
tainly did. There was clear evidence in the history of the 
earlier English colonies in America to show that such a gov- 
ernment would result in serious discontent and strife. But 
those who framed and discussed this bill do not seem to have 
thought of referring to colonial experience for instruction. 



Geography, 
IV.; Theal. 
South Africa 
(Nations). 



Slow but 

steady 

growth. 

Bouiinot, 

Canada 

(Nations). 



The govern- 
ment of 
Canada. 
Roberts, 
History of 
Canada 
(Lamson), 
210-213. 



An aristo- 
cratic 
government. 



496 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion [§§ 5H; 515 



A thirty 

years' 

conflict. 

Roberts, 

Canada, 

Chaps. 

XVIII. and 

XIX. 



The English 
government 
afraid of the 
conse- 
quences. 



The Cana- 
dians win 
their cause 
by gradual 
steps. 
Roberts, 
Canada, 
Chap. XX. 



514. The Struggle for Self-government. — The conflict to 
secure a change began in less than twenty years after the 
framing of the government, and it continued for thirty years 
before it was successful. The ultimate object aimed at was 
the control of the government by the lower house of the legis- 
lature, the immediate representatives of the people. In 
character it resembles in an interesting way the much longer 
struggle in the old country to secure the same result, and 
also that in both earUer and later English colonies where the 
same thing had to be done. The chief weapon employed 
until near the close of the conflict was the old constitutional 
expedient of withholding the supplies, and trying to coerce 
the government through its financial needs. 

The governinent in England, whether the Tory party or 
the Whig was in office, was extremely reluctant to make the 
changes desired. The first effect of the American Revolu- 
tion upon the ruling class in England had been to create a 
fear of independence in the case of their other colonies, and 
to lead to a resolve to hold them in, politically, with as tight a 
rein as possible. As the agitation in Canada increased, this 
fear was repeatedly expressed by the leaders of both parties. 
To yield to their demands would, it was thought, only lead 
to other demands and to final independence. There was at 
that time very little understanding in England, even among 
the officers directly connected with the colonial department, of 
the conditions or feelings of the colonists, and in view of this 
ignorance their fear of the result of yielding was not unnatural. 

515. Canada opens the Way for Colonial Self-govern- 
ment. — In 1837 came the appeal of a part of the Cana- 
dians to arms. The rebellion was soon put down, but it 
made an impression in England. In the next year Lord 
Durham was sent out to make a careful examination of the 
situation. His report was published early in 1839, and is 
a most remarkable document. It had a large share in 
bringing about the great revolution in English public opinion 
regarding the colonies which takes place in the next twenty 
years. By 1840 the home government had become con- 



§ 5i6] A Great Change in English Methods 497 



vinced that the effect of granting concessions could not be 
worse than that of withholding them, and concessions ac- 
cordingly began. These led in a few years to full ministe- 
rial responsibility and to all the colonists had desired, and 
England quickly discovered that instead of independence 
there resulted a deeper and truer loyalty. 

516. A Great Change in English Methods of Colonial Gov- 
ernment. — This was the beginning of a great revolution in 
English colonial government which is one of the most re- 
markable facts of the history of the nineteenth century. The 
revolution was not wrought at once. Ten years later the 
Austrahan colonies found some of the old difficulties in 
the way of their securing full self-government, but they were 
far more easily overcome. Ten years later still the change 
was complete. Since then England has cordially granted 
complete local independence to every colony when it reaches 
a stage of development in which it can wisely exercise it. 
The Australian colonies and New Zealand, Cape Colony 
and the Dominion of Canada, are, for almost all purposes, 
as independent as the United States. Their subjection to 
the home government in foreign affairs, the chief item in 
which they are not independent, has been of great advan- 
tage to them both in actual protection and in saving the 
cost of preparations for national defence. 

The causes of this important revolution are more than 
one. It has been erroneously attributed to the influence 
of the American Revolution, but a study of the Canadian 
struggle shows clearly that the effect of the independence of 
the thirteen colonies was rather the opposite. The chief 
cause was no doubt the discovery that the grant of local self- 
government did not result in independence, but rather in 
strengthening the real bonds of connection. This cause was 
greatly aided by the adoption of free trade in commerce, by 
the rapid growth of democratic sentiment, by a more general 
popular interest in colonial affairs and understanding of them, 
and finally after the change had begun by a more correct 
reasoning about the American Revolution. 



Complete 
local inde- 
pendence in 
the great 
colonies. 
Lucas, 
Introduction, 
118-137. 



The causei 
of this 
change. 
Adams, 
Rept. Am. 
Hist. Assn., 
1896, I., 
373-389- 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion [§§ 5' 7; S'^ 



Texas and 
the Mexican 
War. 



One-third the 
United States 
annexed, 



The dis- 
coveries of 
gold, 

1848-1851. 
Story, 
British 
Empire, 
Bk. IV., 
Chap. VII. 



517. A Second Great Annexation by the United States. — 

At just about the time when this change began in England's 
method of governing her colonies, when the Canadian peo- 
ple secured control of their government, the United States 
made a second great annexation of territory. The Mexican 
state of Texas had received a considerable immigration from 
the neighboring states of the Union. In 1835 it declared 
its independence of Mexico and was soon after admitted 
into the Union. Then arose the question of the correct 
boundary line between Texas and Mexico, and this disagree- 
ment was pushed on rapidly to open war, as we now know, 
with deliberate intention on the part of the American leaders 
in the hope of conquest. 

The war was soon decided. Mexico had no power of 
resistance either in army or resources. In the end she ceded 
to the United States her northern territories, down to the 
mouth of the Rio Grande and to the head of the Gulf of 
California, an area, if Texas be included, equal to one-third 
the present United States. The result was no doubt of the 
greatest value to the territories in question and to civiliza- 
tion in general, but it should be remembered that the process 
did not differ materially from that which we are disposed to 
criticise when employed by other strong peoples in absorb- 
ing the lands of their weaker neighbors. 

518. Gold in California and Australia. — Hardly was the 
Mexican War concluded, and this great territory transferred 
from the I^atin to the Anglo-Saxon race, when there came 
the rich discoveries of gold in California in 1848. These 
were followed three years later still by similar discoveries in 
Australia. The result in both countries was the same, — an 
era of enormously rapid increase of population and of wealth, 
— for although many of the miners returned to their old homes 
taking their gold with them, a large proportion remained in 
the country and aided in its development in other directions 
with the products of their mining. 

The population of Victoria, in which the best mines were 
situated, more than doubled in two years, and was multiplied 



§ 519] A Theory of hnperial Dissolution 499 

by four in four years. In California the same increase took Unparalleled 
place, and, though this rate could not be maintained, the next increase of 

1 • 11 r 1 ■ 111-1 population 

thirty years saw a development 01 population and wealth in the ^^^ wealth. 
western regions of the Union and in Australasia unparalleled 
in history. In 1 86 1 Australasia had a population of thirteen 




Sutter's Mill 

Where gold was first discovered in California 

hundred thousand. In 1891 this had grown to almost four 
millions. Since 1891 both these countries have suffered from 
financial depression and growth has been more slow. As 
the century closes signs are evident of returning prosperity. 

519. A Theory of Imperial Dissolution. — - About the year The argu- 



ment for 
At that time a movement towards imperial federation began 



1870 a new era opened in the history of the British Empire. ,. , . 
I i ■> i dissolution 



500 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion 



[§ 520 



leads to the 
idea of 
federation. 



The 

Manchester 
school. 
Cobden, 
Speeches, I., 



Goldwin 

Smith, 

The Empire 

(Lond.). 



The Liberals 
rather dis- 
posed to 
hasten the 
dissolution, 
1869. 



which has not as yet led to the exact result intended, but has 
led to others of hardly less importance. It began as a re- 
action against theories of a contrary sort. The generation of 
English statesmen, who then had charge of public affairs, had 
been brought up in the idea that all the colonies were des- 
tined to eventual independence, and could only be retained 
by England up to a certain stage of development. The 
growth of this idea had been much encouraged by the teach- 
ings of the Manchester school of political economists, under 
the lead of Richard Cobden. 

The fundamental principle of this school was complete 
freedom from government interference in every direction. 
As apphed to the colonies this meant liberty to sever their 
connection with England whenever they should think their 
interests demanded the separation, with no resistance or ob- 
jection on the part of the home government. Cobden had 
taught, indeed, that the care of the colonies was far too ex- 
pensive a burden to be borne, and that whatever advantage 
was derived from them would not be lost when England's 
active assistance was withdrawn from them. This teaching 
was greatly reenforced about 1 860, and extended to an argu- 
ment for the breaking of all political connection by a series 
of most vigorous and effective letters to a London daily 
paper from Professor Goldwin Smith of Oxford, immedi- 
ately collected into a book. 

520. Gladstone's Ministry ready to let the Colonies go. 
— These ideas had an especial influence upon the leaders of 
the Liberal party who were in power under Mr. Gladstone 
from 1868 on. Their practical effect was to make the gov- 
ernment entirely indifferent to a breaking off of the poHtical 
connection between the mother country and the colonies, if 
not willing to bring it about. This feeling was plainly enough 
indicated by the ministry to New Zealand, South Africa, and 
Canada. On the other hand, the colonies were not in the 
least disposed to seek independence or to be forced into it, 
and some of them threatened to seek the protection of the 
United States, should England refuse hers. 



§ 521] The Imperial Federation Movement 501 

The feeling of the colonies was, however, speedily reflected The colonies 
by the feeling in England, and the mass of the people soon ^"^ "^^ 
made it evident that the current theories no more repre- determined 
sented their opinion than they did colonial opinion. There to maintain 
was no desire on the part of the nation to force the colonies * ^ mpire. 
into an unwilling independence ; the desire was rather to 
draw the bonds of union closer if this could be done in any 
wise way. The government reversed its action as soon as See leader, 
the nature of pubhc opinion became evident, and the crisis, 7^°"^°" 
which had been sharp for a few weeks, was over. May 21, 1870. 

521. The Imperial Federation Movement. — Out of the First definite 
feeling excited at this time grew the Imperial Federation proposal. 
Movement. The first definite proposal of such an organi- Z^-arT '^"'' 
zation for the Empire was made early in 1870, just as Review, Jan. 
the ministry was changing its policy. The progress of the ^'^^ ■'^P'"-' 
movement was at first slow. It was five years before the 
idea was taken up by any statesman of prominence. About 
1880 it began to make converts more rapidly, owing to a 
variety of disasters which seemed to be threatening the 
English dominion in different parts of the world. 

In 1884 the Imperial Federation League was organized Tiie 
in England, having among its officers and members many i"PS"al 
of the leaders of both political parties, and for its purpose League, 
the promotion of such a union of the mother country and 
her colonies. After attracting wide attention to the subject, 
and publishing a considerable literature in its favor, the 
League was disbanded in 1893 in favor of other methods of 
advancing the cause. 

In the colonies the movement never has found even so Results of the 
much support as at home, and the practical objections to "movement, 
any actual imperial federation seem at present insuperable. 
But there has undoubtedly resulted a much greater general 
interest in the imperial connection, and a far better under- 
standing at home of the colonial feeling and in the colonies 
of the home feeling. The bond of connection is known to 
be much stronger than was once believed, and no one now 
looks forward to a time of certain colonial independence. 



502 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion [§§ 522. 523 



The occupa- 
tion of Asia 
and Africa. 



Gradual 
expansion 
in India. 
Frazer, 
British India 
(Nations). 

The Sepoy 
mutiny, 1857. 
Steel, 

On the Face 
of the 
Waters ; 
Chesney, 
The 

Dilemma 
(novels). 



The 

"scientific 

frontier." 



On the whole 
in the native 
interest. 
Frazer, 
British India, 
Chap. XVI. 



522. Expansion of English Dominion in India. — While 
these events were taking place in the purely Anglo-Saxon 
world, the two largest of continents, which until the nine- 
teenth century had lain nearly always outside the current of 
history, had been opened up to European enterprise, and 
almost entirely seized upon by the different European states 
in their rivalry for colonial empire. 

The occupation of Asia was the first to begin. At the 
opening of the century England already had the possession 
of India well begun, and Russia had Siberia in the north. 
After the conquests made during the Napoleonic wars, small 
additions continued to be made to British territory in India, 
the most important being that of the Punjaub just before the 
middle of the century. In 1857 came the great Sepoy 
mutiny in north central India, due partly to dislike of the 
British rule, of whose good effects the natives were as yet 
hardly conscious, and which was indeed often unnecessarily 
harsh, partly to superstitious dislike of the greasy cartridges 
served to the troops and partly to ambitious intrigues of 
rulers not reconciled to the loss of irresponsible power. 
The early stages of the mutiny, before the English could 
organize defence or attack, are filled with horrors ; but it was 
overcome in a few months after the first surprise had passed. 

In more recent times the fear occasioned by the steady 
advance of the Russians in central Asia, has led to a gradual 
extension of the English occupation to the north and west, 
in the search for a " scientific frontier," that is one which 
will admit of easy defence against attack. To protect the 
exposed western flank, the large territory of Baluchistan has 
been occupied, so that now England controls all central 
Asia south of Persia, Afghanistan, and China. 

523. The Character of the English Government of India. — 
The British rule in India, though marked by cases of ex- 
treme selfishness and of harsh and overbearing conduct on 
the part of individuals, especially in its earher periods, is on 
the whole and in its general results the most remarkable 
case in modern history, if not in the whole history of the 



§§ S24:> 5-5] The Results in Asia 503 

world, of the wise and considerate administration of a sub- 
ject country in the best interests of the native population. 
The most intelligent of the natives are coming to recognize 
this more and more, and there is now forming in India a 
feeling of patriotism and loyalty to the Empire which prom- 
ises the most happy results, if the swift progress of events 
allows it time to strengthen itself as it should. 

524. Russian Expansion in Asia. — From very early times Early plans 
the Russians have possessed dominion over the north of Asia, against 
Siberia formed a part of the empire of Peter the Great, and 

his plans of conquest included Asia. The Russian advance 
has been steady for two centuries, though much more rapid 
in recent times. Even before the time of Napoleon the 
Russians began to consider the possibility of striking Eng- 
land a hard blow through India, in case of a war between 
the two countries, and twice during the Napoleonic wars the 
project was seriously discussed, and once an army was actu- 
ally started to begin the invasion. 

Although the Russian occupation of central Asia seems on The methods 
the surface to have been often the result of accident, and of of Russian 
the irresponsible action of military officers, there is perfectly cm-zon*^ 
evident behind all the systematic purpose of the government. Russia in 
The action of the officer in the field may be disavowed, but Central Asm 
the annexation which he makes is always preserved. Very nians). 
possibly the desire of conquest has had less to do with this 
than two other reasons, — the natural tendency of every great 
empire to expand, and the military purpose of getting within 
striking distance of India. With the authorities in the field 
and in the government directly concerned with the adminis- 
tration of Asia, this last has probably been the most influen- 
tial motive. 

525. The Results in Asia. — All central and northern Asia The Russian 
is now Russian. China, Afghanistan, and Persia are the only and English 
independent territories remaining between the two European 3e,he^r "^"^"^ 
empires. Since the recent annexation of the Pamir district 

by Russia, there is at that point only a very narrow strip of 
neutral land, which belongs to Afghanistan, between the 



504 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion [§§ 526, 527 



The problem 
now more 
complicated. 



The work 

of twenty 

years. 

Keltic, 

The Partition 

of Africa 

(Lond.). 

Explorations. 



The Congo 

Free State. 
Keltic, 
Partition, 
Chap. XIV. 

France. 



rival frontiers. The struggle of these great powers in Asia 
threatens the continued existence of Persia and Afghanistan, 
and even of China, as the most recent events show. 

The entry of other European nations into the rivalry in 
the further Orient, like France and Germany, and the sudden 
rise of Japan to a position of the first rank, with especial in- 
terest in the solution which is to be found for this far Eastern 
question, are only likely to push events with greater rapidity, 
and to lead to less satisfactory and less permanent results 
than would be produced by a more moderate procedure. 

526. The Occupation of Africa. — In the occupation of Africa 
the rivals of the Englisli have been the Germans and the French, 
and the greater part of the process has taken less than twenty 
years. Neither the conquest of the Cape Colony at the begin- 
ning of the century, nor that of Algiers by the French about 
thirty years later, was followed by any noteworthy expansion. 
In the third quarter of the century general interest in the 
" dark continent " was aroused by numerous expeditions for 
scientific explorations, for which the name of Livingstone 
especially stands ; but these led to no further results until 
Stanley's famous journey across the continent from east to 
west, which laid open the course of the Congo River as a 
great highway into the interior. This awakened the eager 
desire of several European states to get possession of the 
commercial advantages which the control of this river would 
insure, and finally, as a kind of compromise, to the organiza- 
tion of the Congo Free State, open to the commerce of 
the world, but under the sovereignty of the king of the 
Belgians. 

527. The General Scramble. — This was in the year 1884, 
but in the meantime the general scramble had begun. 
France made the first move in the expedition of De Brazza 
in 1880 and 1881, by which a large territory on the north 
bank of the Congo was taken possession of so effectively 
that it was recognized as French when the Congo Free State 
was organized. Germany followed immediately the exam- 
ple thus set. In 1883 some Germans who were nominally 



528] TJie English Occupation of Egypt 



505 



private adventurers seized a portion of the coast in south- 
western Africa, and this was in a few months developed into 
a German protectorate over an extensive territory in that 
region. This part of Africa had always been regarded by 
the English colonists of the Cape as within their proper con- 
trol, but the home government had steadily refused the re- 
quests of the colony to annex it formally, and now proved 
unwilling to sustain the colonists against the claims of Ger- 
many. 

These cases illustrate the methods followed by all the na- 
tions of Europe from this time on. Germany settled in the 
same way upon several points of the coast, on both the east 
and west sides of the continent. France formed and has 
steadily followed the plan of connecting her various colonies 
by means of annexations in the interior. England pushed 
rapidly north from the Cape Colony until she now has pos- 
session of all the best portions of the interior, and she also 
considerably enlarged both her west and east African terri- 
tories. Italy saw with jealousy but was not able to prevent 
the French occupation of Tunis, and has tried with but little 
success to found a colonial dominion of her own in eastern 
Africa in the neighborhood of Abyssinia. Portugal and 
Spain, whose African possessions date from a much earlier 
period, have been left behind by the rush of these events 
and have now no opportvmity for expansion. 

528. The English Occupation of Egypt. — In Egypt the 
extravagance of the khedive, Ismail Pasha, especially after 
the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, threw the finances of 
the country into disorder, and gave an opportunity for the 
joint interference of France and England in 1879 in the inter- 
est of the holders of the debt. There was much opposition 
in the country, however, to this arrangement, and in 1882 an 
insurrection broke out under Arabi Pasha. The French 
government sent orders to their fleet not to interfere, but the 
English bombarded Alexandria and put down the insurrection. 
Since that time England has had virtual possession of the 
country, though her position is not formally recognized by 



Germany. 
Keltic, 
Par fit ion, 
Chap. XII. 



Africa now 
nearly all 
occupied. 



A joint 
administra- 
tion by 
England and 
France. 
McCarthy, 
Our Times 
from 1880 
(Harper) , 
Chap. VI. 



England 
alone. 



5o6 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion 



[§529 



A Moham- 
medan 
revival. 



the European powers. Her rule has been of the greatest 
benefit to the population and is rapidly developing the re- 
sources of the State. 

529. The Insurrection of the Mahdi. — At about the same 
time with the insurrection of Arabi Pasha, the equatorial or 
upper Nile provinces of Egypt were swept by a flood of 




Khartum 



McCarthy, 
Our Times 
from 18S0, 
'134 ff- 



fanatical Mohammedanism, a revival of primitive religious 
enthusiasm led by the Mahdi, or the prophet. General 
Gordon attempted to check its advance at Khartum, but was 
killed in 1885, and the Egyptian Soudan became indepen- 
dent. The early attempts of the English to recover posses- 
sion of the provinces were unsuccessful, and only in 1897 
did their real reoccupation begin, completed in the following 
year by the capture of Khartum. 

The reconquest of the Soudan was no doubt stimulated 



§530] 



The Anglo-Saxon Race 



507 



somewhat by the movements of the French towards the 
upper Nile from the western Soudan, which appeared to 
be directed to the establishment of a connection between 
the French possessions in West and those in East Africa. 
These movements threatened the connection on their side 
which the English had long been planning to bring about 
through the centre of Africa between the Cape Colony and 
Egypt. 

In area the French possess by far the largest share of 
Africa, but neither their possessions nor those of the Ger- 
mans equal those of the English in resources or in adapta- 
bility to European colonization. 

530. The Anglo-Saxon Race in the World. — The position 
which the Anglo-Saxon race now occupies in the world, if its 
two halves be taken together, is one which no other race has 
ever held before or holds at present. Of the five continents, 
it possesses the whole of one. North America, all the por- 
tions best suited to European residents of another, Africa, 
and exceedingly rich and populous portions of a third, Asia, 
and in addition the whole of a great island continent, Aus- 
tralia, which is as thoroughly x^nglo-Saxon as England itself. 
It holds one-fifth the area, one-fourth the population, and 
one-third the wealth of the whole globe. It is externally 
in every sense of the word a world empire, and internally it 
represents the highest point yet reached by mankind in 
political and civil hberty and economic freedom. 

This proud position which our race occupies has excited 
the jealousy of more than one of the others, and within re- 
cent years signs have been multiplying that some of them at 
least are only awaiting a favorable opportunity to attempt the 
dismemberment of the Anglo-Saxon Empire. With the race 
united in a common policy of defence, it would seem cer- 
tain that no combination of other nations likely ever to be 
formed against it could succeed in destroying, or even in 
dividing, its empire. That the Anglo-Saxon race has a heri- 
tage from the past in its system of free government worth 
defending wherever it exists, and a civiHzation worth pre- 



Rivalry for 
the upper 
Nile. 



England has 
the best of 
Africa. 



The greatest 
world empire 
of history. 
General 
sketch, 
Lucas, 
Introduction, 
101-107 ; 
Adams, 
Atlantic 
Monthly, 
Apr. 1897. 



The future of 
the race 
demands its 
union in 
poUcy. 
Green, 
English 
People, IV., 
266-271. 



5o8 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion 



[§ 530 



serving for the future, are conclusions to which the study of 
our history can hardly fail to lead us. 



Topics 

What led to the occupation of AustraHa? How was it changed into 
a colony proper? Its early growth. How was the French Revolution 
dangerous to the English empire? What were Bonaparte's ideas of 
colonial empire? How illustrated in Egypt? In America? What 
was the final result in both cases? England's colonial gains from the 
Napoleonic wars. The importance of the Cape Colony. Pitt's Cana- 
dian government. Canada's struggle for self-government. Of what 
value to the other colonies. England's present method of governing 
great colonies. The second great annexation by the United States. 
Results of the gold discoveries. Theory about the Empire held in 
England between 1850 and 1870. How did this lead to the imperial 
federation idea? English expansion in India. Character of the Ind- 
ian government. Russian advance in central Asia. What awakened 
the first interest of Europe in Africa? The Congo Free State. The 
beginning of the scramble. The present occupation of Africa. Eng- 
land in Egypt. The question of the upper Nile. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The Sepoy mutiny. Frazer, British India, Chap. XIV. McCarthy. 
Our Own Times, II., Chaps. XXXII.-XXXV. Malleson, The 
Indian Mutiny. (Scribner.) 

Present government of English colonies. Payne, Colonies and Depen- 
dencies. (English Citizen Series. Macmillan.) Canada. Text 
of Act of Parliament, 1867. Roberts, C^zwa^fo, 443-476. 



Important Dates for Review 



European Politics 

1789. Estates general meet in France. 

1804. Napoleon I., emperor. 
1815. Holy Alliance. 

1821. The Greek insurrection. 

1830. The July revolution in Paris. 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion 
1787. Australia occupied. 

1803. Louisiana purchase. 

1815. Cape Colony annexed. 
18 19. Florida purchase. 

1823. The Monroe Doctrine. 



hnportant Dates for Reviezv 



509 



1851. 
1854. 

1861. 

1864. 
1866. 

1870. 
1877. 



European Politics 



Revolutions throughout Eu- 
rope. 

Napoleon III., emperor. 
Crimean War. 

I Kingdom of Italy formed. 

( William I., king of Prussia. 

War with Denmark. 

War between Prussia and 
Austria. 

Franco-Prussian War. 

War between Russia and Tur- 
key. 



Anglo-Saxon Expansion 

1840. Change of government in Can- 
ada. 

1848. Annexations of Mexican terri- 
tories. 

1848 to 1851. Discoveries of gold. 



1857. Sepoy mutiny. 



1867. Alaska purchase. 

1870. Imperial Federation Movement 
begun. 

1879. Egypt occupied by France and 
England. 

1880-1883. Scramble for Africa be- 
gins. 



CHAPTER VIII 

THE GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH AND AMERICAN CON- 
STITUTIONS 1 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

Medley, Manual of Etiglish Constittdional History. (Macmillan; 

«3-25-) 

Taswell-Langmead, English Constitutional History. Ashworth's edi- 
tion. (Houghton; $6.oo.) 

Montague, Eleme^its of English Constitutional History. (Longmans; 
$1.25.) A very interesting and successful elementary book. 

Hannis Taylor, Origin and Grozvth of the English Constitiition. 2 vols. 
(Houghton; $9.00.) With especial reference to the American 
constitution. A very suggestive introduction opens Vol. I. 

Hallam, Constitutional History of England. (Many editions, usually 
in 3 vols.) Old, but still valuable. 

Boyle, Selections from Clarendon. (Clarendon; ^2.00.) 

On the present English constitution see : 

Fonblanque, How We are Governed. (Warne; 75 cents.) 
Volumes in English Citizen Series. (Macmillan; ^i.oo each.) 
Macy, The English Constitution. (Macmillan; ^2.00.) 
Bagehot, The English Constitution. (Appleton ; ^2.00.) 

And compare on the American : 

Bryce, The American Commomvealth. 2 vols. (Macmillan; $4.00; 

or abridged, $1.75.) 
Wilson, Congressional Government. (Houghton; $1.25.) 

1 In connection with this chapter there should be a review of the facts of 
English political history. The study of constitutional history, though of the 
greatest importance, is always more difficult than that of narrative history. 
The separate treatment of this subject, which the facts readily allow, will 
permit the teacher to omit it entirely with less advanced classes, if desired, 
and in the case of the more advanced to give it more careful attention than 
would be possible if combined with the political history. 



§§ 531' 53-] Absolutism of tJic Ah^rviaii Kings 



511 



531. The Importance of the History of our Institu- 
tions. — Throughout all its vast empire the Anglo-Saxon 
race has carried liberty and free self-government. Other 
nations have found by experience, also, that the Anglo-Saxon 
institutions are the best adapted to secure freedom and the 
most likely to be permanent of any that are now known, and 
therefore all civilized nations that try to have a free govern- 
ment at all have adopted some form of ours ; if they are 
monarchies taking the English form with such modifications 
as their circumstances seem to require ; and if they are re- 
pubHcs, either following this model still, as in the case of 
France, or following more closely the special forms of the 
United States. It seems almost certain, so far as any pre- 
diction is possible, that the final free institutions of the world 
are to be built on the foundation which the English people 
has laid down. This fact, in addition to the circumstance 
that they are our own, makes the history of the way in which 
these institutions were formed of very great interest and im- 
portance. 

532. The Absolutism of the First Norman Kings. — The 
English constitution begins with an absolute monarchy. 
After William the Norman had conquered England in 1066, 
he ruled as a very strong king. Every important question 
of government which came up he was able to decide by his 
own will alone, and there was no machinery known at the 
time by which the will of the people or even of their leaders, 
the great barons, could be made to decide a question in op- 
position to the king's will. William II. ruled in the same 
way, but he was an even more arbitrary man than his father, 
and he did a great many things which the barons and the 
Church believed were contrary to the principles of the feudal 
law. 

The feudal system, as it existed in the duchy of Normandy, 
was brought into England as a result of the conquest of Wil- 
liam. In the theory of the time the fundamental idea of the 
feudal relation was that it was a contract of mutual service 
and obligation between the lord and his vassal. This being 



They are 
becoming the 
institutions 
of the world. 



William I. 



William II. 



William II. 
pushes his 
feudal rights 
to the point 
of tyranny. 
Stubbs, 
Co7ts. Hist., 
I., Sec. 106. 



512 



The Aufflo-Saxon Constitutions [§§ 533> 534 



The Charter 
of Henry I., 

IIOO. 

Tasvvell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 

Text, Stubbs, 
99; Penn. I., 
No. 6. 



The 

promises 
of Stephen. 
-Stubbs, 119; 
Penn. I., 
No. 6. 



What if the 
king does 
not keep his 
promises? 



the case, the lord had no more right to demand additional 
services from his vassal, which the contract did not call for, 
than one of us would have to change for his own advantage 
the terras of a written bargain, which he had made, without 
the consent of the other party. William II., however, in his 
anxiety to obtain money, seems to have pressed some of his 
feudal rights to an extreme point, like wardship and marriage, 
and to have applied them to the lands held by the bishops 
and abbots in a way that the Church did not think was right. 
While he reigned, however, he was so powerful that nothing 
could be done about it. 

533. Our First Constitutional Document. — On William's 
death his brother Henry hastened to secure the crown to the 
exclusion of their elder brother Robert, and as he needed 
the support of every one whom he could secure, the barons 
and bishops made him sign and seal a written agreement, 
specifying many of the things which WiUiam had done and 
solemnly promising that he would not do them. This is 
the Charter of Henry I., and is the first document in Eng- 
lish constitutional history. It is in principle and character, 
as stating the rights which have been violated and insisting 
that they must be respected, very similar to the Declaration 
of Independence of 1776, and we may rightly call it the 
earliest ancestor from which that document descends. 

534. Progress under a Bad King. — Henry I. was a strong 
and a fairly good king, and no attempt was made to force 
him to a strict keeping of his promises. When Stephen 
tried to make himself king in the place of his cousin Matilda, 
he had to purchase support, as Henry I. had done, and to 
make written promises again ; indeed, he made several sets 
of promises to different parties, — to the Church, to London, 
to some of the great barons, and to the whole kingdom. 

Now Stephen proved to be a very bad king, and the peo- 
ple who were interested had to decide what they would do 
with a king who did not keep his promises. They probably 
did not think about it and all its consequences very clearly or 
consciously, but this is certainly what they did. They tried 



§§535^536] Beginning of Judicial Institutions 513 



to depose him and put Matilda in his place. But Stephen 
always had a party on his side, and Matilda showed herself 
just as bad a ruler, so that the attempt did not come to any 
satisfactory conclusion. It is interesting as the first trace we 
have of the idea that the people may try to force the king 
by civil war to keep his promises. 

535. Absolute Kings again. — After Stephen came Henry 
II., the great /\ngevin king. At the beginning of his reign 
he issued a charter in which he promised to regard the good 
laws of his grandfather and discontinue all evil customs ; but 
he and his sons were the most absolute of English kings, and 
we may almost say of them that their will was law, certainly it 
was for everything not already settled by custom, and for all 
questions of government policy. Their hand and will kept 
the government machine going, and in a very true sense in 
their time the king was the State. 

536. The Beginning of our Judicial Institutions. — Al- 
though there was not much progress in the reign of Henry II. 
towards constitutional liberty, there was begun a very im- 
portant development of one set of public institutions, which 
help to secure our freedom, — the law courts. In order to be 
sure to get all the money which was due him, and to compel 
the sheriffs to perform all their administrative duties faith- 
fully, Henry determined to send down into the counties, 
where they could get at all the evidence easily, members of 
the king's court, or curia regis, the body to which the sher- 
iffs were responsible and to which they made their reports. 

These members of the king's court were supposed to rep- 
resent the king himself, and were charged to look carefully 
after all his dues and rights, and to inquire how the sheriff 
had conducted his office in each county. In order to get 
the evidence which they needed, they had the right to sum- 
mon men from each locality and put them on their oath to 
tell them all they knew about these facts. This was the ori- 
gin of our jury. 

These new officers, called itinerant justices, were also al- 
lowed to hear and decide cases at law in the different coun- 



Ilenry II., 
Richard I., 
and John. 



Law courts 
and the jury. 
Documents 
in Stubbs, 
135 ff., and 
especially, 
258; 
Penn. I., 
No. 6; 
Henderson, 



The chief 
work of the 
itinerant 
justices. 
See account 
of Charle- 
magne's 
Alissi, p. 169. 



They also 
tried cases. 



514 



77/1? Ansrlo-Saxo7i Constitutions [§§ 537? 53^ 



The jury. 
Stubbs, 
Cons. Hist., 
I., Sec. 164. 



The question 
of taxation at 
the founda- 
tion of the 
English 
constitution. 
Stubbs, 146, 
159, 283, and 
Cons. Hist., 
I., Sec. 161. 



John is 
forced to 
grant a full 
and specific 
charter. 
Text and 



ties which might otherwise have come before the king's 
court at Westminster. In trying these cases, to decide 
questions of fact which might arise, they were allowed to 
make use of the jury, which was considered to be an institu- 
tion belonging especially to the king, and primarily to be 
used only in his business. This judicial side of their busi- 
ness grew much more rapidly than the other, and by degrees, 
as new methods of looking after the financial interests of the 
government were introduced, it came to occupy almost their 
whole attention. This was the beginning of our circuit 
court system, which we think of usually as nothing but judi- 
cial ; but when one of our judges instructs the grand jury to 
look into the way in which the sheriff has kept the jail since 
the last meeting of the court, he is doing just what his office 
was originally invented to accomplish. 

537. King John's Arbitrary Taxation. — Henry II. did 
not seriously interfere with those rights of the people which 
were secured by the law, but Richard I. did many very arbi- 
trary things, and John was a thoroughly bad king. He was 
indeed bad in more ways than one, but the particular line 
of badness which had the greatest influence on the growth 
of the constitution was with reference to taxation. John is 
not to be blamed for trying to increase the income of the 
State. The necessities of the government, owing to the 
rapidly increasing business which it had to attend to, had 
grown so much greater than they formerly had been that 
the old feudal revenues were entirely inadequate. But in 
trying to establish a regular system of taxes, by simply order- 
ing feudal dues to be paid at his own arbitrary will, without 
regard to the circumstances which gave him a right to take 
them by law, John had certainly violated the principles 
of the feudal contract. 

538. The Magna Charta. — When the opposition to John 
became so strong that he was forced to yield, in 12 15, the 
barons, with the advice of Stephen Langton, archbishop of 
Canterbury, drew up a new charter, the Magna Charta, 
which was based on the Charter of Henry I. but which was 



§§539- 54o] The Right of Insurrection Applied 5 1 5 



much more full and specific. This charter covered, besides 
its provisions in regard to taxes, many other points of feudal 
law. Some were points which had arisen in the working of 
the new itinerant courts ; some regarded questions of ad- 
ministration ; others related to the royal forests ; and 
others still to matters in which the interests of the Church 
were involved. 

In latter English history it came to be believed that the 
Magna Charta secured the right of Parhament to vote all the 
taxes, and the right of every freeman to a jury trial, and to 
the writ of habeas corpus. As a matter of historical fact, 
these things were not in the Magna Charta as its framers 
understood it, but there were clauses which naturally seemed 
to imply them, and, when they had once been established as 
the great safeguards of liberty, the authority of the Magna 
Charta helped to give them a sacred character. 

539. The Right of Civil War. — Without much question 
the most important clauses of the Magna Charta, in their 
influence on the actual work of making the English constitu- 
tion, are these at the end which state the means of com- 
pelling the king to keep his promises. These state that if 
he fails in any of his obligations " the community of the 
whole kingdom may distress and distrain [him] in all the 
ways in which they shall be able " till the grievance is re- 
dressed. 

This was the logical conclusion of the practice begun 
with Henry I. of extorting from the king definite and specific 
promises to be faithful to the law ; but this conclusion, of 
which no one had been conscious in Henry's time, and 
which was first thought of in the case of Stephen, was now 
much more clearly and consciously drawn than it had been 
before. From this time on it became, we may say, legal 
and constitutional to raise civil war against the king, if he 
violated the legal rights of the people. 

540. The Right of Insurrection Applied. — On this prin- 
ciple the nation acted as long as it was necessary. When 
John attempted to throw off the engagements made in the 



comment, 
Tasvvell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
Chap. IV.; 
Text, Stubbs, 
296; 

Old South, 
No. 5; 
Penn. I., 
No. 6 ; 
L'eber, Civil 
Liberty ; 
Henderson, 
135- 

The Magna 
Charta takes 
on later an 
even wider 
meaning. 
Adams, 
Civilization, 
343-345- 
Th e Magna 
Charta to be 
enforced by 
war on the 
king. 



Civil war a 
constitu- 
tional 
expedient. 



John 
deposed. 



5i6 



The A}is:lo-Saxon Constitutions 



[§541 



Henry III. 
Hutton, 
Misrule of 
Henry III. 
(Contempo- 
raries) . 

Stubbs, 378. 



The Baron's 
War. 
Hutton, 
Sitnon de 
Montfort 
(Contempo- 
raries) ; 
Matthew 
Paris (Bohn), 
HI., 344-356; 
Matthew of 
Westminster 
(Bohn), II., 
412-441 ; 
Stubbs, 409. 

The right to 
restrain a 
bad kinsr. 



The growth 
of a national 
party. 

Richardson, 
National 
Movetnent in 
Reign of 
Henry III. 
(Macmillan). 



Charter, and got the pope to release him from them, the 
barons declared him deposed and proclaimed Prince Louis 
of France king in his place. A change of dynasty might 
have taken place at this time if John's death in the midst of 
the conflict had not saved the throne to his son. 

When that son, Henry III., came of age, he proved to be a 
weak and extravagant king, who was continually disregarding 
the rights of his subjects. At one time the barons threatened 
to choose another king in his place if he did not dismiss one 
of his favorite ministers. Later they compelled him to give 
up practically the whole government of England into the 
hands of a commission which they had chosen, and to which 
the officers of the State were made responsible. This was 
the arrangement called the Provisions of Oxford. 

Later still they made open war on the king. At first they 
were successful and obtained a confirmation of the charters 
from Henry, in which he distinctly recognized their right to 
rise in insurrection against him if he violated the agreement. 
Afterwards they were defeated by Prince Edward, and Simon 
de Montfort, their leader, was killed ; but the most of the 
principles for which they had been contending were adopted, 
through the wisdom of Prince Edward, and made into laws. 

541. The Idea of a Limited Monarchy. — Besides carrying 
on this principle of rightful resistance to the king, the reign 
of Henry HLwas one of the greatest periods of constitu- 
tional growth in English history. It was a time during which 
the idea of a limited monarchy, of controlling the king, put- 
ting him under restraints, and guiding him by the national 
will took very rapid shape. This was partly due to the 
personal character of the king, which was so weak that it did 
not command the respect of any one, so that nearly every 
one was ready and wiUing to oppose him. In part it was 
due to the fact that there was throughout his reign a con- 
stant conflict between the native English and parties of 
foreign favorites of the king's, who were using their position 
to gain everything which they could for themselves, so that 
there was always a good reason for opposition. We cannot 



§§542,543] Representatives ill tJie Great Council 517 



say that a limited nionarcliy yet existed or any definite 
machinery for expressing the national will, but the beginnings 
of both date from this reign. 

542. The Origin of Representative Institutions. — The 
greatest advance of all during the reign was in the taking of 
the first steps towards the formation of Parliament and the 
introduction of the representative system. The first full and 
regular Parliament, in the legal sense, the so-called model 
Parliament, was called together by Edward I. in 1295, but it 
was during the reign of his father that the preliminary steps 
were taken which made the assembling of the full Parliament 
seem to every one a perfectly natural thing. 

These steps consisted, first, in employing representatives of 
the counties in national business ; second, in summoning them 
to meet with the Great Council, which was composed of the 
barons and prelates and served as the king's council and 
court, to act for their counties and make known to the coun- 
cil the local opinion ; and, finally, in adding to these repre- 
sentatives of the counties other representatives from certain 
of the more important towns. 

543. Representatives of the Counties brought into the 
Great Council. — The representatives of the counties were 
known as knights of the shire. That is, they were members 
of the lower ranks of the land-holding aristocracy, who had 
no noble titles but were persons of great influence in their 
localities. They had first begun to be employed in pubhc 
business in connection with the itinerant justice courts in 
which they chose and, so for as their numbers went, formed 
the juries. 

Their use in this way undoubtedly suggested their employ- 
ment in business more directly concerning the government 
when the need for it arose. In 1220 two knights were 
chosen in the county courts to assess and collect a land tax. 
In 1225 four knights were elected from each hundred to 
assess and collect a tax on personal property granted the 
king by the Great Council. In 1226 four knights were sum- 
moned to go to the king from each of eight counties to re- 



The begin- 
ning of 
Parliament. 



The steps 

which led to 

Parliament. 

Medley, 

Manual, 

Sec. 20; 

Tasvvell- 

Langmead, 

Cons. Hist., 

191-197; 

Social 

England, I. 

396-403. 

The knights 
of the shire. 
Stubbs, 259, 



The knights 
employed in 
public 
business. 
Stubbs, 357. 



SI' 



The A)iglo-Saxon Constitutions [§§ 544> 545 



In the Great 
Council. 
Stubbs, 
375, and 
Cons. Hist., 
1 1., Sec. 214. 



Simon de 

Montfort's 

Parliament. 

Taswell- 

Langmead, 

Cons. Hist., 

197-200. 



The " model 
Parliament," 

1295- 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
201-208. 
Writs of 
summons. 
Stubbs, 460, 
479, and 482; 
Fenn. I., 
No. 6. 

Parliamen- 
tary control 
of taxation. 



port on the conduct of the sheriffs. Other cases of the 
same sort follow. 

In 1254 occurs the first case of the knights meeting with 
the Great Council, summoned thither by the king from each 
county to aid in granting him a new tax. They were sum- 
moned again in 1261, in 1264, and in 1265. From this time 
on their menil)ership may be said to be a regular feature of 
the Great Council, which was now beginning to be called 
Parliament. 

544. The First Case of Town Representation. — The 
representation of the towns was introduced more suddenly, 
and in a revolutionary way, by Simon de Montfort in the 
Parliament which he called to meet in January, 1265, while 
the king was a prisoner in his hands, but it does not seem 
to have been thought at the time a very strange step. In 
fact, the towns had been regularly represented for a long 
time in the county courts, and as they seemed to be a some- 
what different class from that directly represented by the 
knights of the shire, the idea was sure to occur to some one 
before long that they should be represented in the Parlia- 
ment also. This step, which Simon de Montfort took to 
strengthen himself, was not followed, in anything which we 
can call a full Parliament in the later sense, for thirty years. 

In the interval, the practice shows a very great variety and 
uncertainty both in the composition and in the method of 
operation of the Parliament, which means of course that the 
institution was still in the process of formation, and that 
neither its make up nor its functions were yet fixed. We 
can, indeed, scarcely detect any drift towards regularity, but 
when all the elements were once more brought together in 
a regular assembly summoned by the king, in 1295, this be- 
came immediately the standard form. 

545. Further Progress in the Thirteenth Century. — Be- 
sides determining the composition of Parliament, the reign 
of Edward I. decided the first great point in the conflict be- 
tween Parliament and the king, and laid the foundation for 
the final victory of Parliament. This was the establishment 



§546] Parliai/ient's Right to control Taxation 519 



of the right of Parliament to vote the taxes. In principle 
this was the same as the provision of the Magna Charta with 
regard to extraordinary feudal taxes, but during the century 
there had been very great progress in two directions which 
decidedly changed the appUcation of the principle. 

In the first place, since the granting of the Magna Charta, 
a system of taxes, more regular in character and more like 
modern taxes than the feudal levies, had been growing ujd. 
Taxation meant something different in 1295 from anything 
it had meant in 12 15. Extraordinary taxes, voted by the 
Parliament, were at the close of the century a much heavier 
and more frequent burden on the nation than at the begin- 
ning, and they were much more the dependence of the 
government, in fact without them government was no longer 
possible. 

In the second place the body giving consent to taxation, 
called in the Magna Charta the Common Council of the 
kingdom, and which we have called the Great Council, had 
now decidedly changed in character. It was no longer, as 
it had been then, an assembly of the king's vassals only, the 
barons and prelates of the realm, but it was an assembly 
containing representatives of all the chief classes of the 
nation becoming conscious of standing in the place of the 
community and watchful of its interests. 

546. The King recognizes the Right of Parliament to 
control Taxation. — Consequently, when in 1297, after a 
struggle with regard to arbitrary taxation, Edward was 
forced to issue a new agreement to conform to the charters, 
it contained a much more full and specific promise than 
ever before not to take any taxes "but by the common 
assent of the realm." It was intended to make this declara- 
tion so full as to cover all kinds of taxes. And, indeed, 
though later kings at different times were able to invent 
means of dodging the prohibition and violating the spirit 
of the law if not its form, they were never able to deny the 
principle nor to recover the ground which had been lost in 
the thirteenth century. 



The 

developmenf 
of modern 
taxation.- 



Change in 
the character 
of the Great 
Council. 



The " con- 
firmation 
of the 
charters." 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist. 
210-217 ; 
text in 
Stubbs, 487; 
Penn. I., 
No. 6. 



520 



TJie Anzlo-Saxon Constitutions [§§ 547? 548 



The king 
forced by his 
need of 
money to 
make 
reforms. 
Stubbs, 
Cons. Hist., 
II., Sec. 289. 



The Hun- 
dred Years' 
War under 
Edward III. 
gives an 
opportunity. 
Medley, 
Manual, 
Sec. 33 ; 
Montague, 
Elements, 

73-89 ; 

Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
226-244. 

The right to 
make specific 
appropria- 
tions. 
Stubbs, 
Cons. Hist., 
II., Sees. 
287-288. 



547. Parliament immediately takes a New Step. — Upon 
the foundation thus laid down Parliament steadily pro- 
ceeded through the whole fourteenth century to increase its 
power in the State, and to acquire a more complete control 
over the king. The first step in this advance was taken 
early in the reign of Edward II., when Parliament asserted 
a right to use the financial necessities of the government to 
compel the king to agree to reforms which they demanded. 
This was done by granting the tax asked for on the condition 
that the reforms were made. In the next reign Parliament 
met the tendency of the king to promise the reform, and when 
he had got the money to fail to carry it out, by insisting that 
the changes be accomplished before their grant was made. 

548. Another Most Important Right Gained. — Hardly 
had Parliament made sure of this new weapon against the 
king, when they proceeded to put into use another and still 
more effective one. The demands of the king for money 
were frequent beyond all precedent during the long war 
with France in the fourteenth century, and this made the 
Parliament more than usually interested in the pubhc ex- 
penses. Almost at the beginning of the war they began to 
make inquiry into the methods of collection and to examine 
the accounts of the collectors. By the middle of the 
century they began to grant taxes to be applied to the 
purposes of the war only. 

These were but preHminaries to holding the government 
to a strict accountability for the expenditure of its income. 
In the reign of Richard II. this advance was made, and the 
treasurers were required to make in writing a full statement 
of the income and expenses of the State. From this was 
developed the parliamentary right of strict appropriations of 
money for government use, so strongly insisted upon as a 
means of controlling the executive in all the Anglo-Saxon 
constitutions that, though the treasury may be full to over- 
flowing, and the needs of the government never so pressing, 
not a penny can be used without a specific vote of the 
representatives of the people. 



§ 549] A Third Great Gain of Parlianic tit's 521 



Of course when this practice should be put into complete 
operation it would mean a very effective control by Parlia- 
ment over the whole poHcy of the government. The right 
to withhold the money for the necessary expenses would 
make it possible for Parliament to prevent any action on 
the part of the State of which it did not approve. In the 
end the English government did come to be subject to the 
control of the legislature, even to as great an extent as this. 
But the right of appropriating the supplies was not the only 
means which led to this result. 

549. A Third Great Gain of Parliament's. — At exactly 
the same time that Parliament was securing this right, it was 
creating another equally effective. This was the right of 
impeaching the king's ministers. In 1367 was the first case 
of impeachment, and in 1386 the second and still more 
important case which fully established the right. In these 
cases the House of Commons formally accused the ministers 
before the House of Lords of misconduct in office. The 
Lords put them upon trial, found them guilty, and passed 
sentence of punishment upon them. 

The right of impeachment, when it was put into its final 
form, meant far more than the power of Parliament to 
punish an unpopular minister. It meant that the king 
would find it impossible to get any minister who would be 
willing to carry out a policy known to be opposed by the 
Parliament or by the public sentiment of the nation. It 
meant, in other words, a shifting of the responsibility, and so 
in the end of the control of the government's policy from the 
king personally, or acting of his absolute will, as Henry II. 
had done, to the minister. 

The great advantage of this change was in the fact that 
while a king could never be held to any real accountability 
without civil war and revolution, ministers could easily be 
held strictly answerable for all the acts of the government 
without revolution, unless the king insisted, as Charles I. 
finally did, on assuming the responsibility himself. 

To carry out fully this application of impeachment, Parlia- 



This would 
mean a 
control of the 
whole 

government 
policy. 



The right of 
impeach- 
ment. 



The minister 
responsible 
in place of 
the king. 



A substitute 

for 

revolution. 



522 



TJie A}io;lo-Saxon Constitutions [§§550'55i 



The full 
development 
of the right 
comes later. 



Statutes vs. 
ordinances. 
Stubbs, 
Cons. Hist., 
II., Sec. 292; 
Medley, 
Manual, 
Sec. 34. 



The power of 
Parliament 
meant the 
power of the 
House of 
Commons. 



ment in the end refused to allow the minister to plead the 
orders of the king in his defence, since that would make the 
king responsible, or to stop the trial before its conclusion 
by getting the king to grant him a pardon. These points 
were not secured, and the full meaning of impeachment 
was not understood, however, at first. They were a part 
of the more perfect statement and understanding of the 
English constitution which resulted from the struggles of 
the seventeenth century with the Stuart kings. 

550. The Exclusive Right to Legislate. — In the four- 
teenth century Parliament took still another step towards 
the enlargement of its power at the expense of the king. 
This was in opening the struggle between laws, or statutes, 
regularly passed by both Houses of Parliament and assented 
to by the king, and ordinances made by the king and his 
council, either the king's permanent council or the great 
council, now practically the same as the House of Lords. 
This last had been the method of legislation of feudal times, 
in so far as there was any at all, and it survived alongside 
the new method of legislation in Parliament for some time, 
and traces of it remained in the constitution much longer. 
The rivalry between ordinances and statutes was like that 
between the old feudal and the new parliamentary taxes 
which runs through the thirteenth century, and, like that, 
it was in the end settled entirely in favor of Parliament. 

551. The Rise of the House of Commons. — We have 
been speaking all along of the increase of the power of 
Parliament, but it must be noticed that Parliament really 
means the House of Commons added to the old Great 
Council, or to the barons and prelates of the realm. Conse- 
quently the increase of the power of Parliament really means 
the rise in influence and to control over public business of 
the House of Commons. Before the middle of the four- 
teenth century the Commons had withdrawn from the Lords 
and organized themselves as a distinct body, thus complet- 
ing the form of Parliament ; and all the advances made 
in this century are really for the benefit of the lower House. 



§§ 552:. 553] First Attack on the Constitution 



523 



552. Summary of Results. — If we put these all to- 
gether, we can see that by the close of the fourteenth cen- 
tury we have a right to speak of the English monarchy as 
already a limited or constitutional monarchy sustained, if 
king and Parliament came to a square issue, by the right 
of deposing the king. The monarchy had lost, either com- 
pletely or to all practical intents, two rights essential to 
an absolutism : the right of providing a revenue, and the 
right of making laws without the consent of the nation ; 
and another right of the same kind had so far slipped out 
of its hands that it was henceforward exercised by kings in 
exceptional circumstances only, that of determining the 
policy of the government without consulting the nation. 
Just the opposite process was going on in this century in 
France, and by the close of the next the king of that coun- 
try had made himself the most absolute monarch of the 
Christian world by getting possession of all these three 
rights so that he could exercise them without any check. 

553. The First Dangerous Attack on the Constitution. 
— This young constitution was brought to a sharp test, 
which reveals its character and its strength, in the reign 
of Richard II. Just what kind of a man Richard II. was, 
and just what he intended to do, we cannot say with any 
certainty. But this makes very little difference with the 
result. Whatever his purpose may have been, if he had 
been allowed to go on and to complete the process he had 
begun, he would have restored the monarchy of the Ange- 
vin kings, where the sovereign's will decided everything. 
He was getting an independent revenue, and, by a round- 
about method, the right to make such laws as he pleased, 
and he was assuming the power to suspend statutes passed 
by Parliament and to inflict heavy penalties by a royal 
order. 

That the personal cause of Henry of Lancaster was bound 
up with that of the nation does not make the revolution of 
1399 any the less one in defence of the constitution, or any 
the less a perfect precedent to apply to a king like James II. 



England 
already a 
limited 
monarchy. 



The contrast 
in France. 



The tyr- 
anny of 
Richard II. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist,, 
255 ff. 



The first 
constitu- 
tional 
revolution, 
1399- 



524 



TJie Ansrio-Saxon Constitutions [§§ 554< 555 



Stubbs, 
Cons. Hist., 
Sees. 
268-269. 



The right of 
deposition 
clearly 
estabHshed. 



Parliament 
passes over 
the heirs by 
blood. 



A new kind 
of title to the 
throne 
created — the 
parliamen- 
tary title. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
173-176. 



Parliament was perfectly conscious of its rights in the case. 
Much earlier in Richard's reign, when he showed a dispo- 
sition to resist the right of the legislature to control his min- 
isters, Parliament called his attention in a formal address 
to their right to depose the king and to the exercise of this 
right in the case of Edward II. 

554. The Deposition of Edward II. 1327. — The case of 
Edward II. was not so clear a case by any means of consti- 
tutional deposition as that of Richard II. The personal ele- 
ment entered into it much more as a controlling influence 
than in the later case. But in form Edward was deposed 
distinctly on the ground that he was a thoroughly bad king. 
But even without this precedent there could be no question 
but that the principle had been clearly established, in the 
still earher cases of John and Henry III., that the people 
had the right to make war upon the king to force him to 
better government, and this logically involved the right of 
deposition or it could not be really effective. There was 
abundant sanction in the past, explicit and impHed, for the 
deposing of Richard II., and it was clearly necessary to save 
the constitution. 

555. The Right of Parliament to control the Succession. 
— In the revolution of 1399, however, the Parliament be- 
sides establishing the clearest precedent yet made for the 
exercise of this right of deposition went a step further and 
put into operation another right, logically involved in the 
first, but never before acted upon and not even then fully 
understood in all that it was to lead to. This they did by 
passing over the nearest heirs to the throne and placing upon 
it a man who could never have reached it by the ordinary 
rule of succession. 

No doubt they did this with no thought of enlarging their 
own power. Henry was the only one who was competent 
to be king at the time. But it is equally true that by this 
act they did establish the principle that the nation acting 
through Parliament has the right in exceptional cases to set 
aside the regular line and to give a legitimate title to the 



§ 556] Progress of the FonrteentJi Century 



525 



throne to a new line whose only right, strictly speaking, is 
derived from the choice of the nation. 

Tills right was confirmed during the reign of Henry IV. by 
acts of Parliament fixing the line of succession in the family 
of the king, and Parliament very soon became clearly con- 
scious of the gain which it had made. When in 1460, vic- 
torious in the field, Richard duke of York advanced in the 
House of Lords his better hereditary title to the throne than 
that of the house of Lancaster, and demanded recognition of 
it, one point of the reply to him was that the title of the 
house of Lancaster by statute was better than any other kind 
of title. When Richard accepted the compromise which 
Parliament proposed, he practically recognized this fact. 
The right of the Parhament to do all that it did when it de- 
posed James H. and set aside the rightful hne of the Stuarts 
in favor of the house of Hanover, was fully established by 
the precedents of 1399. 

556. The Progress of the Fourteenth Century. — The fif- 
teenth century is one of far less activity in constitution mak- 
ing than either the twelfth or the thirteenth. The position 
of Henry IV. made him dependent upon Parliament, and 
he reigned in many respects almost like a modern constitu- 
tional monarch, and this had an effect to secure all that had 
been already gained and fix it in the familiar habits of the 
nation. In many minor details Parliament enlarged or de- 
fined its rights during the period. 

The House of Commons secured the right to originate all 
bills relating to money ; the principle was established that the 
wording of acts of Parliament once passed should not after- 
wards be changed ; the dangerous power was assumed of pun- 
ishing great opponents, not by impeachment, but by bill of 
attainder, an act of Parliament declaring a person guilty and 
fixing his punishment without trial : a most dangerous power 
of which the Congress of the United States has been wisely 
deprived, and which will never again be exercised in England 
so long as the cabinet system of government lasts. The right 
to determine upon regencies was repeatedly exercised and 



The question 
between the 
houses of 
York and 
Lancaster. 
Stubbs, 
Cons. Hist., 
III., Sec. 677. 



Constitu- 
tional gov- 
ernment 
becomes 
habitual. 



Many minor 

rights 

secured. 



Cons, of 
U. S., I. 
ix. 3. 



526 



The Ans'lo- Saxon Cojistitutions 



[§557 



Freedom of 

debate. 
Medley, 
Manual, 
Sec. 37 ; 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
268-272. 



An evidence 

of the 

progress 

already 

made. 

See passage 

from 

Fortesque, 

Taswell- 

Langmead, 

Co?!s. Hist., 

301-303. 

A time of 
danger to the 
constitu- 
tion. 



Tendency of 
the Yorkist 
Icings to in- 
dependence. 



insisted upon ; the freedom of speech of members, the right 
not to be called in question elsewhere for things said in debate, 
and their freedom from arrest during the sessions of Parlia- 
ment were established in principle, though not always after- 
wards perfectly respected ; and finally the decision of dis- 
puted election cases and the fixing of the qualifications for 
exercising the right of suffrage, and for membership in the 
House of Commons were assumed by Parliament, 

None of these points is of particular importance in itself, 
but taken all together they form a considerable body of 
privilege, and coming all within a short period of less than 
fifty years they show us what extensive powers Parliament 
must already have gained to occupy itself during a time par- 
ticularly favorable to its pretensions with such relatively un- 
important matters only. 

557. The Yorkist Period. — The last half of the fifteenth 
century was filled with the Wars of the Roses, a time unfa- 
vorable to large constitutional growth. Indeed, the period 
when the Yorkist kings were in power was a time of no 
small danger to Parliament and the constitution. The fact 
that their case required them to insist on the superior right 
of a hereditary title to the throne brought them into collision 
with one of the powers which Parliament had acquired which 
was most essential to the life of the constitution, the power 
of determining who should be king. 

The Yorkist kings also show a decided tendency to seek for 
an independent revenue, and, so far as circumstances would 
allow, to rule without Parliament. Yet on the whole the con- 
stitution lost nothing. Richard III. was compelled to some 
dependence on Parliament for his title, and the power of the 
House of Commons was revealed at times by the anxiety of 
the government to get it packed with its own supporters. 
Still more decisive was the fact that the period was too short 
and too tumultuous to allow an absolutism to become fixed 
in the government. 

The battle of Bosworth Field and the accession of Henry 
VII. were incidents in the Wars of the Roses, and yet the 



§§ 55^' 559] Circumstances of Tudor Age 



527 



overthrow of Richard III. was a revolution which protected 
the constitution as truly as did that of 1399, though from a 
less immediate danger. Edward IV. and Richard III. were 
abler sovereigns than any that have followed them in English 
history with the exception, perhaps, of Elizabeth and Wil- 
liam III. ; but a constitutional monarchy has no place for able 
sovereigns. They are always a dangerous menace or a nui- 
sance, and the Yorkist kings were plainly tending to a policy 
dangerous to the constitution. 

558. The Tudor Period. — The Tudor period is commonly 
called that of the absolute monarchy in English history. 
And it certainly is so in a sense. The sovereigns showed 
tendencies decidedly Hke those of the Yorkist kings. The 
constitution was severely strained and in some points even 
broken. Many times the monarch imposed his will on a 
nation, reluctant, to say the least. But the absolute power 
of the Tudors was as far asunder as possible from that abso- 
lutism, with no institutions to check or limit it, which was 
exercised during the same time by the king of France. Cer- 
tain peculiar circumstances of the historical situation, partly 
affecting the sovereigns and partly affecting the nation, pre- 
served the underlying principles of the constitution uninjured, 
and kept the monarch and the Parliament from ever coming 
into direct collision with one another. 

559. The Peculiar Circumstances of the Tudor Age. — 
There were three of these circumstances most important to 
notice. First was the question of title to the throne, affect- 
ing all but Henry VIII. and Edward VI., and compelling a 
recognition of the supreme authority of Parliament on this 
most fundamental matter. Indeed, the two kings named 
are not real exceptions, because the reign of Edward was 
practically all a minority under a regency deriving its author- 
ity from Parliament, and Henry VIII. was compelled by his 
own situation to recognize the supreme authority of Parlia- 
ment in this particular, and did so when he allowed it to 
confer on him the right to fix the order of succession among 
his heirs. 



The over- 
throw of 
Richard III. 
indh'ectly a 
constitu- 
tional 
revolution. 



The charac- 
ter of the 
Tudor 
absolutism. 
Montague, 
Elements, 
92-104. 



The question 

of the 

succession. 

Tasvvell- 

Langmead, 

Cons. Hist., 

179-181. 



52J 



The Ansrlo- Saxon Cojtstitiitions 



[§560 



The growth 
of a close 
community 
of nations. 



The rise of 

religious 

strife. 



Enough to 
make a 
practical 
absolutism. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
Chap. X. 



Prothero, 
118-126. 



The turn of 
the current. 



The second was the rapid development of international 
politics, which created a great community of the European 
states, and bound them in a close and intricate struggle for 
leadership, so that questions of foreign policy now began to 
influence the conduct of domestic affairs in a way they had 
never done before. This was intimately connected at first 
with the question of the succession, and in the last part of 
the period with the third of these circumstances. 

This third was the general condition produced by the 
great revolution which swept over all Europe in the reforma- 
tion of Luther, creating new and more intense issues, and 
dividing almost every nation into two bitterly hostile parties. 
For England this quickly became a question of national in- 
dependence, and made the country wilHng to support the 
cautious and carefully balanced policy of Elizabeth, even at 
the cost of overlooking some disregard of the constitution, 
of which, however, they were perfectly conscious. 

560. Details of Tudor Action. — The special details of 
the unconstitutional action of the Tudors are not so many 
in number as they are grave in principle. Forced loans and 
other illegal means of avoiding a financial dependence on 
the legislature, and at times long intervals between Parlia- 
ments ; arbitrary methods of trial by a sort of royal preroga- 
tive in the court of the Star Chamber, and equally arbitrary 
arrests and imprisonments both of which tended to destroy 
the safeguards of individual liberty existing in the ordinary 
courts ; interference with the freedom of debate, going so 
far even as the imprisonment of members of the House of 
Commons in the Tower ; and the insisting that royal proc- 
lamations should have the force of statute law, a claim 
which for a few years and in special cases received the sanc- 
tion of Parliament. Taken together these principles and 
practices would constitute a very strong arbitrary govern- 
ment. 

The dangers which had induced the nation to submit be- 
gan to lessen in the last years of Elizabeth, and many signs 
began to appear which made it evident that Parliament would 



§§561,562] ConstitiUional Change in tJie ClutrcJi 529 



not much longer endure the practical control of everything 
by the sovereign's will. But one not insignificant result of 
the trend of things during this period was a theoretical ac- 
ceptance and defence by some of the doctrine of a divine 
right in kings of which they cannot be deprived, the source 
of a supreme power in government. This doctrine in a 
more developed form was to play a great part in the consti- 
tutional history of the next century. 

561. Institutional Character of the Tudor Rule. — In 
general we may say of the Tudors that theirs was an abso- 
lutism exercised not so much through institutions proper to 
a despotic monarchy, as by imposing their will on the nation 
through the existing institutions of the State. The nation 
submitted because in a grave crisis of its existence the sov- 
ereign's policy seemed wise and had the support of public 
opinion, while to resist too far the sovereign's method would 
only increase the most serious danger of the time, the con- 
stantly threatened civil war. 

The royal exercise of power was not unlike that of an 
American " boss," who decides all questions of policy by his 
irresponsible will, but without any visible change of the con- 
stitution. Perhaps a still better parallel would be the present 
government of Germany, because there the supremacy of the 
sovereign's will is accompanied with some departure from 
the constitution, and because intelligent Germans justify the 
nation's submission on similar grounds of expediency. For 
England the method of the Tudor absolutism meant that all 
constitutional rights were still in existence, ready to be put 
into force when the nation should judge that the time had 
come. 

562. The Constitutional Change in the Position of the 
Church. — In one particular there had been a great consti- 
tutional change during the age of the Tudors. Whatever 
one may think of the method by which the Church of Eng- 
land had been made independent of the pope, constitution- 
ally the result had been to put the Church completely under 
the control of the nation. What the fourteenth century had 



" Divine 
right." 



No real 
absolutist 
institution. 
Hallam, 
Co7is. Hist., 
I., last pages 
of Chap. V. 



Modern 
instances. 
The "boss." 



Germany. 



The Church 
made subject 
to Parlia- 
ment. 

See Gee and 
Hardy, 477. 



530 



TJie AnHo-Saxon Constitutions [§§ 563^ 5^4 



The opening 
of a new era. 



The attitude 
of the kings. 



Personal 
character- 
istics. 



The question 
of title. 
Hallam, 
Cons, Hist., 
I., first pages 
of Chap. VL; 
Prothero, 
250. 



done in subjecting the monarchy to Parhament, the sixteenth 
did on the ecclesiastical side of public affairs in subjecting 
the Church to Parliament. The supremacy of the king as 
the head of the Church was in many respects real during the 
Tudor period, but when Parliament had once recovered its 
place this function of the sovereign like every other was 
under national control. 

563. Character of the Stuart Period. — With the acces- 
sion of James I., the first of the Stuart kings, there opened 
a new age in the history of the English constitution. The 
period of the suspension of parliamentary control had come 
to an end. The time of national danger, when it was neces- 
sary that the strength of the State should be directed by a 
single will, and when civil strife was more dangerous than 
temporary submission to arbitrary government, was now 
past. Parliament was ready to resume its direction of the 
nation's policy, and to begin once more the steady building 
up of the constitution. 

These intentions of Parliament came by degrees, however, 
into direct collision with the intentions of the kings. The 
Stuart kings were by no means disposed to surrender the 
influence over pubhc affairs which the Tudor kings had 
exercised. 

564. Reasons for the Attitude of the Kings. — The atti- 
tude of the kings was partly due to the personal character- 
istics of the Stuart family. Nearly all its members were men 
of small intellectual gifts, of little political insight, short- 
sighted and of poor judgment, but with the highest ideas 
of their own rights, and with that determined obstinacy of 
purpose which often accompanies these other character- 
istics. 

The attitude of James I. to the constitution was also 
partly due to the fact that by the parliamentary arrangement 
of the succession, made in the reign of Henry VIII., his title 
to the throne had been postponed to that of the descend- 
ants of Henry's younger sister, Mary. It is evident that on 
the death of Elizabeth, the will of the nation was entirely 



§§ S^S- 566] Slinv Advance toivanh War 



531 



in favor of the accession of the king of Scotland. There 
was, in foct, no real oppositioi) to it. But the existence of 
this legal defect in his title seems to have disposed James 
to emphasize the indefeasible right of hereditary succession 
and to have prepared the way for a union, which was indeed 
an entirely natural one between the Stuart kings and the 
growing party of those who held to the doctrine of divine 
right. 

565. A Third Reason of Strife, the Religious Parties. — 
One further reason of the fact that the constitutional history 
of England in the seventeenth century passes through a 
great civil war, is to be found in the gradual separation of 
the nation into two great parties on religious questions. 
One of these, while desiring to free the national Church 
from the government of the pope, and to change the most 
distinctive of the Roman Catholic doctrines, like that of 
trans-substantiation, was disposed to retain just as much as 
possible of the old church both in organization and in forms, 
and was unwilling to take formal sides on minor points of 
doctrine with any of the sects which were arising in the 
Protestant world. 

On the other hand a large and increasing body in the 
nation was determined to carry the reformation further, both 
in doctrines and in forms, and in the matter of organization 
wished to give the national Church a constitution which 
would make it republican in government, or even demo- 
cratic. The fact that this body was strongly inclined to 
the spirit and teachings of Calvinism, which was a fighting 
faith, made it ready to take up arms and enter upon a civil 
war in defence of what it believed to be the right. Each 
of these two parties found itself to a considerable extent in a 
natural alliance : the one with the idea of the divine right 
of kings to govern, and the other with that of parliamentary 
supremacy. 

566. Slow Advance towards War. — During the reign of 
James I. there was a growing opposition between the king 
and the Parliament, a growing determination on the part of 



The 

conservative 

party. 



The Puritan 

party. 



Nearly a half 
century of 
disagree- 
ment. 



532 



The An^lo-Saxoji Cojistitutiotis [§§ 567? 568 



James I., 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
405-444 ; 
Montague, 
Elements, 
115-118. 

The Petition 
of Right, 
1628. 
Text and 
comment. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
444-461 ; 
text, 

Gardiner, i ; 
Old South, 
23; Lieber, 
Civil Liberty; 
Stubbs, 515. 



The difficulty 
of a revenue. 
Montague, 
Elements, 
120 ff. ; 
Gardiner, 
5. 16, 17. 

Ship-money. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
467-476 ; 
Gardiner, 

37-54 ; 

Old South, 
60. 



The Scottish 
war. 



each to insist on what it beheved to be constitutionally right ; 
but there was no open breach between them and no irrec- 
oncilable conflict. In the reign of Charles I. matters by 
degrees progressed to a square issue between king and 
Parliament. 

567. The Second Great Constitutional Document. — Very 
soon after the accession of Charles, Parliament drew up the 
second in the series of great constitutional documents which 
declare and confirm our liberties, the Magna Charta being 
counted the first. This is called the Petition of Right, and 
it was made a statute law with the consent of the king in 
1628. It is exactly similar in spirit and character with the 
line of great documents already referred to, for its purpose 
is to state the rights of all citizens which have been infringed 
by the action of the king, and to secure them from such 
infringement in the future. But though he had consented 
to this statute, Charles had no intention of abandoning what 
he regarded as his rightful prerogatives, and before many 
months this Parliament was dissolved by the king in anger 
at its insistance upon its own will. 

568. The Period of Rule without Parliament. — The 
king now resolved to rule without a Parliament and was able 
to do so for eleven years. The greatest difficulty of such 
a method of government was to provide a sufficient revenue, 
for all the usual sources of income were now dependent on 
the consent of Parliament. The ingenuity of one of the 
king's ministers revived an old form of taxation, called 
" ship-money," by which the king had apparently the right 
to require the different cities and counties to furnish ships for 
the defence of the kingdom, and this was used to obtain 
money ostensibly for the strengthening of the navy, but 
really for the ordinary expenses of the State. The refusal 
of Hampden to pay this tax led to a trial of the case in the 
courts, and though the judges decided in favor of the king, 
the nation was aroused to a consciousness of the danger. 

Just at this moment the king had involved himself in a 
war with the Scottish people by attempting to force them to 



§§ 569? 57°] Further Concessions of tJie King 533 



use a liturgy in church services to which they were bitterly 
opposed. They drew up in consequence the famous 
" Covenant," and took arms in its defence. The expense 
of this war could not be met without more regular sources 
of income, and Charles was forced to call a Parliament, 
which met in April, 1640, but remained in session only 
three weeks. No agreement could be reached about the 
ship-money, and the king again dissolved the Parliament in 
anger. 

569. Charles forced to a Temporary Submission. — For a 
few months Charles managed to sustain himself by even 
more arbitrary methods than before, but the failure of his 
campaign against the Scots turned the feeling of the army 
against him, and he was forced to yield. In November 
Parliament met again, a Parliament which was to continue 
in existence until after the death of the king, and which is 
known as the Long Parliament. At the beginning of this 
Parliament the popular or constitutional party was very 
strong, and its spirit was one of most determined opposition 
to the arbitrary government of the king. 

Its first act was to impeach the earl of Strafford, the 
king's minister, of treason. The feeling was especially bitter 
against him because he had been earlier one of the leaders 
of the popular party, but had now gone completely over 
to the king. When it was found that under the statute of 
treason he could not be proved guilty of that crime. Parlia- 
ment accompHshed its purpose by passing a bill of attainder, 
that is, a special law declaring him guilty, and sentencing 
him to death by act of Parliament. Strafford hoped to the 
last that the king would save him, but Charles was not yet 
ready to accept the full personal responsibility of his con- 
duct by coming to an open breach with Parhament, and 
preferred to sacrifice his minister. 

570. Further Concessions of the King. — Parliament then 
proceeded to strike at the measures of the king. Ship- 
money and the Star Chamber tribunal were declared illegal, 
and an act was passed to enable Parliament to meet without 



The 

" Covenant.' 

Text in 

Gardiner, 54 ; 

Old Soutli" 

25- 



The meeting 
of the Long 
Parliament, 
Nov. 3, 1640. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
602, and 
reference 
there to 
Clarendon. 



Parliament 

holds the 

king's 

minister 

responsible. 

Boyle, 

Clarendon, 

63-78 ; 

Gardiner, 85; 
Old South, 
61. 



Really 
enough to 
restore the 
constitution. 
Gardiner, 74, 
88-122. 



534 



TJie Ans:lo-Saxon Constitutions 



[§57i 



The king not 
trusted. 



The party of 
moderate 
royalists 
growing. 



The Grand 
Remon- 
strance. 
Boyle, 
Clarendon, 
82-85 ; 
text, 

Gardiner, 
127; Old 
South, 24. 

The case of 
the five 
members. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 

496-503 ; 

Boyle, 

Clarendon, 

88-94. 



the sanction of the king, if he should allow three years to 
pass without calling it together. To these and other de- 
mands Charles seemed readily to give way, and if his con- 
cessions had been honest and the Parliament could have 
had confidence that his future conduct would have been in 
accord with them, the English constitution would have been 
preserved without any violent or unconstitutional measures. 

It was perfectly evident, however, that the king regarded 
these concessions as only temporary, and that, as soon as 
circumstances enabled him to do so, he would declare them 
void because they had been extorted from him by force. 
This made the most earnest defenders of the constitution 
very suspicious and watchful, and disposed to more extreme 
measures. 

On the other hand many, who up to this time had been 
acting with the opposition to the king, began now to think 
that enough had been demanded of him, and that further 
concessions would reduce the royal power to a shadow. As 
a result, the constitutional party in Parliament began to de- 
crease in numbers and the moderate supporters of the king 
to grow more numerous. 

571. The King determines to resist. — In these circum- 
stances, at the opening of the second session of the Long 
Parliament, the popular party proposed the adoption by the 
Commons of the Grand Remonstrance, a formal declaration 
of their position, and to appeal to the support of the nation. 
This they were able to carry by only a small majority. Now 
Charles determined to abandon the policy of concession 
and to adopt that of resistance. 

His first step was to lay before the House of Lords an im- 
peachment of treason of five members of the Commons, 
including Hampden and Pym, the leaders of the constitu- 
tional party. This was an illegal step on the part of the 
king, since he had no right to make use of an impeachment 
trial, but only of a jury trial in the ordinary courts. A still 
greater violation of right was his invasion in person of the 
House of Commons to try to arrest the five members. The 



§ 572] Character of the Covunouwealth 



535 



attempt was a failure, and the incident served only to em- 
bitter both sides and to aid in convincing them both that an 
appeal to force would ultimately be necessary. 

The open issue came on a struggle between the king and 
the parhamentary party for the control of the militia in the 
counties on which much would depend if civil strife should 
begin. The Parliament was successful in this because the 
popular sympathy was on its side, but Charles would not give 
his consent to their arrangements, and on the 22d of August 
raised his standard at Nottingham and began the civil war. 

572. The Constitutional Character of the Commonwealth. 
— We are not concerned here with the details of the " Great 
RebeUion." The governments of the Commonwealth and 
of the Protectorate are hardly in line with the special, or 
perhaps it would be more accurate to say with the con- 
temporary, development of the Enghsh constitution. But 
they are in harmony with the deeper spirit of that develop- 
ment which was already at that time showing itself, as it 
has since continued to do, in the wider Anglo-Saxon world 
beyond the seas, and which has come into control in Eng- 
land also, in reality if not in form, in the last part of the 
nineteenth century. 

Before the organization of the commonwealth, the Puri- 
tan party had founded in New England a series of republics 
with a strong ultimate tendency towards democracy, and the 
other colonies in America, as all later English colonies have 
been, were virtual republics, with the same democratic ten- 
dency more or less perfectly realized according to circum- 
stances. 

The constitutional documents of the commonwealth pe- 
riod have an especial interest for us because of a certain 
resemblance in some of the innovations which they made, 
which were to pass out of use immediately in England, 
with expedients which the framers of the Constitution of 
the United States afterwards adopted. The written con- 
stitution itself is one of these which has never been adopted 
in England. But the monarchical drift was too strong in 



The war 
begun. 
Gardiner, 
164-182. 



Not in the 
direct hue 
of EngHsh 
develop- 



The English 
repubUcs in 
America. 



A slight 
foreshadow- 
ing of 
American 
institutions. 
See 

Gardiner, 
270 and 314 , 
Old South, 
26 aiid 27. 



536 



The Anglo-Saxon Constitutions [§§ 573? 574 



The com- 
monwealth 
becomes a 
monarchy. 



Charles II. 
Boyle, 
Clarendon, 
286-290. 



James II. 



His arbitrary 
acts. 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist, 

530-538 : 

Montague, 

Elements, 

144-146. 



William of 
Orange 
invited to 
England. 



England in the seventeenth century. Few of the Puritans 
themselves were out-and-out republicans. Very likely also 
the situation really demanded a king, and the common- 
wealth passed into what was really a strong monarchy under 
the Protectorate. 

573. The Later Stuarts. — The Restoration in 1660 
brought the Stuarts back in the person of Charles II. He 
had learned some wisdom from the past, and was careful 
not to allow himself to come to an open breach with the 
Parliament, though in the last years of his reign he showed 
a decided tendency to arbitrary methods, and seemed to 
be preparing the way for an absolutism. 

His brother, James II., had the Stuart characteristics in 
their worst form. He was extremely short-sighted, obsti- 
nate, and determined to rule by his own will ; and his 
attack on the constitution was nearly as thorough-going 
as that of Richard II., though it never had any chance of 
success. He ordered the illegal collection of taxes ; gath- 
ered a standing army of unusual size with which he hoped 
to overawe opposition; forced the judges to support his 
policy ; and with their aid exercised the right which he 
claimed of suspending the operation of laws. So rapid was 
the development of the king's purposes, and so great the 
fear of the Roman Catholic religion, which he openly pro- 
fessed, that all parties were united in a determination to 
protect the constitution. 

574. The Revolution of i688. — The crisis was brought 
on by the birth of the Prince of Wales. Till that event, 
the Princess Mary, wife of William of Orange, had been 
the heir of the throne, and the nation had had reason to 
expect a change on the death of James. Now this hope 
was destroyed, and revolution seemed the only recourse. 
An invitation was at once sent to William by leaders of 
both parties, and on the 5th of November, 1688, he landed 
in England with a small force. James' power immediately 
crumbled in his hands. His supporters abandoned him, 
and in six weeks he was a fugitive in France. 



§ 576] Constitutional Questions in the Colonies 537 



With the expulsion of James II. the last attempt failed 
which any English sovereign has made to throw off the 
bonds which the gradual growth of the constitution had 
placed on the exercise of an arbitrary authority. Some 
later kings have attempted to influence the policy of the 
State according to their own ideas, but never to the extent 
of an open breach with the constitution. 

575. The Results of the Revolution. — The convention 
Parliament, which assembled soon after the flight of James, 
drew up a formal statement of the arbitrary acts of the 
king and declared them illegal, and it was on the con- 
dition of accepting this declaration that William and Mary 
obtained the throne. This declaration was soon afterwards 
embodied in a regular statute, called the Bill of Rights, 
and takes its place among the great constitutional docu- 
ments of our history. Some of its clauses are closely copied 
in the Constitution of the United States. 

So far as the larger principles of the constitution are 
concerned, the revolution of 1688 did no more than to 
restore what already existed under the Lancastrian kings 
in the fifteenth century, but these principles were now 
defined in the clearest way and rendered safe from any 
future attack. The attempt of the Stuart kings to free 
themselves from restraint had led to a more definite un- 
derstanding of the constitution, and this was a gain of the 
greatest importance. 

In minor points some positive advance had been made : 
in establishing the independence of the judges, so that 
in the future they could not be used as the tools of the 
executive ; in placing the army more completely under 
the control of the legislature ; and in protecting the citi- 
zen more perfectly from arbitrary arrest and unfair trial. 

576. Constitutional Questions in the Colonies. — In the 
meantime the Enghsh colonies in America had so increased 
in population and strength that they had become themselves 
interested in constitutional questions, and that the govern- 
ment at home had begun to look upon their virtual indepen- 



No revolu- 
tion again 
necessary in 
England. 
Medley, 
Manual, 
Sees. 45 
and 46. 

The Bill of 
Rights. 
Text, Old 
South, 19; 
Stubbs, 
523 ; Lieber, 
Civil Liberty; 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 
543- 



A clearer 
understand- 
ing of the 
constitution. 



In some 
details a real 
advance. 



Growing in 
interest and 
importance. 



538 



The An^lo-Saxon ConstitJitions [§§ 577^ 57^ 



The govern- 
ment of 
Andres. 



Struggle to 
subject the 
executive to 
the legislat- 
ure. 



Perfection of 
details. 



Act of 
Settlement. 
Montague, 
Elements, 

153-156 ; 

text, Stubbs, 
528; 
Taswell- 
Langmead, 
Cons. Hist., 

551- 

Growth of 

cabinet 

system. 

Montague, 

Eleme?its, 

163-173. 

Difference in 
executive 



dence with some suspicion. The last two Stuarts included 
a consolidation and increase of the royal authority in 
America among their plans, and towards the close of the 
reign of Charles I. the charter of Massachusetts was annulled. 

Soon after Sir Edmund Andros was made governor of all 
the northern colonies and established a " tyranny " in America 
similar to that of James II. in England, but on the news of 
the revolution in the mother country he was at once de- 
prived of power and thrown into prison. 

In most of the colonies the history of the eighteenth cen- 
tury is the story of a struggle between the appointed royal 
governors and the elected legislatures, in which the legislat- 
ures were winning more and more power by taking advan- 
tage of the financial necessities of the executives, a process 
which is closely like in detail, and entirely so in principle, 
to that by which the Parliament in England had established 
its power over the king. 

577. Progress in the Eighteenth Century in England. — 
The constitutional history of the eighteenth century in Eng- 
land continues that of the revolution. Some of the great 
principles were more clearly defined, some minor advances 
made, and some better government machinery devised. The 
Act of Settlement, by which the throne was secured to the 
house of Hanover, proclaimed in the clearest way the right 
of Parliament to declare who should be king, and to give a 
title to the crown better than all others. The civil liberty 
of the citizen received further protection — in the perfection 
of the jury trial, for instance, and the prohibition of general 
warrants — and the development of the modem cabinet sys- 
tem provided more simple machinery for the control of the 
policy of the government by Parliament, though the perfec- 
tion of this new device came only in the nineteenth century. 

578. The Constitution of the United States. — We have 
already seen how one result of the struggle between England 
and France for colonial empire was the independence of the 
thirteen colonies. When the Americans came to frame their 
Constitution, the fact that they wished to create a republic 



§ 579] Tendency tozvards Democracy 539 

instead of a monarchy led to some changes of form from the 
Enghsh constitution. The most important of these changes 
from the constitution as it then existed in England was the 
fact that both the executive and the upper house of the na- 
tional legislature were made elective, and both these institu- 
tions were given such a place in the government that in the 
hundred years since their founding both have gained in 
power rather than lost it, as in England. 

The difference in form which seems to us now the most 
striking is that in the relation of the cabinet to the lower 
house, but it must be remembered that at the close of the 
eighteenth century statesmen even in England did not real- 
ize that relation clearly. It is the experience of the nine- 
teenth century which has brought the forms under which the 
House of Commons now controls the cabinet to their full 
perfection. 

In the English system the prime minister is the real ex- 
ecutive, and not the sovereign. He forms his cabinet of 
the other leaders of his party, and they hold office so long 
as the measures which they propose command the support 
of a majority of the House of Commons. When one of 
their measures is defeated, either the cabinet resigns and the 
leader of the opposite party forms a new one, or the Parlia- 
ment is dissolved and the voters of the nation are asked to 
decide between the two lines of policy advocated by the 
opposing parties. The election determines at once whether 
the old cabinet shall go on or a new one be formed from 
the other party. 

579. Tendency towards Democracy. — Though differing 
in this way in form, still in principle and in almost all minor 
details, the Constitution of the United States is thoroughly 
English. Other differences than those of form are chiefly 
more rapid advances along the road which the race had 
long been following, and in which England herself was to 
advance more slowly. This is especially true of the most 
important of these differences — the more democratic cast 
of our government. The colonies had always been demo- 



and upper 
house. 



Difference in 
cabinet. 



The English 

cabinet 

system. 

Medley, 

Manual, 

Sees. 16-17 ; 

Taswell- 

Langmead, 

Cons. Hist., 

556-571 ; 

Montague, 

Elements, 

215-222. 



Democracy 
adopted first 
in America. 



540 



The Ano^lo-Saxon Cojistitiitions [§§ 58°) S^i 



More 
gradually 
adopted in 
England. 



Widely 
adopted 
throughout 
the world. 



cratic in spirit, and though democracy was not perfectly 
reahzed in practice at the time the Constitution was adopted, 
still the drift in that direction was so strong and so thor- 
oughly in harmony with all the tendencies of the race that 
this realization was not long delayed in America. 

In England the first steps towards a more democratic 
government would undoubtedly have been taken before the 
close of the eighteenth century had it not been for the 
French Revolution, which naturally, but somewhat needlessly, 
alarmed the property classes. As it was, the first step was 
postponed a generation, and was finally taken in the first 
Reform Bill which was adopted in 1832. Since then, by a 
series of such bills at intervals, the qualifications required of 
the voter have been gradually reduced until now there is 
hardly a man in England who cannot become a voter if he 
cares to be one. 

580. Anglo-Saxon Institutions in Other States. — In the 
past hundred years the Anglo-Saxon constitutions have been 
widely adopted throughout the world, almost every civihzed 
nation of the present time having imitated more or less 
closely some of our institutions. As most of these states 
retain monarchical forms, and desire a constitution which 
will be at once monarchical in name and republican in fact, 
the English constitution has been rather more extensively 
imitated than the American. Even the French republic 
follows the English model, and it must be admitted that the 
English cabinet system secures to a democracy, more per- 
fectly than the American, a control over the government 
policy. It is, however, open to question whether this will 
be considered in the long run an advantage, and whether 
the American cabinet system, combined with a stronger 
executive, does not furnish a check to hasty action very 
necessary in a thoroughly democratic state — a need which 
England is more likely to feel in the twentieth century than 
she has in the nineteenth. 

581. The Common Work of England and America. — 
Besides furnishing an example for the imitation of other 



§581] Counnoji Work of England and America 541 

states, each of the two great Anglo-Saxon nations has had Different 
its own special mission. That of the United States has been P''^^^^ ^^ 

^ ... the same 

to establish these principles of liberty throughout an empire vvork. 
nearly twice the extent of the Roman, and to absorb into 
the race and train in self-governing freedom millions of 
aliens who have come to them from other nations. Eng- 
land's has been to estabhsh the same Hberty throughout vast 
regions of the world, on every continent and in great island 
states, and to undertake the gigantic task, greater even than 
America's, of training up to freedom millions upon millions 
of alien and uneducated races. These are, in truth, but 
different phases of the same task, and together in this com- 
mon mission, in harmony for the poHtical freedom and best 
good of all the world, our race ought to be able, both by 
its example and by its power to protect the right, to prevent 
any further extension of tyranny and by degrees even to 
banish despotism from the world. 





Topics 

Why is the study of Anglo-Saxon institutions especially important? 
The government of the first Norman kings. What led to the charter 
of Henry I.? The character of this charter. How was the principle 
involved in the charter extended under Stephen? The government of 
the first Angevin kings. Describe the judicial system organized by 
Henry II. What do we derive from it? Why was King John involved 
in special difficulties about taxation? How did this lead to the Magna 
Charta? The contents and meaning of the Magna Charta. Its special 
importance in the growth of the constitution. How was the right of 



542 TJie Anglo-Saxon Constitutions 

insurrection used under John and under Henry III.? Tiie beginning 
of the idea of a Hmited monarchy. The steps which led to the forma- 
tion of Parliament. What were knights of the shire? What led to 
their use as county representatives? The first town representation. 
The " model Parliament." Just what was the institutional change which 
created Parliament ? How did Parliament secure finally the right to 
control taxation ? State the four great rights established by Parliament 
in the fourteenth century, and how each was gained. In how far was 
England then a limited monarchy ? What was involved in the revolu- 
tion of 1399 ? How was the right of deposition established, and of 
what earlier right was it the logical outcome ? How was this right 
carried still further in 1399 ? Later development of this right. The 
progress of the Lancastrian period. The constitution in the Yorkist 
period. The institutional character of Tudor absolutism. What cir- 
cumstances of the time made a strong government necessary ? Specific 
instances of Tudor arbitrary rule. Change in the constitutional position 
of the Church. In what respects was the situation changed at the ac- 
cession of the Stuarts? Reasons for the attitude of the kings. Parties 
in England. Character of the Petition of Right. The steps which led 
to civil war. What constitutional rights were involved ? Construct 
Charles I.'s argument for his case. The relation of the commonwealth 
to the growth of the constitution. The policy of the later Stuarts. 
Compare the revolution of 1688 with that of 1399. The Bill of Rights. 
What did the revolution of 1688 accomplish ? How were the colonies 
involved in the Stuart troubles ? What were their own constitutional 
problems ? The eighteenth century in England. Why was not the 
American Constitution exactly like the English ? What are the chief 
differences ? Explain the English cabinet system. The difference in 
the two states in the progress towards democracy. Anglo-Saxon insti- 
tutions in other states. The special missions and the common work of 
England and America. 

Topics for Assigned Studies 

The judicial system of Henry 11. Medley, Manual, Sees. 51 and 52. 

Taswell-Langmead, Cons. Hist., 129-143. Montague, Elements, 

31-33, 47-50 ; Social England, I., 285-298 ; Penn. I., No. 6, 

2d ed. 
Compare the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the 

United States, especially Amendments I.-VIIL, with the Bill of 

Rights. 
The reform bills. Montague, Elements, 206-212. Medley, Mattual, 

Sec. 32. Taswell-Langmead, Cojis. Hist., 606-610. Speech of 

Macaulay on first reform bill, in Adams, British Orations, III., 62, 

and in Political Orations (Camelot Series), 295. 



Importajit Dates for Review 



543 



Important Dates for Review^ 



IIOO 






Charter of Henry I. 




I2I5 






Magna Charta. 




1295 






The Model Parliament. 




1399 






First constitutional revolution 




1485 






Accession of the Tudors. 




1628 






The Petition of Right. 




1649 






Charles I. executed. 




1688 






James II. dethroned. 




1689 






Bill of Rights. 




1700 






Act of Settlement. 




I7I4 






Accession of George I. 




1776 






Declaration of Independence. 




1788 






Constitution of United States 


adopted 


1832 






First Reform Bill. 





CHAPTER IX 

SCIENTIFIC AND ECONOMIC ADVANCE SINCE THE 
RENAISSANCE i 

Books for Reference and Further Reading 

yitytr, His^oiy of Cheinisiry. (Macmillan ; ^4.50.) 

Sachs, History of Botany. (Clarendon ; ^2.50.) 

Clerke, History of Astronomy during the Nineteenth Century. 

(Macmillan; $4.00.) 
Lubbock, 77/?K Years of Science. (Macmillan.) 
Cunningham, Groivth of English Industry and Commerce in Modern 

Times. (Macmillan; $4.50.) 
Traill, Social England. Vols. III. to VI. (Putnam; $3.50 per vol.) 
The First Century of the Republic. (Harper.) 
Rambaud, Histoire de la Civilisation Contemporaine en France. 

(Paris: Colin.; 5 francs.) 
Escott, Social Transformatio)is of the Victorian Age. (Scribner; 

^2.00.) 
Wallace, The Wonderful Century. (Dodd, Mead & Co. ; ;^2.50.) 
Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and Wages. (Putnam ; $3.00.) 

In the first 582. The Close of the Renaissance. — As we have already 

part of the seen, the first great intellectual age of modern times, and 

sixteenth , !- Z. . , 1 ^ r 1 

century. the first age of great economic changes was the fifteenth 

century, the age of the revival of learning with the invention 
of printing, and of the oceanic discoveries, east and west, 
with their commercial and economic consequences. We 
have also seen how this age came to a rather sudden close, 
involved in the equally great revolutionary age which 

1 It is probable that this chapter, like the preceding, will be found to 
have its greatest value for advanced classes. 

Much of the history, which is covered in outline by this chapter, has still 
to be written, and as a consequence both the bibliography of the chapter 
and the specific references are incomplete. 

544 



§§583.584] A Great Agr of Scientific Work 545 



followed the teaching of Luther, in the European wars and 
the civil wars which filled the whole remaining part of the 
sixteenth century. The result was that science, which had 
made so good a beginning in the work of Copernicus, took 
no further step in advance in the century, and even classi- 
cal learning, which might rightfully claim the highest achieve- 
ments of the fifteenth century, passed into a new age of 
scholasticism, dominated by the rules of a barren style, and 
with a new dictator in Cicero, as absolute as Aristotle had 
been in the earlier scholasticism. 

583. The Great Age of English Literature. — With the 
closing years of the sixteenth century there begin to be 
signs of a new age of intellectual activity. This is partic- 
ularly true of England in the field of literature, as if the 
stimulus of the great struggle for life and death with Spain 
had been immediately felt. This was a conflict, indeed, 
well calculated to quicken mind, fought as so much of it 
was in the waters of the new world, in the midst of strange 
and thrilling scenes, and with all the enthusiasm awakened 
by desperate odds and the most invincible courage. 

The finest products of the age of Elizabeth were in the 
form of dramas. This would naturally be the case. An 
age of great achievement is an age which delights in story- 
telling, and the romances and novels of a time when books 
were expensive and little general reading was done, were 
most easily published upon the stage. The greatest of the 
dramatists was Shakespeare, but the fact that in the mind of 
to-day he seems to stand almost alone for the whole age, 
should not make us overlook the very rich product of the 
minor dramatists, especially of Ben Jonson, Marlowe, and 
Beaumont and Fletcher. 

584. A Great Age of Scientific Work. — The great work 
of the seventeenth century, however, greater even than its 
literature, was to be its science. A connecting link between 
the two forms of intellectual activity in England was Francis 
Bacon, whose Essays were a permanent contribution to 
literature and his Advancenieut of Learning to l)Oth. He 

2 N 



A new 
scholasti- 
cism. 

The Eliza- 
bethan age. 



Dramatic 
literature. 



Lord Bacon. 

Wright's 
Bacon's 
Advancement 
of Learning 
(Clarendon). 



546 



Advance since the Renaissance 



[§585 



Kepler and 
Galileo. 



Sir Isaac 
Newton. 



Great 

progress 
during this 



attacked with vigor the scholasticism of his day, and pro- 
claimed in language eloquent and convincing the necessity 
of observation and experiment and of the inductive method. 
If Bacon's services in the actual and practical development 
of modern science would not now be estimated so highly as 
formerly, he at least influenced individual students and in 
the right direction. 

Already, independently of any influence of Bacon's, the 
science of the seventeenth century, probably the greatest 
age of modern science considered in its relative accomplish- 
ment, had begun in the work of Kepler and Galileo. On 
the basis of the Copernican theory of the solar system, 
Kepler explained more accurately the orbits of the planets 
and stated the three fundamental laws of their motions. At 
the same time Galileo in Italy placed the truth of the 
Copernican explanation of the solar universe beyond all 
doubt by discovering the moons of Jupiter and the fact that 
Venus shows the same phases as our moon. 

585. The Law of Gravitation. — These great discoveries 
formed the foundation for much detailed work of value in 
the years that followed. Before the century closed, its 
marvellous progress towards a right understanding of the 
universe was completed by the discovery of the law of 
gravitation by Sir Isaac Newton. This discovery, agreeing 
with the laws of Kepler and with the known facts of obser- 
vation, and tending to take the place of the somewhat 
speculative theories of Descartes in regard to the physical 
constitution of the universe, which nevertheless had been of 
service in the progress of science, completed the mathe- 
matical and practical demonstration of the new astronomy, 
and placed the science on the most solid foundation. 

Comparing what was known in this field in the year 1600, 
with what was known at the death of Newton, we are forced 
to say that even the nineteenth century has not broadened 
the field of human knowledge more than did the earlier age, 
nor in any more important respects has it given us new or 
more accurate conceptions of the physical universe. 



§§ 586-588] The Idea of the Reign of Laiv 



547 



586. The International Character of Science. — In a very All countries 
interesting way this earlier progress of astronomy illustrates ^"^''^ '" '^* 
one feature of all modern scientific study — its international 
character. The first step, the statement of the heliocen- 
tric theory, was taken by Copernicus in Poland. This 

theory was definitely proved by Galileo in Italy, but his 
work was rendered possible only by the hint, at least, of the 
telescope which came to him from Holland. The demon- 
stration was completed by Kepler in Germany, but his work 
was based upon data furnished by the observations of 
Tycho Brahe, the Dane. The final step was taken by 
Newton in England in the establishment of the law of gravi- 
tation, but in order to complete his proof he was obliged to 
wait for the correct measurement of a degree of latitude by 
the Frenchman Picard. Almost every people of Europe 
had its share in this great building. 

587. Advance in Other Sciences. — No other science of 
the seventeenth century was so far advanced as astronomy, 
but in several preliminary work of great importance was 
done, and in some advances were made almost as revolu- 
tionary in character as those in astronomy. Galileo's dis- 
coveries in physics rank second only to those already 
mentioned. In mathematics the introduction of logarithms 
by Napier, and in medicine the discovery of the circulation 
of the blood by Harvey, both coming in the early years of 
the century, imparted a new impetus to the progress of 
these sciences. 

588. The Idea of the Reign of Law. — Taken altogether, A result of 
so great was the progress of science in this age that some- 
time before its close we notice one result of it on men's 
general ways of thinking which had important consequences 
far outside the field of science proper. This was in the 
conception of law and its operation in the universe, which, 
in the way in which we hold it to-day, now comes into gen- 
eral thinking for the first time. It was, of course, in the 
field of science a most fruitful idea, but more interesting 
results for us lay in other directions. 



Physics, 
mathematics, 
and medi- 
cine. 



the progress 
of science. 



548 



Advance since the Renaissance [§§ S^g- 59° 



The 

philosophy 
of Locke. 



Attack on 
the idea of 
a divine 
revelation. 



Influence on 

Christian 

thought. 



Influence on 
the age of 
revolution. 



Voltaire and 
Montes- 
quieu. 



Upon this idea, as its fundamental conception, was based 
a school of empirical or sensational philosophical teaching, 
whose most famous leader was Locke. He developed the 
new philosophy in most interesting ways in psychology, edu- 
cation, and the science of government, with results, in this 
last direction at least, which were long and widely felt in 
France and America. 

589. The English Deists. — A still further manifestation 
of this belief in the reign of law was the party of the Eng- 
lish Deists, who failed to reconcile in their own minds this 
new idea with the older one of miracles, and a supernatural 
government of the world, especially as related to a divine 
revelation. Their exceedingly vigorous attack upon these 
notions forced the leaders of Christian thought to a review 
of their position, and to much clearer conception and 
sharper definition than ever before of their religious ideas, 
especially those concerning the method and plan of reve- 
lation ; and though these have been in turn superseded in 
many most essential points by the still clearer thinking of 
the nineteenth century, they nevertheless represent a great 
advance in our understanding of the dealings of Providence 
with mankind. 

But the influence of this school of thinkers upon the 
religious ideas of the world does not exhaust its historical 
importance. Through them the scientific movement of the 
seventeenth century and the intellectual changes which 
resulted had their influence on the great revolutionary 
movement which was to be characteristic of the eighteenth 
century. 

590. Leaders of French Thought in England. — Early in 
that century there came to England refugees from the per- 
secution which too bold thinking entailed in France. The 
most famous of these were Voltaire and Montesquieu. lx\ 
England they came in contact with three different lines 
of influence, which affected in a marked degree their later 
efforts for reform : English civil liberty, which, though 
not as complete as in the nineteenth century, M'as far in 



§ 591] 



FrcucJi Leadership 



549 



advance of anything in France ; the political philosophy 
of Locke ; and the ideas of the Deists, especially the idea 
of bringing old beliefs to a searching, critical examination. 
Their English training and observation clarified and fixed 
their ideas, and gave definite aim and purpose to the 
strong demand for reform to which they had already given 
voice — ■ a demand which had not unnaturally made itself 
felt under the absolutism of the French kings and the 
abuses of all sorts which accompanied it. They returned 
to France and carried on the attack with new ammunition 
and redoubled energy, imparting to the nation the con- 
ceptions of government and of freedom, intellectual and 
political, which they had gained. 

The influence of these ideas in preparing the way for 
the French Revolution we have already seen. But their 
influence was not confined to France. Through France 
they spread to all Europe, and, though checked in their 
immediate operation by the fears which the Revolution ex- 
cited in the European governments, they have, reenforced 
by other influences, brought forth abundant fruit in the 
nineteenth century. 

591. French Intellectual and Social Leadership. — France 
exercised in the eighteenth century a kind of despotic 
sway over the minds of men. Her great power under 
Louis XIV., and long and fairly successful struggle against 
almost all Europe ; the brilliance of that age in literature ; 
the great age of the French drama, of Corneille, Moliere, 
and Racine ; the refinement of the French language, as com- 
pared with most other European tongues ; and the grace 
and elegance of French fashionable life, — all these had 
combined to give to France an intellectual and social in- 
fluence over the entire continent which made her a leader 
and teacher through the whole eighteenth century, so 
powerful an influence indeed that some traces of it remain 
even at the present time under wholly changed conditions. 
French became a kind of universal language, and to imi- 
tate Versailles and the French court a sort of religion. 



Influenced 
by English 
i(le;is. 
Morley, 
/ 'cltaire 
(Macmil- 
lan), 94. 



Through 
Fiance they 
influence 
Europe. 



Imitated by 
all the 
continent. 



550 



Advance since the Renaissance [§§5927 593 



Reform by 

paternal 
governments. 
Stephens, 
Periods, 4-5. 



An age of 

preparation. 

Taine, 

Ancient 

Regime, 

170-174. 



592. The Benevolent Despots. — The works of the re- 
formers, which were rather the fashion in France, notwith- 
standing their attacks on Church and State, were eagerly 
sought for everywhere and carefully studied by statesmen 
and sovereigns. One interesting result was the attempts 
which were made by the so-called benevolent despots, espe- 
cially by Joseph 11. of Austria, but even by Frederick the 
Great and Catherine II. of Russia, and by statesmen like 
Pombal in Portugal, to introduce reforms by paternal meth- 
ods. These attempts all came to failure, as it was perhaps 
inevitable that they should, based as they were on pure 
theory and carried out under the direction of absolute gov- 
ernments ; but they serve to show us clearly how strong the 
belief in the necessity of reform had come to be, even 
among the highest classes, and this was one of the most 
important conditions of the success of the Revolution. For 
this belief on the part of those most interested to preserve 
the old abuses undermined their power of resistance when 
the people began the attack. 

593. Character of Eighteenth Century Science. — In re- 
gard to its larger intellectual features we may say of the 
eighteenth century that it was, on the whole, an age of 
destruction rather than of construction, and yet the work 
which it did in the advancement of science was of the utmost 
importance. It may be called a great age of observation 
and experiment, of the collection and classification of facts, 
rather than of the discovery of new laws or of great advances 
in the understanding of the universe as the seventeenth 
century had been. It was a time of bringing the old theories 
to the test of scientific criticism, of becoming conscious of 
their defects, and of preparing for new and better explana- 
tions by the careful marshalling of related facts. There 
were some by no means slight advances made, but the great 
work of the eighteenth century in science was to make the 
necessary preparation for the progress of the following age. 
The wonderful scientific discoveries of the nineteenth century 
were possible because the eighteenth had cleared the way 
and provided the means. 




Be.njam I N Fk a nklin 



§§ 594. 595] 



A Neiv Science 



551 



594. Positive advances in Science. — Two particularly 
important advances of the eighteenth century must not be 
overlooked. One was the discovery of oxygen and the 
understanding of the true nature of combustion which fol- 
lowed, overthrowing the old theory of phlogiston which had 
been the ruling explanation for nearly a hundred years. The 
other was the work of Laplace in astronomy, published just 
at the end of the century, which put the knowledge of the 
time into still more scientific form, and made a most valuable 
suggestion for the future in the statement of the nebular 
hypothesis. In the natural sciences much better methods 
of classification were introduced than ever before, in botany 
by the work of Linnaeus, and in zoology by that of Buffon 
and later of Cuvier. The study of these sciences advanced 
so far, indeed, as to afford some foregleams of the great 
discovery of the nineteenth century, — the theory of evolu- 
tion, — of especial interest in the case of the elder Darwin, 
grandfather of the author of the "Origin of Species." In 
medicine the introduction of inoculation for the small-pox 
must not be forgotten, the first step towards the wonderful 
immunity from certain especially dangerous diseases which 
we are now on the eve of acquiring, nor in physics the 
beginning of the scientific study of electricity in the work of 
Volta, Galvini, and Franklin. 

595. A New Science. — One new science, which in our 
own time has reached most important conclusions, dates its 
beginning from the eighteenth century, — the science of po- 
litical economy. Colbert at the close of the seventeenth 
century had held certain theories, chiefly concerning govern- 
ment supervision of industry and commerce ; but thinking 
in regard to the production and distribution of wealth had 
never taken any organized form until the rise of the school 
of the Physiocrats in France. Quesnay may be called the 
founder of the science. The new ideas were enlarged by 
Cournay and later still by Turgot, but the work which gave 
the new science its definite form was Adam Smith's "Wealth 
of Nations," published in Scotland in 1776. 



Physics and 
astronomy. 



Botany and 

zoology. 

Darwin, 
Origin of 

Species. 
Preface to 
Am. edition. 



Political 
economy. 



552 



Advance since the Rcjiaissance [§§ 596j 597 



A succession 
of inventions. 
Cunning- 
ham, 

hidustry and 
Commerce , 
Modern, 
447-475; 
First Century 
of Republic, 
Cliap. II. 



596. The Age of Machinery Begins. — In one direction 

the eighteenth century brought about as revolutionary 
changes as any produced by the nineteenth, in the intro- 
duction of the great age of machinery in manufiacturing. 
Between 1760 and 1800 a series of most remarkable inven- 
tions and improvements followed one another with unheard 
of rapidity. The steam-engine was so greatly improved 
that it could be put to practical use for the first time, and 
we are in the habit of saying that it was then invented. A 




The Cotton-gin 



succession of inventions of machinery for spinning and 
weaving, by Hargreaves, Arkwright, Compton, and Cart- 
wright, revolutionized the making of cloth. At the same 
time improvements in the mining of coal began to furnish 
a sufficient supply of fuel for these new demands, and by 
leading to new processes in the manufacture of iron and 
steel met in another direction an equally strong demand of 
the age of machinery. Finally the invention of the cotton- 
gin, by Whitney in America, enabled the producers of the 
raw material to keep pace with the manufacturers, and to 
share in the benefits of the new era. 

597. The Effect upon Manufacturing. — It was a new era 



598] 



The Effect upon Labor 



55; 



indeed, and its results touched almost every side of life. In 
manufacturing there was a complete transformation. Up to 
this time everything had been upon a small scale and 
entirely unorganized. In the making of cloth of all kinds, 
for example, the most important industry before the nine- 
teenth century, nearly everything was done by individual 
effort and in the houses of the workmen. Now not merely 
was there an opportunity for the employment of capital on 
a larger scale, but there was a necessity for it if the new 
machinery was to be properly housed and operated. This 
was the beginning of the factory system. It meant the 
collection and careful organization of all parts of the process 
in one concern, and the employment of larger and larger 
amounts of capital until the enormous enterprises of the 
present day were reached. 

598. The Effect upon Labor. — The transformation of the 
laboring class was just as great. The factory system brought 
the workmen together, and put them by hundreds into the 
employ of a single concern to which they looked, not merely 
for payment, but for the direction and supervision of their 
labor. The workman was no longer, as he had been, his own 
employer, working when and how he pleased, and disposing 
of the product of his labor to the workman of the next stage 
for whose labor it was the raw material, and in the mean 
time living in a little village or even on a small farm which 
he also tilled. Now what he sold was not the product of 
his work, but his work itself under fixed rules and conditions, 
and he must live with all the other employees of the con- 
cern in the immediate neighborhood of the factory. 

The making of this transformation by the laboring class 
was a very painful process, and the first results seemed to 
be disastrous. Old-fashioned labor could not easily adapt 
itself to the change, and thousands found themselves de- 
prived of their means of sustenance. Lack of experience 
led to many evil consequences from the crowding together 
of the workmen in the new towns, and the same reason put 
them at first rather at the mercy of their employers. The 



The factory 
system made 
necessary. 



The work- 
man sells 
labor 

instead of the 
products of 
labor. 



The first 
effect 
disadvan- 
tageous to 
labor. 



554 



Advance since the Renaissance 



[§ 599 



Craik, 
'John Hali- 
fax, Gentle- 
man (novel). 

But later, 
beneficial. 



The field of 
labor greatly 
expanded. 
Cunning- 
ham, 

Industry and 
Commerce, 
Modern, 
607-651. 



Great in- 
crease of 
general 
intelligence 
and comfort. 

Rogers, 
Six Centu- 
ries, p. 497. 



result was both a great increase of poverty and suffering 
among the laborers, and the growth of a bitter feeling of 
hostility towards the capitalist who seemed to be reaping the 
only benefits from these changes and towards the new ma- 
chines which had brought them about. Frequent machine- 
breaking riots gave expression to both these feelings. Ex- 
perience by degrees brought about a better condition of 
things, and the operation of natural laws and of the con- 
tinued cheapening of manufacturing processes has tended 
to reduce the proportionate returns of the capitalist and to 
increase the real wages of the workman. 

599. The Final Effect. — In other ways also the workman 
has greatly benefited from the results of this revolution. 
The introduction of machinery speedily gave rise to new 
industries. Some of these soon passed in importance the 
great cloth-making industry of the eighteenth century, and 
in the nineteenth century the field of labor expanded enor- 
mously. The necessary cost of hving has been greatly 
reduced, and comforts and luxuries undreamed of in the 
eighteenth century have been brought within easy reach of 
the laborer's family, while progress in sanitary science has 
rendered their lives more secure. 

As a result, directly or indirectly, of these things, there has 
been a great advance of intelligence, and a clearer and better 
understanding of their true interests by the laboring class. 
Great trade organizations have been formed to look after 
these interests and, where they have been wisely directed, as 
they have increasingly been among Anglo-Saxon workmen 
with the growth of experience, many advantages have resulted. 
Relatively speaking, the artisan class has gained more from 
the new age than the capitalist class. The rich man has 
been always able to buy what comforts and luxuries he 
pleased, and the millionaire of to-day can neither purchase 
nor enjoy many more of these than his predecessor of the 
end of the eighteenth century ; but the wildest prophet of 
that time would never have ventured to foresee the present 
improved condition of the intelligent laborer. 



§§ 6oo, 6oi] TJic Accumulation of Wealth 



555 



600. Political Results. — -Politically the effect of these 
changes has been as marked as economically, especially in 
England. At first the middle class rose to a new social and 
political importance. The centre of power began to shift 
from the country, and the land-owning class, where it had 
always been, to the new towns and the new wealthy manu- 
facturers and merchants. Conscious of their power, they 
began to insist upon the reform of the system of parlia- 
mentary representation ; and the result was the first reform 
bill of 1832, which gave representation for the first time 
to the great manufacturing towns. The process did not 
stop at this point, but by successive stages the State became 
more and more democratic, until it was practically under 
the control of the mass of the people. The United States 
began with a more democratic theory, but at first this was 
not perfectly realized in practice, and the tendency has 
been in the same direction as in England, though less 
noticeable and more quickly and more completely accom- 
plished. This tendency has been perhaps still more marked 
in the Australian colonies, where many measures of an 
extreme democratic, almost of a socialistic, stamp have 
been adopted, apparently to the satisfaction of the public, 
though we should look upon their operation with dread. 

601. The Accumulation of Wealth. — Upon the accumu- 
lation of wealth, both by individuals and by the community 
in general, the economic revolution of the end of the eigh- 
teenth century had naturally a profound influence. The 
introduction of machinery was like the opening of number- 
less mines of gold. At first the great profits derived from 
the new methods of work were chiefly absorbed by the 
capitalist class. But they had their burdens to bear in 
return, for it was this rapid production of wealth that en- 
abled England to endure the long strain of the Napoleonic 
wars without ruin. Later the products of industry have 
])een more fairly divided, and the statistics of the income 
tax and of savings banks seem to indicate that the middle 
and working classes have gained relatively more than the 



Advance of 

the middle 

class. 

Montague, 

Elemoits, 

191-193. 



Then a 

democratic 

tendency. 



Vastly in- 
creased pro- 
duction of 
wealth. 
Escott, 
Social 

Transforma- 
tions, 13 -38. 



556 



Advance since the Renaissance 



[§ 60: 



Wealth in 
the Anglo- 
Saxon 
world. 



Of great 
variety. 
First Century 
of the 
Republic, 
Chap. XI. 



Political 
applications 
of science. 



Transporta- 
tion. 



Applications 
of electricity. 



rich, notwithstanding the building up of enormous individual 
fortunes. 

Wealth in the Anglo-Saxon world has increased more 
rapidly than population even, and now comprises one-third 
of that of the whole globe. It has been said that the 
amount saved and added to capital in England between 
i860 and 1870 was enough to purchase the whole kingdom 
as it existed in 1815, and the census of 1880 showed the 
United States to be the richest nation of the world. In 
the expansion of the race, these facts have been of great 
importance. While England has formed and administered 
the largest empire of history, and has had innumerable 
frontier wars to pay for, and a great fleet to maintain, her 
national debt has been reduced since 18 15 by a thousand 
million dollars, and is now, in proportion to the wealth of 
the nation as compared with that of the earlier date, almost 
insignificant. 

602. Nineteenth-century Science. — The scientific work 
of the nineteenth century has covered such a wide variety 
of subjects, and made such a multitude of discoveries, that 
any brief statement of its results is impossible. Only the 
general characteristics and the most important advances of 
the age can be pointed out. 

Two marked traits characterize throughout the science of 
the century. One of these is the rapid application of dis- 
coveries in pure science to practical purposes in improved 
economic appliances or in increasing the conveniences and 
comforts of men. This began in the opening of the great 
age of machinery and has continued ever since. 

The nineteenth century was only well under way when 
the apphcation of the steam-engine to transportation, in the 
railway and in the steamboat, revolutionized commerce, 
and enabled it to keep pace in the distribution of goods 
with the enormous output resulting from the new processes 
of manufacture. Since that time the most interesting and 
even startling of these applications of science have been in 
the field of electricity, the telegraph, the telephone, electric 



6o3] 



Advances in Pure Science 



557 



lighting, and electric motive power. These are almost 
equalled in interest by lucifer matches and photography, 
both now so familiar that the first impression made by their 
introduction is forgotten ; and in the field of surgery and 
medicine by anaesthetics, antiseptic surgery, and the new 
methods of meeting and overcoming diseases which are due 
to germs. But these together are only a very few from the 
long list of such applications of science, and one may per- 
haps gain some idea of their influence upon our lives by 
imagining ourselves deprived of all such applications and 
inventions of the last hundred years. 

603. Advances in Pure Science. — Another chief charac- 
teristic of the science of the nineteenth century is its won- 
derful progress in the discovery of the laws of nature in 
every department of nature's activity. The careful study of 
the facts during the previous century had prepared the way 
for great advances in the understanding of the forces behind 
the facts, and these the next age made. 

In this case, also, our list must be a very brief one and 
of the most important advances only : the conservation of 
energy, the theories of the molecular structure of matter, 
of organic evolution, of the cell structure of living organisms 
with the resulting science of embryology, and the germ 
theory of diseases. It is difficult to find anything in the 
history of the past with which to compare these, in their 
influence upon our understanding of nature, unless it be 
Newton's theory of gravitation alone, but discoveries only 
less in importance to these have affected every branch of 
knowledge. 

If it is possible that the seventeenth century made a 
greater relative progress in science, that is a greater progress 
considering the point at which it began, it is hardly too 
much to say of the nineteenth that its absolute progress is 
as great as that of all preceding time. We may now almost 
venture to look forward to a time, not very distant in the 
future, when all natural forces will have been brought into 
the service of man, and when nearly all the suffering, danger, 



Other prac- 
tical results 
of science. 



The dis- 
covery of 
natural laws. 



The most 
important 
discoveries. 



The greatest 
age of the 
world's 
scientific 
history. 
Wallace, 
Wonderful 
Century, 
Chap. XV. 



558 Advance since the Renaissance 

and disease due to our ignorance of nature's ways or to our 
inability to foresee or control her operations will have 
disappeared. 



Topics 

In what way did the age of the revival uf leaniiiig close? The fust 
great age of English literature. The work of Lord Bacon. Progress 
in astronomy in the seventeenth century. The law of gravitation. 
The international character of modern science. The scientific work of 
the seventeenth century as a whole. The idea of natural law. '1 lie 
ideas of the Deists. English influence upon French writers. How did 
these ideas become European? Attempted reforms by governments. 
The character of eighteenth century science. Advances in various 
sciences. The beginning of political economy. Inventions of ma- 
chinery at the close of the eighteenth century. The effects of the use 
of machinery upon labor, manufacturing, political reform, and the pro- 
duction of wealth. Two chief characteristics of nineteenth-century 
science. Examples of the practical applications of science. Examples 
of important discoveries of natural laws. 



Topics for Assigned Studies 

The invention of the cotton-gin. American Historical Review, Vol. 
III., pp. 90-127. 

The general character of the nineteenth century. Wallace, The Won- 
derful Century, Chap. XV. 



Topics for Studies in Review 

How had the German-Roman Empire become so weak in 1648 ? 

Put together the facts which mark the decline of Spain. 

The steps in the rise of England. 

The reasons why France failed to secure a colonial empire. 

The steps in the advance of Russia. 

The share of the American colonists in the struggle with France for 

colonial empire. 
Steps in the advance of Prussia. 
Make an outline of the history of the " Eastern Question " from the 

beginning of the reign of C'atherine II. 
The relation of the wars of Frederick the Great to the colonial struggle 

between France and England. 



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Zeller. L'Histoire de Prance racontee par les Contemporains. 17 vols, 
published as 16. (Paris : Hachette ; i franc each.) Translated 
into French. I. Gaul and the Invasions ; II. The Merovingians; 
III. Charlemagne and his Successors ; IV. Advent of the Cape- 
tians, Philip Augustus ; V. St. Louis, Philip the Fair ; VI. Philip 
VI., John the Good ; VII. Charles V., Du Guesclin ; VIII. Charles 
VI.; IX. Charles VII., Louis XI. ; X. Charles VIII.; XL Louis 
XII.; XII. and XIII. Francis I.; XIV. Henry II.; XV. Francis II., 
Charles IX.; XVI. Henry III., The League ; XVII. Henry IV. 



LIST OF BOOKS 

REFERRED TO MORE THAN ONCE, EXCEPT THOSE 
COVERED BY THE LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS, WITH 
THE PAGE ON WHICH THE NAME OF THE PUB- 
LISHER IS GIVEN 



Adams, C. K., Democracy and Mon- 
archy in France, 452. 

Adams, G. B., Civilization during 
the Middle Ages, 173 ; The Growth 
of the French Nation, 224. 

Airy, Louis XIV., 370. 

Allen, Christian Institutions, 120. 

Alzog, Church History, loi. 

Archer and Kingsford, Kingdom of 
yerusalem, 209. 

Ashley, English Economic History, 
223. 

Baird, Henry of Navarre, 344 ; Rise 
of the Huguenots, 342. 

Boyle, Clarendon, 360. 

Bradley, The Goths, 157. 

Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, 173. 

Bury, Later Roman Empire, loi. 

Capes, The Age of the Anfonincs, 
113; The Early Empire, \o6. 

Carr, The Church and the Roman 
Empire, 122. 

Church, Henry V., 232; Stories of 
the East, i. 

Cox, The Crusades, 209. 

Creighton, Elizabeth, 334. 

Cunningham, Growth of English In- 
dustry and Commerce in Modern 
Times, 544. 

Curtius, History of Greece, 17. 

Dodge, Hannibal, 72. 

Du Chaillu, The Vikitrg Age, i. 

Duffy, Tuscan Republics, 208. 

Emerton, Mediceval Europe, 173. 

20 56 



Fisher, The Beginnings of Christian- 
ity, 120 ; History of the Christian 
Church, loi ; The Reformation, 

257- 
Fiske, Discovery of America, 282. 
Frazer, British India, 502. 
Freeman, Historical Essays, 137; 

Sicily, 70. 
Froude, History of England. 257. 
Fyffe, History of Modern Europe, 

452. 
Gairdner, Henry ]'II., 293; Lan- 
caster and York, '2i,'2. 
Gardiner, The First Two Stuarts, 358 ; 

The Thirty i ears' War, ^^6. 
Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Ro- 

7nan Empire, loi. 
Gindely, The Thirty Years' War, 

346. 
Green, Conquest of England, 184; 

History of the English People, 173; 

Making of England, 151. 
Green, Mrs., Henry H , 2.'26. 
Grote, History of Greece, 17. 
Hadley, Introduction to L\'oman Law, 

151- 

Hallam, Constitutional History of 
England, 510. 

Hassall, Louis XIV., 367. 

Hatch, 0?ganisation of the Early 
Christian Churches, 120. 

Hausser, The Period of the Reforma- 
tion, 257. 

Henderson, History of Germany , 173. 



562 



List of Books 



Hodgkin, Charles the Great, 152; 
Dynasty of Theodosius, 132 ; Italy 
and her Invaders, loi ; 1 heodoric 
the Goth, 145. 

Holm, History of Greece, 17. 

How and Leigh, History of Rome, 53. 

Hutton, Philip Augustus, 227. 

Ihne, History of Rome, 53. 

Johnson, The Normans in Europe, 
180. 

Keary, Vikings in W 'estern Christen- 
dom, 180. 

Keltie, The Partition of Africa, 504. 

Kitchin, History of France, 173. 

Kostlin, Life of Luther, z'-j. 

Lecky, History of England in the 
Eighteenth Century, 406. 

Leger, Austro-Hungaiy , 248. 

Lewis, History of Germany, 248. 

Lieber, Civil Liberty, 452. 

Longman, Frederick the Great, 393. 

Lowell, Eve of the French Revolu- 
tion, 428. 

Lucas, Historical Geography of the 
British Colonies, Introduction, 406. 

Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon 
History, 406. 

Mason, Woman's Share in Primitive 
Culture, I. 

Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, i ; 
Life in Ancient Egypt and As- 
syria, I. 

Masson, Mediceval France, 233. 

Maurice, Bohemia, 248. 

McCarthy, Our Times from 1880, 505. 

Medlev, Manual of English Consti- 
tutional History, 510. 

Merivale, Romans under the Empire, 

lOI. 

Mombert, Charles the Great, 164. 
Mommsen, History of Rome, 53. 
Montague, Elements of English Con- 
stitutional History, 510. 
Morris, Age of Anne, 377 ; Napoleon, 

451- 
Motley, The Dutch Republic, 332. 
Miiller, Political History of Recent 

Times, 452. 
Oman, Art of War in the Middle 

Ages, 209; Byzantine Empire, 118. 



Parkman, Half Century of Conflict ; 

Montcalm and Wolfe, 406. 
Pastor, History of the Popes, 257. 
Payne, History of European Colonics, 

406. 
Pears, The Fall of Constantinople, 

209. 
Perkins, France under Louis X V., 

406 ; France under the Regency, 

385. 
Poole, Wycliffe, 230. 
Prescott, Philip II., 335. 
Rambaud, History of Russia, 387. 
Ramsay, Lancaster and York, 236. 
Ranke, History of the Popes, 307. 
Roberts, History of Canada, 495. 
Rogers, Six Centuries of Work and 

Wages, 245. 
Schaff, Histoiy of the Christian 

Church, loi. 
Seebohm, The Protestant Revolution, 

316. 
Seeley, Roman Imperialism, 92. 
Sergeant, The Franks, 137 ; Wycliffe, 

245- 

Sloane, Napoleon, 451. 

Stephens, French Revolution, 451; 
Portugal, ■2%'2, Speeches of the 
French Revolution, 451. 

Story, Building of the British Em- 
pire, 406. 

Stubbs, Constitutional History of Eng- 
land, 236 ; The Plantagenets, 2jj. 

Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy, 

257- 

Taine, Ancient Regime, 429. 

Taswell-Langmead, English Consti- 
tutional History, 510. 

Tout, Ediuard L, 240. 

Traill, Social England, 173. 

Tuttle, History of Prussia, 392. 

Uhlhorn, Conflict of Christianity wifh 
Heathenism, 120. 

Wallace, The Wonderful Century, 

544- 
Warburton, Edward HI., 230. 
Ward, The Counter Reformation, 

320. 
Willert, Henry of Navarre, 343. 
Zimmern, Hansa, 217. 



INDEX 



Abbassides, the dynasty of, 158, 160. 

Abyssinia, 505. 

Acadia, 416. 

Achasan League, 48. 

Acre, siege of, 214. 

Actiiim, battle of, 98, 105. 

Act of Settlement, the, 538. 

Act of Supremacy, the, 318. 

Act of Union, 384. 

.•Elfred the Great, 182. 

^•i^quians, the, 61. 

yEschylus, 32. 

j^Ethelred, 183. 

Aetius, 134. 

yKtolian League, 73. 

Afghanistan, 46, 503, 504. 

Africa, 504, 505 ; conquests of, 103, 

145, 157. See Cape Colony, Egypt, 

etc. 
Agincourt, battle of, 232. 
Agricola, 113. 
Agrippina, no. 
Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 371 ; peace 

of, 395, 418. 
Alais, edict of, 349. 
Alaric, 102, 122-134. 
Albigenses, 175, 207, 228. 
Albuquerque, 407. 
Alcibiades, 35-37. 
Alcuin, 169. 
Alemanni, the, 116, 131, 138, 140, 

193- 
Alexander L, Czar of Russia, 456, 

461 ; H., 480, 481. 
Alexander the Great, 19, 42, 44-49, 

68 ; influence on civilization of, 48, 

SO, 51- 
Alexandria, in Egy|5t, founding of, 

45, 123; bombardment of, 505. 
Algiers, 504. 



AH, the Caliph, 158. 

Alliance, the Triple, 371, 413. 

Alsace-Lorraine, 475. 

Alva, duke of, 336. 

Amenemhat IIL, 8;__^ 

America, discovery of, 277 ; English 
colonies in, 411-415; Revolution 
in, 422; Anglo-Saxon expansion 
in, 488. 

Amiens, peace of, 444, 492. 

Amphictyonic Council, 43. 

Anabasis, the, 39. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, 538. 

Angevin empire, 226. 

Anglo-Saxons, 103, 148-150, 488, 507. 

Anjou, county of, 188. 

Anne of Beaujeu, 296. 

Anne of England, 380, 3S4. . 

Antalcidas, peace of, 40. 

Antioch, 123, 212. 

Antiochus, king of Syria, 55, 79. 

Antonines, Rome under the, 113. 

Antonius, Marcus, 98. 

Antony of Navarre, 342. 

Appius Claudius, decemvir, 64. 

Aquas Sextias, battle of, 87. 

Aquinas, Thomas, 263. 

Aquitaine, duchy of, 188. 

Arabia, 155-157 ; science of, 158. 

Arabi Pasha, 505. 

Arabs, 156, 157 ; in Spain, 104, 157. 

Arbela, baitle of, 45. 

Arcadia, 40. 

Arcadius, 132. 

Archangel, 390. 

Areopagus, 26. 

Arginusas, battle of, 36. 

Argives, 24. 

Arians, 138. 

Ariosto, 282. 



563 



564 



Index 



Ariovistus, 129. 

Aristides the Just, 30, 31. 

Arius, 138. 

Armada, the Invincible, 340. 

Arminius, or Hermann, 109; tlie 

theologian, 338. 
Arnulf, 193. 
Arnulf of Metz, 153. 
Arthur of Brittany, 226. 
Artois, count of, 456. 
Aryan nations, 14. 
Aryans, 4, 15. 
Asia, 45, 502-504. 
Assignats, French, 437. 
Assyria, 10. 
Asti, siege of, 133. 
Athenian constitution, 27. 
Athenian Empire, 31 ; fall of, 38. 
Athens, 24, 32, 34-38, 43, 44. 
Attica, 24, 29. 
Attila, 134, 140. 
Augsburg, Confession of, 314; peace 

of, 325. 330, 345 ; league of, 377. 
Augustus Caesar, 106-110. 
Augustus II., king of Poland, 390; 

III., 400. 
Aurelian, emperor of Rome, 116. 
Aurelius, Marcus, 107, 113, 114, 122. 
Austerlitz, battle of, 446. 
Australasia, 499. 
Australia, 488-490, 497. 
Austrasia, 152, 153, 499. 
Austria, 248, 353, 365, 394-399, 470 ; 

in the Seven Weeks' War, 470-472. 
Austrian Succession, War of the, 395. 
Avignon, 258, 283, 373. 
Azof, 390, 391. 

Babylon, 45, 46. 

Babylonian history, 10. 

Bacon, Francis, 545. 

Bagdad, 158, 210. 

Balboa, 277. 

Baldwin of Flanders, 215. 

Balkan states, 482. 

Balliol, 240. 

Baltic provinces, 250, 401. 

Baluchistan, 502. 

Barcelona, 166; treaty of 311. 

Basle, council of, 2S8. 

Bastille, taking of the, 434. 



Bavaria, Joseph of, 377. 

Bavarians, the, 164, 193, 345. 

Bayard, Chevalier, 310. 

Becket, Thomas, 238. 

Belgium, 178, 464. 

Belisarius, 145. 

Berlin, treaty of, 482. 

Bill of Rights, 376. 

Bismarck, Otto von, 467, 470. 

Bithynia, 80. 

Black Death, the, 231, 242. 

Black Prince, 231. 

Boethms, 14. 

Boeotia, 43. 

Bohemia, 248, 258, 286, 287, 346, 398, 

459. 471- 

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 441-449, 491. 

Borgia, Cjesar, 295. 

Bosphorus, 116, 117. 

Bosworth Field, battle of, 244, 526. 

Bothwell, earl of, 338. 

Bourbon, house of, 342, 343. 

Bourges, Pragmatic Sanction of, 288, 
301. 

Bouvines, battle of, 240. 

Boyne, battle of the, 377. 

Braddock, General, 418. 

Brandenburg, elector of, 392. 

Breda, compromise of, 337. 

Breslau, peace of, 395. 

Breligny, treaty of, 231. 

Britain, 95, 113, 148. 

British empire, expansion of, 487-503; 
in Africa, 504 ; in Canada, 495 ; in 
India, 502. 

Bruce, Robert, 240, 241. 

Brunswick, house of, 206. See Han- 
over. 

Brutus, 98. 

Buffon, 551. 

Bulgaria, 482, 484 ; massacres in, 481. 

Burgundians, 133, 139, 142. 

Burgundy, duchy of, 178, 188, 234 ; 
duke of, 232. 

Burschenschaft, 454. 

Cabot, 410. 

Caesar, Augustus, emperor of Rome, 

106-110. 
Coesar, )ulius, emperor of Rome, 

95-98. 



Index 



565 



Caius, no. 

Calais, 233, 334, 376. 

Caligula, emperor of Rome, no. 

Caliphate, the, 158, 160, 210. 

Calvin, John, 259, 319. 

Calvinism, 319, 329, 333, 338, 341. 

Cambray, league ot, 298; Ladies' 

Peace of, 311. 
Cambyses, 14. 

Campo Formio, treaty of, 442. 
Canada, 415, 418, 419, 420, 495, 497. 
Cannae, battle of, 72. 
Canossa, 203. 
Canterbury, 238. 
Cape Colony, 409, 450, 491,494, 497, 

504, 505, 507. 
Capelian kings of France, 174, 188, 

196, 224, 225, 227, 236. 
Capua, 61, 66, 73. 
Carbonari, 454. 
Carlovvitz, peace of, 390. 
Carnot, 441. 
Carolingian house, 152, 160, 174, 181, 

193, 196. 
Ciirthage, 13, 54, 69-74, I34- 
Carthage, New, in Spain, 54, 72. 
Cassius, gS. 
Cassius, Spurius, 63. 
Castile and Aragon, 252. 
Catherine of Aragon, 293. 
Catherine II. the Great, of R i^si.i, 

^ 399-404. 478. 
Catholic League, the 345. 
Cato, 81. 
Cavaliers, 360. 
Cavour, Count, 465. 
Celts, 148, 150. 
Censors, Roman, 64. 
Ceylon, 491. 
Chceronea, battle of, 44. 
Chaldean civilization, 11. 
Chalons-sur-Marne, 134. 
Chambord, comte de, 456. 
Charlemagne, 103, 164 171, 174; the 

empire of, 168, 176. 
Charles Albert, king of Sardinia, 460. 
Charles V., emperor cif Germany, 

259, 298-300, 329-333; VI., 394. 
Charles the Bold, 233, 293. 
Charles the Fat, 179, 193-195. 
Charles the Simple, 195. 



Charles I., king of England, 358, 360, 
.532-535; I!-. 361. 366, 375 536. 

Charles V., king of France, 231 ; VI., 
231; VII., 232; VIII., 234, 295- 
297. 

Charles XII., king of Sweden, 390. 

Charles of Bourbon, Constable of 
France, 308, 310. 

Charles Martel, 153, 157, 162. 

Chaucer, 242, 304. 

Cheops, 8. 

China, 48, 502-504. 

Christianity and the Church at the 
death of Christ, 100 ; causes of early 
persecution of, 121, 122; rapid 
spread of, 121-125 ; under Con- 
stantine, 102, 124; Church govern- 
ment, 122; under Julian, 126; 
under Jovian, 129 ; Arian vs. Cath- 
olic, 138; reforms of Cluny, 200; 
the crusades and their results, 209- 
223; Hussites, 249, 286; religious 
revolution attempted, 283-288 ; ref- 
ormation of Luther, 303-322; in 
England, 333, 340, 357 ; in France, 
341 ; Edict of Nantes, 344. 

Cicero, 95, 98. 

Cimbri, 87. 

Cinna, 92. 

Civilis, 113. 

Claudius, no, 113. 

Cleisthenes, reforms of, 27. 

Cleopatra, 98. 

Clermont, council of, 210. 

Clive, Robert, Lord, 419. 

Cloaca, Ma.xima, 58. 

Clotilda, 138. 

Clovis, 103, 104, 137-140. 

Cluny, reforms of, 200. 

Cnut, 174, 183. 

Cobden, Richard, 500. 

Colbert, 368-370, 374, 415. 

Colet, 270. 

Coligny, Admiral dc, 343. 

Colonial wars, 415, 425. 

Colonies, Greek, 58; Roman, 68; 
Northmen, iSi ; Germ. in, 250; 
modern, 407; English, 411, 415- 
418, 494-497, 499-502; French, 
369. 370. 374. 415. 492. 

Columbus, 276. 



566 



Index 



Cotnitia, centuriata, 59; curiata, 59; 

tributa, 63-64, 65. 
Commodiis, emperor of Rome, 113. 
Commons, House of, 359, 360; origin 

and growth of, 517, 522, 525. See 

Parliament. 
Commonwealth, English, the, 360, 

361, 535- 

Conde, prince of, 353, 372. 

Congo Free State, the, 504. 

Conrad, of Franconia, 193; II , em- 
peror of the Holy Roman Empire, 
195; III., 214. 

Constance, peace of, 206 ; council of, 
249. 

Constantine the Great, 102, 117, 120, 
122-125. 126. 

Constantinople, 117, 157, 215, 253. 

Constituent Assembly, in France, 436, 
438 ; in Germany, 461. 

Constitutions of England and the 
United States, 510-541 : Charter of 
Henry I., 512; beginning of the 
judiciary ^13; the Magna Charta, 
514-516, 519; the Provisions of 
Oxford, 516; the origin of repre- 
sentative institutions, 517 ; Parlia- 
ment, 518-530; House of Com- 
mons, 359, 360, 521-525 ; taxation 
by, 519-525; the Yorkist period, 
526; the Tudor period, 527; the 
Stuart period, 530; Petition of 
Right, 532 ; Grand Remonstrance, 
534 ; Bill of Rights, 537 ; colonial 
questions, 537 ; Reform Bills, 540. 

Consuls, of Rome, 60; of France, 443. 

Convention, the, of the Commune, 

439-441- 
Copernicus, 258, 279, 545, 547. 
Corinth, 34, 80. 
Corneille, 549. 
Corsica, 54, 72. 
Cortez, 407. 

Council, the Great, 517. 
Coup d'eiat, the, 462. 
" Covenant," the, 533. 
Crassus, the triumvir, 95. 
Crecy, battle of, 231. 
Crespy, treaty of, 329. 
Crimea, 402. 
Cr'mean War, 327, 479-481. 



CrcESUS, 29. 

Cromwell, Oliver, 360-361, 413. 

Crusades, age of, 74, 209, 212, 217; 

first, 210; second and third, 214; 

later, 215. 
Cuba, 277. 

Cuneiform inscriptions, 11. 
Cuvier, 551. 

Cynoscephalfe, battle of, 79. 
Cyrus the Younger, 39. 
Czar, the name, 106. 

Dagobert, 142, 152, 161. 

Damascus, 138, 214. 

Danes, 180; in England, 181. 

Dante, 266. 

Dan ton, 436, 

Danube, states of the, 482, 484. 

Darius I., king of Persia, 14, 15, 29, 

30. 45- 
Darwin, 551. 

David, king of the Hebrews, 11. 
Decemvirs, Roman, 63. 
Decius, 116, 131. 
Declaration of Independence, 423, 

512. 
Deists, French, 427 , English, 548. 
Delos, 18, 31. 
Delphi, 43. 
Denmark, 468. 
Descart'-s, 546 

Desiderius, king of Lombards, 165. 
Diaz, 275. 

Dictator at Rome, 97. 
Diocletian, Roman emperor, 102, 116, 

117, 123, 126. 
Disraeli, Lord Beaconsfield, 482. 
Divine Right of Kings, doctrine of 

the, 357. 
Domitian, Roman emperor, in, 113. 
Dorians, the, 18, 10; migrations of, 

21. 
Draco, laws of, 26 
Dresden, peace of, 395. 
Drusus, 87. 
Dunbar, battle of, 361. 
Dupleix, 417, 419. 

Dutch Republic. See Netherlands. 
Dutch warin reign ofCharles II., 413. 

Eadmund Ironside, 183, 196. 



Index 



567 



Fladward the Confessor, 183, 196, 

197. 
Eastern Empire, 103, 131, 144, 146. 
Eastern Question, the, 327, 402, 477, 

484. 
East India Company, 369, 409, 412. 
Ecbatana, 45. 
Ecgberht of VVessex, 182 
Eck, Dr., 306. 
Edessa, 214. 

Edict of Restitution, 347, 349. 
Edward I., king of England, 229, 

240, 517; II., 241, 520, 524; III., 

230,242; IV., 244; VI., 318, 527. 
Egypt, 7-10, 45, 48, 58, 157, 158, 252, 

253, 266-272, 443, 478, 491, 505. 
Eisenach, 308. 
Elagabalus, 116. 
Elba, 447-449- 
Eleanor of Aquitaine, 226. 
Elector, the Great, of Brandenburg, 

351. 392. 393. 412 ; of Bavaria, 395 ; 

of the Palatinate, 345, 358, 384; 

of Saxony, 329, 352-395. 
Elizabeth of York, 293. 
Elizabeth of England, 318, 325, 334, 

337-341, 527; literature of the age 

of, S4S- 

Elizabeth of Russia, 397, 399. 

Emigres, 438, 456. 

Empire and papacy, 202-207. 

England, Saxons in, 148; under MX- 
fred, 182; invasions of, 174, 181, 
182; Norman conquest of, 196; 
at war with France, 231, 242, 383, 
415, 445, 449, 491 ; Norman kings 
of, 237, 511 ; Angevin kings of, 226, 
237-242, 512, 513; in Wars of the 
Roses, 242-244, 292, 526 ; the Ref- 
ormation in, 285, 317, 318, 333, 334, 
338-341 ; Tudor rule in, 318, 333, 
339. 527-530; Stuart kings of, 355- 
359. 375^ 384. 530-536; Revolution 
in, 360, 536; Commonwealth of, 
360; rise of, 381, 409; colonies of, 
411-425, 488, 494, 497, 500-502; 
constitutional history of, 510-540; 
Magna Charta, 514; Parliament 
of, 517-526. 

Epaminondas, 40, 42. 

Epirus, 54, 68, 132. 



liiasmus, 258, 270. 

Estate, the Third, 432. 

Estates, general, 229, 231, 233, 290, 

431, 436. See National Assembly. 
Ethandun, 182. 
Etruscans, 58, 67. 
Eudes, king of France, 195. 
Eugene of Savoy, 380. 
Europe, reorganization of, 449, 450 , 

since 1815, 452-485. 

Fabius Maximus, the Delayer, 72. 

Ferdinand of Aragon, 251, 291; em- 
peror of Germany, 330. 

Feudalism, the rise of, 185 ; the sys- 
tem of, 186, 187, 511; in France, 
188 ; the serf class under, 189-191 ; 
classes of, 189 ; permanent influ- 
ence of, 220, 511 ; causes of decay, 
221 ; results of, 221. 

Flanders, 188, 409. 

Flavian dynasty in Rome, in. 

Florence, the city, 251, 295. 

Florida, purchase of, 493. 

Fontenay, battle of, 177. 

Fontenoy, battle of, 395. 

Fort Duquesne, 418. 

Fouquet, 368. 

France, under the feudal system, 
188; beginning in, 195; Capetian 
kings of, 174, 188, 196, 224-227, 
236; the Valois in, 230, 343; in 
the Thirty Years' War, 344-353; 
under Louis XIV., 367-374, 377- 
381, 413-415 ; intellectual charac- 
ter of, 427-429 ; financial condition 
of, 430, 436; revolutions in, 432- 
439, 456-458, 464: the Republic in, 
438-445, 458, 476 ; the Empire, 44;;, 
462 ; Bourbon restoration, 447. 449 ; 
tlie war with Prussia, 472-475; in 
the Crimean War, 479 ; colonies 
of, 369, 415, 492. 

Franche-Comte, 365, 371-373. 

Francis I., king of France, 308; II., 
338. 342. 

Francis of Guise, 342, 473. 

Francis Joseph, emperor of Austria, 

459- 
p'rancis of Lorraine, emperor of .Aus- 
tria, 395. 



568 



Index 



Franco-Prussian War, 327, 472-475. | 

Franklin, 551. 

Franks, tlie, 103, 137-143, 157, 162. 

Frederick William, the Great Elector 
(of Brandenburg), 351, 386, 392, 
393. 412. 

Frederick the Wise of Saxony, 300. 

Frederick II. (the Great), 393-395, 
398-401. 

Frederick I., emperor of the Ger- 
mans, 204, 214; II., 204, 207-215. 

Frederick of the Palatinate, 345, 358, 

384- 

Frederick \VilJiam I., king of Prus- 
sia, 393; II., 403; IV., 461. 

Frederickshall, siege of, 391. 

French and Indian War, 397. 

French Revolution, the, 327, 432-439. 

Fronde, wars of the, 367. 

Galba, emperor of Rome, iii. 

Galileo, 546, 547. 

Garibaldi, 467. 

Gaul, 95, 103, 106. 

Geneva, 319. 

German nation, beginnings of, 103, 
109, 135, 192, 193; the Holy Ro- 
man Empire of the, 194; in con- 
flict with the papacy, 199-207, 
247 ; in the crusades, 214-216 ; 
the Great Interregnum, 247; the 
Reformation of Luther, 303-315 ; 
the religious wars, 329-357; the 
Thirty Years' War, 344-346, 351- 
355; end of the Empire, 354; rise 
of the HohenzoUern in, 391-394; 
the Seven Years' War, 398, 470- 
472; the Zollverein, 465, 468; the 
New Confederation, 471 ; the New 
Empire, 475. 

George I., king of England, 384; 
III., 420-422. 

Ghibellines, 206. 

Gibraltar, 381. 

Girondists, the, 439, 440. 

Gladstone, 500. 

Gold, discovery of, 498. 

Gordon, General, 506. 

Goths, 131, 132. 

Gracchi, reforms of the, 55, 82. 

Gracchus, Caius, 83-85. 



Gracchus, Tiberius, 83. 

Granada, 291, 292. 

Grand Alliance, the, 379. 

Granicus, battle of the, 45. 

Great Seal of England, 365. 

Greco-Persian War, 29, 30. 

Greco-Turkish War, 485. 

Greece, influence of physical charac- 
teristics on the people, 19, 20; in 
the Homeric age, 21 ; invasions 
of, by Persians, 29, 30 ; contest for 
the headship of, 34-3S ; conquest 
of, by Philip, 43, 44 ; after the death 
of Alexander, 48; commerce of, 
48 ; independence of, 463. 

Greek Empire. See Eastern Empire. 

Greek cities of Asia Minor, 29. 

Greeks, 6 ; divisions of, 18, 20-26 ; 
legendary history of 20; typical 
constitutions of, 27 ; civilization of, 
46; intellectual rank of, 32, 49; re- 
lation of Romans to, 56 ; revival of 
the learning of, 258, 261-263. 

Gregory. See under Popes. 

Gregory of Tours, 13S. 

Grimoald, 152, 161. 

Guelfs, 206. 

Guise, the family of, 342. 

Gustavus Adolphus, 347, 351. 

Gutenberg, 268. 

Hadrian, emperor of Rome, 113-115. 
Hamilcar, 72. 
Hampden, 359, 360, 532. 
Hannibal, 54, 72, 74, 76, 79. 
Hanover, 206; the house of, 384, 525, 

538. 
Hanseatic League, 223. 
Hapsburg, house of, 248, 290, 292, 

328, 334. 349. 365. 382. 
Harold I., king of England, 197. 
Hasdrubal, 54, 73, 74. 
Hastings, battle of, 197. 
Hawaii, 488. 
Hebrews, the, 11-13. 
Hegira, 156. 
Helena, St., 449. 
Hellas, 20. 
Hellenes, 20. 
Hellespont, 45, 90. 
Helots, 24. 



Index 



569 



Henry I., emperor of Germany, 193; 

II.. 195, 199; III., 195, 201, 202; 

IV., 202; v., 203; \'I., 202, 204, 

206. 
Henry I., king of England, 237; 

Charter of, 512, 515; II., of Anjou, 

226, 237, 521; III., 228, 240, 516; 

IV., 523-525; v., 231, 242; VI., 

232, 243; \'II., 244, 526; VIII., 
292, 298, 300, 308, 317, 357, 527, 530. 

Henry II., king of France, 329, 330, 
342; III., 343; IV., of Navarre, 

343. 344- 
Henry the Lion, 206. 
Henry the Navigator, 275. 
Heptarchy, the, 149. 
Heraclea, battle of, 68. 
Herculaneum, iii. 
Hermann, 109. 
Hieroglyphics, 9. 

Hiero, king of Syracuse, 70, 71, 73. 
Hipparclius, 27. 
Hippias, 27. 

Historic races, succession of, 5. 
History, field of, i-; earliest records 

of, 5. 

Hohenstaufen, the house of, 174, 204- 
206, 251. 

Hohenzollern, the house of, 250, 326, 
392, 461, 473. 

Holbein, 282. 

Holland, 178, 409; at war wiih 
France, 366, 371, 413, 457, 491. 

Holstein, 468. 

Holy Alliance, the, 454-456. 

Holy League, 298. 

Holy Roman Empire, the, 169; 
economic conditions of, 176 ; its 
contest with the papacy, 199-207 ; 
renewed by Otto the Great, 174, 
194 ; effects of the renewal of, 194 ; 
diminished by the treaty of West- 
phalia, 326; end of, 354. 

Honorius, emperor of Rome, 132. 

Horace, 107. 

Hubertsburg, peace of, 399. 

Hudson Bay territory, 382. 

Huguenots, 342-344, 348, 374. 

Hundred Days, the, 449. 

Hundred Years' War, the, 175, 230- 

233, 242, 290. 



Hungarians, the, 174, 180, 193, 463. 

Hungary, 459, 461, 472. 

Huns, the, 102, 129, 131-135, 144. 

Huss, John, 249, 258, 286. 

Hussites, 249, 286. 

Hyksos, 8. 

Illyricum, 132. 

Imperial Federation League, 501. 

Independents, English, 360, 411. 

India, 46, 273, 416, 417, 419, 443, 491, 
502, 503. 

Indulgences, 303. 

Indus, the, 46. 

Interregnum, the Great, 247. 

lonians, the, 18, 20, 29. 

Ireland, 237, 361, 377. 

Isabella of Bourbon, 473. 

Isabella of Castile, 251, 252. 

Ismail Pasha, 505. 

Issus, battle of, 45. 

Italian city-states, 205, 206, 251, 294. 

Italian Renaissance, 265. 

Italy, geography and peoples of, 57, 
58 ; contrasted with Greece, 57 ; 
reorganization of, 88, 449, 463; 
cities of, 205, 206, 251, 294; Re- 
naissance in, 265; the invasions 
of, 296-300, 310, 311; revolutions 
in, 455, 459, 460; growth of the 
spirit of nationality in, 465 ; united, 
466, 467 ; in the Seven Weeks' 
War, 470-471., 

Ivan the Great, J388. 

Jacobins, 436, 438, 439, 440, 442. 

James I., king of England, 358; II., 
376, 377. 380, 384, 536, 537, 538; 
III., 379. 

James II., king of Scotland, 384. 

Janissaries, 352. 

Japan, 504. 

Jaxartes, 46. 

Jena, battle of, 446. 

Jerome of Prague, 287. 

Jerusalem, 10-13 ; taken by Titus, 
in; by the Turks, 210, 213; by 
the crusaders, 214 ; Latin king- 
dom of, 214 ; taken by Saladin, 
214. 

Jesuits, the order of, 321. 



570 



Index 



Jews, insurrection of, 112; expulsion 

from Spain of the, 292. 
Joan of Arc, 232. 
John, king of England, 174, 226, 239 ; 

grant of Magna Charta by, 239, 240, 

514-516. 
John, king of France, 231. 
Josephine, 446. 
Joseph of Bavaria, 377. 
]ovian, 129. 
jugurtha, 86. 

Julian the .'\postate, 126, 129, 131. 
Jupiter Ammon, shrine of, 45. 
Justinian, 103, 115, 144-146, 219. 
Jutes, the, 148, 149. 

Kaaba, the, 155. 
Kepler, 546, 547. 
Khadijah, 155. 
Khartum, 506. 
Knox, John, 338. 
Koniggratz, battle of, 471. 
Koreishites, 155. 156 
Kosciusko, 403. 
Kossuth, 439. 
Kufu I., 8. 

Lacedaemon. See Sparta. 

Lafayette, 434, 436, 456. 

Lancaster, house of, 242, 244, 286, 

523-525- 

Langton, Stephen, 514. 

Laplace, 551. 

La Rochelle, 349. 

Latin cities, league of 58, 59, 61 ; re- 
volt of, 66. 

Latin colonies, 68. 

Latin Empire, 215. 

Laud, William, 359. 

Law, John, 430. 

Law, Roman, 1 14-116, 206, 219. 

Laybach, Congress of, 455. 

Leczinski, Stanislaus, 390. 

Legislative Assembly, 440. 

Legnano, battle of, 206. 

Leipzig, battle of, 447. 

Leon, 252. 

Leonardo da \'inci, 281. 

Leonidas, 30. 

Leopold IL, king uf Austria, 403. 

Leopold, Prince, 473. 



Lepidus, the triumvir, 98. 

Lewis L, Carolingian king, 177, 179. 

I.,ex Hortensia, 65. 

Licinian Rogations, 64. 

LinnKus, 551. 

Lisbon, 275, 277. 

Literature, Egyptian, 9; Chaldean, 
II; Greek, 20, 32; of the Renais- 
sance, 279, 281, 282. 

Livia, no. 

Livy, 107. 

Locke, John, 549. 

Loire, the, 157, 227. 

Lollards, the, 286. 

Lombard League, the, 205. 

Lombards, the, 103, 104, 146, 161, 
162, 165. 

Long Walls of Athens, 38, 40. 

Lorraine, 210, 475. 

Lothair, emperor, 177, 178. 

Louisburg, 418. 

Louisiana purchase, the, 493. 

Louis, prince of Conde, 353, 372. 

Louis v., king of France, 196; VL, 
224, 225; VIL, 214, VI IL, 228; 
IX., 215, 228 ; XL, 233, 290, 291 ; 
XI I., 297-300; XIII., 344,347,349, 
XI v., 366-383, 413; XV., 383, 413; 
XVI., 431, 436, 439, 440; XVII., 
448; XVIII., 447. 449, 456. 

Louis Napoleon, 459, 461-476. 

Louis Philippe, 436, 458. 

Low Countries. See Netherlands. 

Loyola, Ignatius, 322. 

Lucan, no. 

Ltidovico the Moor, 295-297. 

Luther, Martin, 258, 271, 303-315; 
posts his theses, 304; burns the 
papal bull, 307; edict against, of 
the Diet of Worms, 307, 308; op- 
posed to fanaticism, 312, and to 
civil war, 314. 

Liitzen, battle of, 351. 

Luxemburg, the family of, 248. 

Lycurgus, 21. 

Macedonia, tributary to Darius, 14; 
rise to power of, 18, 42, 54; at war 
with Rome, 73, 79 ; after the death 
of Alexander, 48 ; end of, 80. 

Machiavelli, 282, 294. 



Index 



571 



Machinery, the age of, 552; its effect 

on manufacturing and labor, 553. 
Madrid, treaty of, 310. 
Magdeburg, siege of, 329, 351. 
Magellan, 277. 
Magna Charta, the, 240, 514-516, 

519. 532. 
Mahnioud II., sultan of Turkey, 478. 
Maintenon, Mme., 374. 
Mamertines, the, 70. 
Marathon, 15, 18, 29. 
Mardonius, 30. 
Maria Louisa, empress of France, 

446. 
Maria Theresa of Austria, 394-399, 

"401. 
Marie Antoinette, 430. 
Marignano, battle of, 300. 
Marius, Caius, 87, 89-92. 
Marlborough, duke of. 380. 
Mary de' Medici, 344. 
Mary of Burgundy, 293. 
Mary, queen of England, wife of 

William III., 376, 536. 
Mary Stuart, queen of Scots, 334, 

338-340, 342, 355, 356. 
Mary Tudor, queen of England, 318, 

333- 
Massinissa, 86. 
Matilda, 237, 512, 513. 
Maurice of Saxony, 329. 
Maximilian I., emperor of Germany, 

234. 293- 
Mazarin, 299, 349, 367, 370, 374, 377. 
Mazeppa, 391. 
Mazzini, 460. 
Mecca, 155, 156. 
Medes, 10, 11. 
Medici, family of, 251, 295, 296, 316; 

Catherine de', 275, 342; Lorenzo 

de', 280 ; Mary de', 344 
Medina, 156. 
Mehemet Ali, 478. 
Memphis, 7. 

Menes, king of Egypt, 7. 
Mercia, 149, 181. 
Messana, 70, 71. 
Metternich, 454, 459, 489. 
Metz, 330; foi tress of, 474. 
Mexico, conquered by Cortez, 407. 
Michael Angelo, 281. 



Milan, 131, 133, 205, 251, 295, 300, 

442. 
Miltiades, 30. 
Minorca, 381, 424. 
Mirabeau, 432-436. 
Missi domiiiici, i6g, 176. 
Mithridates, 8g, 90, 92. 
Mohammed, 155, 156. 
Mohammedanism, doctrines of, 155, 

spread of, 156 ; decline of, 160. 
Moliere, 549. 
Money, effects of an increased use 

of, 220. 
Monroe Doctrine, the, 455. 
Montaigne, 282. 
Montesquieu, 428, 548. 
Montfort, Simon de, 228, 516, 518. 
Moors of Granada, 292. 
More, Sir Thomas, 270, 271. 
Moscow, burning of, 447. 
" Mountain," the, 439. 
Mozambique, 275. 
Miihlberg, 329. 
Mycale, 30. 

Nantes, the edict of, 344, 349; revo- 
cation of, 374. 

Naples, 295, 297, 381. 

Napoleon III., 462, 472. 

Naseby, 360. 

National Assembly, French, 432-436, 
439, 440. 

National Guard, 434-436, 456. 

Navarre, 251, 291. 

Navigation Act, 413. 

Nebuchadnezzar, 10. 

Necker, 431, 433, 434. 

Nelson, 443, 444, 491. 

Nero, emperor of Rome, no, in, 121. 

Nerva, emperor of Rome, 113. 

Netherlands, 286, 293 ; under Charles 
v., 335; revolt of the, 328, 336; 
Union of Utrecht, 337; ceded to 
Austria, 337 ; to France, 355. 

Netherlands, the New, 409. 

Neustria, 153. 

Newfoundland, 416. 

Newton, Sir Isaac, 546, 547. 

Nicsea, 124. 

Nicholas I., czar of Russia, 461, 464, 
479. 480. 



572 



Index 



Nicias, the peace of, 35. 

Nile, the valley of, 5 ; delta of, 7 ; the 

battle of, 443, 491. 
Nimeguen, treaty of, 373. 
Nineteenth century, 452. 
Norfolk, 149. 
Normandy, 181, 195, 511. 
Normans, i6g, 196; in Italy, 204; 

conquest of England by, 196; in 

the crusades, 210. 
Northmen, 174, 180, 181. 
Northumberland, 149. 
Norwegians, 180. 
Nottingham, 361. 
Nova Scotia, 416. 
Numantia, 80. 
Numidia, 86. 
Nuremberg, peace of, 315. 

Oct.ivius, the tribune, 83. 

Octavius, the triumvir, 98 ; emperor 

of Rome, 105, 109. 
Odovakar, 103, 135. 
Olympian Zeus, by Phidias, 28. 
Olynthian Confederacy, the, 43. 
Olynthus, 43. 
Ommiads, the, 158. 
Orange, William of, 376-380, 536, 

537- 

Oriental nations, 5, 15. 

Orleans, the siege of, 232. 

Osmanlis, the, 252. 

Osman Pasha, 481. 

Ostracism, 27. 

Ostrogoths, 103, 131, 140-144. 

Otho, emperor of Rome, iii. 

Otto I., the Great, emperor of Ger- 
many, 174, 193; II., 194; III., 194; 
IV., 206, 207, 240. 

Ottokar II., king of Bohemia, 248. 

Ottoman Empire, the. See under 
Turks. 

Ovid, 107. 

Oxford University, 270. 

Palatinate, 345, 354, 377. 

Palmyra, fall of, 116. 

Papacy, the " temporal power " of, 
103, T62 ; its growth, 104, 161; in 
conflict with the Empire, 168, 202- 
207, 247; at the height of the 



power of, 206, 207 ; theory of papal 
supremacy, 199 ; reforms of Cluny, 
200; removal of the papal chair to 
Avignon, 258, 283-285 ; the great 
schism, 284 ; the papal states, 295 ; 
deprived of power in England, 317, 
in Italy, 460. 

Papal states, the, 295. 

Paris, peace of (1763), 397; peace 
of (1856), 481. 

Parliament, English, 495; the first, 
517; growth of power of, 518-523, 
525-529; rise of House of Com- 
mons in, 522, 539; rights of, 358, 
515. 519-522, 524; attacks on, 358, 
359. 523. 532-535; Charles Land 
the, 358, 532-535; the Long, 359, 
533 ; the " Rump," 359, 361 ; the 
convention, 537; union of Scotch 
with the, 384. 

Parthians, 48, 112. 

Patricians, in early Rome, 59. 

Pavia, 310. 

Peasants' War, 301. 

Peiraeus, 30, 31, 38. 

Pelasgoi, the, 20. 

Peloponnesian War, the, 18, 34. 

Pericles, 18, 32. 

Periceci, the, 24. 

Persepolis, 45. 

Perseus, king of Macedon, 80. 

Persia, conquest of, by Alexander, 
45 ; by Saracens, 157 ; modern, 
502-504. 

Persian Empire, established by Cyrus 
14; history of, 14-15; government 
of, 15; revived, 144. 

Persians, religion of, 15. 

Persian wars, with Greece, 14, 18, 29, 
44,45; with Rome, 116. 

Peter the Great, 388-391; III., 398. 

Peter the Hermit, 210. 

Petition of Right, 358. 

Petrarch, 266, 267, 282. 

Pharsalia, battle of, 96. 

Phidias, 32. 

Philip Augustus, king of FVance, 175, 
214. 

Philip IL, king of France, 224, 226- 
228, 240; IV., the Fair, 229, 230, 
240, 283; VI., of Valois, 230. 



Index 



573 



Philip II., king of Spiin, 318, 325, 
331-338,340; IV., 370; \'., of An- 
ion, 379, 380. 

Philip of Hesse, 329, 330. 

F'hilip of Macedon, 42-44; in the 
third century B.C., 73, 79. 

Philippi, battle of, 98. 

Phocians, the, 43. 

Phoenicians, the, 13 ; the services to 
civihzation of, 13. 

Physiocrats, the, in France, 551. 

Picard, 547. 

Pippin of Landen, 152. 

Pippin of Heristal, 153. 

Pippin the Short, 104, 157, 162. 

Pisa, council of, 258, 285. 

Pisistratus, 27. 

Pitt, William, 420. 

Pizarro, 407. 

Plassy, victory of, 419. 

Platasa, 30. 

Plebeians, the class of, 59 ; the strug- 
gle for their rights, 61-65. 

Plevna, surrender of, 481. 

Poitiers, 157, 231. 

Poland, 392; partitions of, 400, 403; 
revolutions in, 457. 

Pomerania, 392. 

Pompeii, in. 

Pompey, 94-96. 

Pontus, 89. 

Popes. See Papacy. Leo I., 134; 
Gregory I., i6i ; Stephen II., 162; 
Leo IX., 202; Gregory VII., 174, 
202, 283; Urban II., 210; Adrian 
IV., 239; Innocent III., 207, 215, 
283 ; Boniface VIII., 229, 230, 283 ; 
Gregory XL, 284 ; Urban VI., 284 ; 
Gregory XII., 287; Ale.xander V., 
285; Martin v., 287; Nicholas V., 
281; Alexander VI., 295, 321; 
Junius II., 297; Leo X., 306; 
Clement VI I., 311 ; Pius IX., 460. 

Portugal, 273, 274, 353, 407. 

Pragmatic Sanction, 288, 301, 394. 

Prague, peace of, 471. 

Pretender, the Old, 384. 

Pretorian guard, 106, no, in. 

Printing, invention of, 268, 269. 

Pioscriptions, by Sulla, 92 ; under 
second triumvirate, 98. 



Protestants, the name, 259, 312. 
Protestant Union, the, 345. 
Provisions of O.xford, 516. 
Prussia, duchy of, 392; rise of the 
kingdom of, 391-394, 399, 467-472. 
Psammetichus I., 8. 
Ptolemies, the, 48, 49. 
Pultowa, battle of, 391. 
Punic wars, the, 54, 70, 81. 
Punjaub, the, 502. 
Puritans, 341, 357. 

Pym. 534- 

Pyramids, battle of the, 443. 

Pyrenees, 133, 157 ; peace of the, of 

1659. 355. 370. 
Pyrrhus, king of Epiriis, 54, 68. 

Quadruple Alliance, the, 383. 
Quebec, 326, 419. 
Quesnay, 551. 

Rabelais, 282. 

Races of men, 3. 

Racine, 549. 

Radagaisus, 133. 

Rameses II., 8. 

Raraillies, 380. 

Raphael, 281. 

Ravenna, 103, 148, 161. 

Reformation, the, under Luther, 258, 

260, 303-315 ; in England, 317- 

319 ; in France, 320, 342 ; the 

counter-, 320. 
Reform Bill of 1832, 540. 
Regulus, 71. 

Rehoboam, king of the Hebrews, 12. 
Reign of Terror, 327, 440. 
Religious wars, the age of, 328 ; 

the Schmalkaldic War, 329 ; the 

Thirty Years' War, 344. 
Renaissance, the, 258, 260, 273 ; 

south of the Alps, 265, 269 ; north 

of the Alps, 270; end of, 279, 544. 
Restitution, edict of, 347. 
Restoration of the Stuarts, 366, 375, 

536. 
Revival of learning, 261-267 ; in Italy, 

265 ; in England, 270. 
Revolution, American, 326, 421-424, 

538, 539; its influence 424; in 

England, 360; of 1688, 376; in 



574 



Index 



France, of 1789-1799, 435 ; results 
of, 450, 457 ; in France, of 1830, 
456, 464 ; in Germany, 464, 465 ; 
in France, of 1848,438; in Hun- 
gary, of 1848, 461; in Italy, of 1820, 
455; of 1830, 457; of 1848, 459, 
461 ; in Poland, of 1830-1832, 457. 

Rheims, 232. 

Rhine, 102, 103, 133; the League of 
the, 254. 

Rhodes, 48, 211. 

Richard I., king of England, 226, 239, 
244; as a crusader, 244; II., 242, 
520, 523, 524; III., 244, 526. 

Richelieu, Cardinal, 326, 347-353. 

Rights, Bill of, 376. 

Robert the Strong, 195. 

Robespierre, 436. 

Rollo, 181, 195. 

Roman colonial system, 68. 

Roman law, 114-116, 206, 219. 

Romanoff, house of, 388. 

Romans, 6 ; in relation to Greeks, 53, 
56; religion, 77, 121-125; provin- 
cial government, 80-82. 

Rome, as a city-state, 54, 57, 58; 
wars of conquest, 57, 60, 66-68", 80; 
early constitution, 59; changes in 
the constitution of, 59, 61-65, ^O' 
96, 97, 102, 116-118; period of the 
kings of, 58 ; taken by Gauls, 61, 
87 ; Punic wars, 69-74 ; the Re- 
public, 80-96; the Social wars, 
87-93 ; monarchy under Caesar, 
96; the triumvirates, 95, 98, the 
Empire, 105-132 ; causes of the 
fall of the Empire, 127; attacks 
by the Goths, 131; division of the 
Empire, 132; end of the Western 
Empire of, 135; the Eastern Em- 
pire of, 103, 131, 144-148 ; the capi- 
tal of the kingdom of Italy, 476. 

Romulus, 58. 

Romulus Augustulus, 135. 

Roses, Wars of, 244, 292. 

Rosetta Stone, the, 9. 

Roumania, 481. 

Roussillon, 353. 

Rousseau, 428. 

Rubicon, the, 96. 

Rudolph of Hapsburg, 248. 



Runnymede, 240. 

Ruric, 387. 

Rusbia, introduction of Christianity 
into, 388 ; Tartar conquest of, 388 , 
under Peter the Great, 388-390 ; 
under Elizabeth, 398, 399; under 
Catherine the Great, 399-404 ; the 
partition of Poland, 400-404; in- 
vaded by Napoleon, 447; expan- 
sion of, in Asia, 503 ; Napoleon, 
447; in the Holy Alliance, 454; at 
war with the Turks in 1770-1774, 
402; in 1828, 464; in 1877-1878, 
481-484; in the Crimean War, 
479-481 ; emancipation of serfs 
in, 481. 

Ryswick, peace of, 377. 

Sabines, 58. 

Sacred wars, the, 43. 

Sadowa, battle of, 471. 

St. Augustine, 150, 269, 303. 

St. Bartholomew, 343. 

St. Germain, peace of, 342. 

St. Paul, III, 121. 

St. Peter, iii, 121 
j St. Petersburg, 391. 

Salamis, battle of, 18, 30. 

.Salic law, 230. 

Samnites, 58, 61, 66, 67. 

Samson, the Hebrew prophet, 11. 

San Stefano, treaty of, 481. 

San Yuste, 331. 

Saracens, 157 ; their service to 
science, etc., 158, 159. 

Sardinia, seized by Rome, 54, 72, 80; 
at war with France, 440-442, 450; 
revolution in, 455; wai with Aus- 
tria, 460; in the Crimean War, 
480. 

Sargon, king of Assyria, 10. 

Sassanid dynasty, 129. 

Saturninus, 87. 

Saul, king of the Hebrews, 11. 

Savonarola, 129, 295, 296. 

Savoy, 378; house of, 178, 460. 

Saxons, the, invade Britain, 148 ; con- 
quered by Charlemagne, 165 ; con- 
version of, 149, 166. 

Saxony, 354, 398, 399. 

Scandinavians. See Nortluiioi. 



Index 



575 



Scandinavian states, 259. 
Schleswig-Holstein, 468. 
Schmalkaldic War, 329, 330. 
Sclimalkald, league of, 315. 
Scholasticism, 263-265. 
Science in the nineteenth century, 

556, 557- _ . 

Scipio, ^Emilianus, 80; Cneius, 74; 

Publius, 74; P. Cornelius (Afri- 

canus), 54, 74. 
Scotland at war with England, 240, 

359-361. 
Sebastopol, siege of, 480. 
Sedan, battle of, 474. 
Sejanus, no. 
Seleucidte, 48. 
Semitic race, 4. 
Seneca, 107, no. 
Separatists, the, 341. 
Sepoy mutiny, 502. 
Serfs, emancipation of Russian, 481. 
Servius Tullius, reforms of, 59, wall 

of, 59- 
Settlement, Act of, 384. 
Seven Weeks' War, 470, 471. 
Seven Years' War, 326, 398. 
Sforza, family of, 298. 
Shakespeare, 545. 
Shepherd kings of Egypt, 8. 
Sicily, made a Roman province, 57, 

68, 70, 72 ; the two kingdoms of, 

251, 455. 460. 
Sigismund, 249, 250, 287, 392. 
Silesia, 395, 398. 
Smith, Adam, 557. 
Sobieski, 373. 
Social wars, in Greece, 43 ; in Rome, 

87-93- 

Society of Jesus, 321. 

Socrates, 39. 

Soudanese revolt, 506, 507. 

Spain, empire of Carthage in, 54; 
conquest of, by Scipio, 54, 57, 80; 
by the Vandals, 133 ; the Visigoths, 
134; the Saracens, 157; by Charle- 
magne, 252 ; by Ferdinand, 291 ; 
union of Castile and Aragon, 252, 
291 ; discoveries and colonies of, 
277,423,424; conquest of Granada, 
291; under Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella, 291, 292; expulsion of Jews 



and Moors, 292 ; at war with 
France, 295-298, 300, 308-311, 
329; empire of, under Charles 
V. and Philip II., 298-300, 310- 
312; in the age of religious wars, 
328-337, 338, 340, 346-355, 408; 
rapid decline of, 333, 365 ; the 
Armada, 340; in the Triple Al- 
liance, 371 ; the War of the Suc- 
cession, 326, 377, 379-381 ; annexed 
by France, 378, 383 ; loss of Ameri- 
can colonies, 455, 493. 
Spanish Succession, the War of, 326, 

377-383- 

Sparta, the constitution of, 22, 24, 27 ; 
a rival to Athens, 31 ; at war with 
Athens, 34-36; supremacy of, 38; 
decline of, 40. 

Spartacus, 94. 

Spartans, institutions and training of, 
22, 24; in the Peloponnesian War, 
34-36 ; attack on Persia of, 39. 

Speyer, Diet of, 311. 

Spurs, battle of the, 298. 

Star Chamber, 359, 528, 533. 

Stephen, king of England, 237, 512, 

513- 
Strafford, earl of, 533. 
Strasburg, 373 ; the Oath of, 177. 
Strelitz, the, 389. 
Stuarts, house of, 357, 383, 522, 530- 

538; Charles I., 358, 360,532-535; 

Charles II., 361, 366, 375, 536; 

Henry (Lord Darnley), 338 ; James 

I-, 357. 358, 530, 531; James II., 

376, 379, 536; James III., 379, 

384; Mary, 334, 338-342, 355, 356. 
Suevi, 133, 134. 
Suez Canal, the, 505. 
Suffolk, 149. 

Sulieman the Magnificent, 314. 
Sulla, 89-93, 94- 
Supremacy, Act of, 318. 
Susa, 45. 
Sussex, 149. 
Sweden, 347 ; in the Thirty Years' 

War, 351-354; power of, under 
■ Charles XII., 390; decline of, 

386-388; at war with Russia, 390; 

fall of Charles XII., 391. 
Switzerland, 178, 250. 



576 



Index 



Syagrius, 138. 

Syracuse, 18, 35, 54, 70; siege of, 75. 

Syria, 48, 54, 116, 157. 

Tacitus, 113. 

Tarentum, 67, 68. 

Tarquinius, Priscus, 58. 

Tarquinius Superbus, 59. 

Tarquins, Rome under the, 58, 59. 

Tanar Avars, 166, 193. 

Tell, William, 251. 

Templar, a Knight, 215. 

Ten thousand Greeks, the expedition 

of, 39- 
Testry, battle of, 153. 
Tetzel, 304. 

Teutoberger Forest, battle of, 109. 
Teutones, the, 87. 
Teutonic Knights, order of, 250. 
Teutonic races, 6, 270. 
Thebans, the, 40, 44. 
Thebes, 40, 42-44. 
Themistocles, 30, 31. 
Theodoric, king of the Visigoths, 140, 

141. 
Theodosius the Great, 102, 103, 132, 

144. 
Thermopyla?, battle of, 18, 30. 
Theseus, 24. 
Thespians, the, 30. 
Thessaly, 43. 
Thiers, M., 476. 

Third Estate, the, 218, 432, 477. 
Thirty Tyrants, 38. 
Thirty Years' War, the, 325, 329, 344- 

353- 
Thothmes II., 8. 
Thrace, 14, 43. 
Thuringians, 142. 
Tiber, the, 58, 61. 
Tiberius, emperor of Rome, iii. 
Ticinus, 72. 

Tiers Etat. See Third Estate. 
Tigris, the, 45. 
Tilly, 346, 347, 351. 
Tilsit, peace of, 446. 
Tippoo Sahib, 443, 491. 
Titian, 281. 

Titus, emperor of Rome, iii, 112. 
Tory party in English politics, 422, 

496. 



Tours, battle of, 157. 

Tower of London, 241. 

Trajan, emperor of Rome, 113. 

Trasimenus, Lake, battle of, 72. 

Trebia, battle of, 72. 

Trent, council of, 321. 

Tribunes, Roman, 63; military, 64. 

Triple Alliance, the, 371, 413. 

Triumvirate, the First, 95; the Sec- 
ond, 98. 

Trojan War, the, 21. 

Troy, siege of, 21. 

Tudor, house of, 244, 292 ; table of 
kings, 363. 

Tunis, 215, 505. 

Turanian peoples, 4. 

Turenne, 353, 372. 

Turgot, 431, 551. 

lurks, the Seljuk, 160, 210; capture 
of Edessa by, 214; Osmanlis, 252; 
capture Constantinople, 253 ; the 
siege of V'ienna by the, 314; con- 
quered by Peter the Great, 390; 
at war with Russia, 402; the East- 
ern Question, 453, 477, 484 ; insur- 
rection of the Greeks, 464-478 ; the 
Crimean War, 479-482; war be- 
tween Greeks and, 485. 

Tycho Brahe, 547. 

Tyre, 11. 

Ulfilas, 139. 

Ulm, battle of, 446. 

Ulrich von Hutten, 282. 

Umbrians, the, 67. 

United States, the, 422-424; War of 
1812, 493; the Monroe Doctrine, 
455' expansion of, 492-493, 498; 
Revolution, influence of, 424, 496- 
498 ; Mexican War, 498 ; the Con- 
stitution of, 535, 537-540- 

Universities, in the Middle Ages, 264. 

Utraquists, 288. 

Utrecht, Union of, 337 ; treaty of, 381. 

Valens, emperor of Rome, 102, 132. 
Valerian, emperor of Rome, 116. 
Valerian law, the, 62. 
Valmy, 439. 

Valois, house of, France under the, 
230, 343- 



Index 



S77 



Vandals, 103, 134, 

Varus, 109. 

Vasco da Gama, 275. 

Vassy, massacre of, 342. 

Veii, siege of, 61. 

Venetia, 466-471. 

Venetians, 297. 

Venice, in the fourth crusade, 215 ; 
among the city-states of Italy, 251, 
295 ; the centre of tlie boat trade, 
269; revolution in, 459-461; a 
part of the kingdom of Italy, 471. 

Vercelte, battle of, 87. 

Verdun, treaty of, 117, 353. 

Verona, Congress of, 455. 

Verres, prosecution of, 95. 

Versailles, 475. 

Vespasian, emperor of Rome, iii, 
112. 

Vesuvius, III. 

Victor Emmanuel, king of Sardinia, 
465-467. 

Vienna, Congress of, 327, 448, 463, 
reorganization of Europe by the, 
449, 450; siege of, by Sulieman, 

314- 
Vigigatbs, 102, 131, 140, 141, 145; 

establish kingdom in Gaul and 

Spain, 132-134. 
Volscians, 61. 
Voltaire, 428, 548. 

Wagram, battle of, 446. 
Wales, conquest, 240. 



Wallenstein, 346, 352. 

Walter the Penniless, 210. 

Wartburg, 307, 312. 

Waterloo, 449, 454. 

Wat Tyler, 286. 

Wellington, duke of, 449, 491. 

Wessex, 181. 

Western Empire (Roman), 103. 

Westphalia, treaty of, 326, 337, 353. 

Whig party in English politics, 422, 

496. 
William I., the Conqueror, king of 

England, 197, 511; II., 237, 511; 

III., of Orange, 376, 379, 384, 527. 
William I., emperor of Germany, 

467. 
William I. the Silent, 336. 
Witt, John de, 366, 372. 
Wittenburg, 302. 
Wolfe, 419. 

Worcester, battle of, 361. 
Worms, the Concordat of, 174, 203 ; 

the Diet of, 259, 307, 311. 
Wiirtemburg, 455. 
Wyclifle, 249, 258, 285, 312. 

Xanthippus, 71. 

Xenophon, 39. 

Xerxes, king of Persia, 30, 44. 

York, house of, 244. 

Zama, battle of, 74. 
Zurich, treaty of, 466. 



Students' 
History of the United States. 

By EDWARD CHANNING. 

Professor of History in Harvard University. 
With Suggestions to Teachers 

By ANNA BOYNTON THOMPSON, 

Thayer Academy, South Braiiitree, Mass. 

8vo. Half Leather. Price, $1.40 net. 



This work is intended for use in classes in high schools and academies where, the 
facts and dates of American history having been learned in the more elementary 
grades, it is wished to give the student a thorough knowledge of the constitutional, 
the political, and the industrial development of the United States, especially the 
period since the beginning of the movement which led to the separation from the 
British Empire and the formation of a republican government under the Constitution. 

IMPORTANT FEATURES 



Reproductions of original documents 
Colored maps 
Excellent illustrations 
Accurate copies of well known por- 
traits 
Lists of Standard \ Small Library 
Works for Good Library 

I Very Good Library 



Suggestions to teachers 

A Perspective of United States History 

List of books for consultation at the 

beginning of each chapter 
Suggestive Questions and Topics at 

the close of each chapter 
Table of Important Dates 
Marginal Notes throughout 



Professor A. A. Freeman, Reviewing this work in The American His- 
torical Review, says : 

" Decidedly the best one-volume American history yet published. ... In the 
preface the author has e.xplained that his purpose in the publication of this work is to 
provide a text-book suited to the needs of the senior class in high schools and acade- 
mies. He believes that ' the serious study of American History more fitly follows 
than precedes other countries and belongs to the maturer years of school life.' The 
author assumes a considerable knowledge of American history on the part of pupils 
from the use of more elementary textbooks in the lower grades. He accordingly 
omits all the stock stories and anecdotes which form so large a part of our elementary 
text-books. ... It is full of suggestions for both teachers and pupils. Miss 
Anna Boynton Thompson, of Thayer Academy, has written a chapter entitled ' Sug- 
gestions to Teachers,' in which she has described her own method of teaching. These 
suggestions will be very helpful to the teacher if he accepts them as ' suggestions ' 
and not as rules. . . . They should prove of peculiar value in preparing pupils 
for the new requirements for entrance to college. Especially valuable are the mar- 
ginal references on every page to standard works which contain a fuller account of 
each topic. Each chapter is headed by a list of books, special accounts, sources and 
bibliography, maps and illustrative material. In the last are found the names of titles 
of books of -American literature. Everything is done to stimulate and aid a more 
thorough investigation by the student. The introduction is a study of the land and 
its resources and shows the influence of geographical conditions in the development 
of the country. . . . The author displays a judicial and impartial spirit in rela- 
tion to all controverted questions. This is especially noticeable in the consideration 
of such topics as the administration of Andros in Massachusetts, the persecution of 
the Quakers at Boston, the effect of the English navigation laws, the character and 
and treatment of the Loyalists, and the execution of Andre. . . . There is a grati- 
fying absence of cheap illustrations. The volume contains many excellent portraits. 
The period since 1789 is treated by topics. The old arbitrary division by administra- 
tions is properly abandoned and is replaced by the following divisions: Federalist 
Supremacy, 1789-1800; Jeffersonian Republicans, 1801-1812; War and Peace, 
1812-1829; The National Democracy, 1829-1844; Slavery in the Territories, 1844- 
1859; Secession, 1860-1861; The Civil War, 1861-1865; National Development, 
1865-1897." 



COMMENTS. 

J. M. Greenwood, Supt. of Schools, Kansas City, Mo.: " I have just finished 
reading Channing's Students' History, and I closed it with the conviction that it is the 
best single-volume history of the country that has yet been printed." 

Frederic A. Vogt, Principal Central High School, Buffalo, N.Y. : " It is a relief 

to see a history in which the military achievements give some space to the victories 
of peace and the growth of constitutional liberty. Mere incidents have been weeded 
out, and the essential whole has been preserved in a continuous story. There is a 
breadth of view and loftiness of exposition which is scientific and much more profit- 
able than a mere string of dates and events. The schemes for study, the outlines for 
reading, and the suggestions to teachers, ought to make the book very helpful." 

Prof. Kendric Charles Babcock, University of California : " I have no hesitation 

ill saying that I am convinced it is the best single-volume students' history of the 
United States yet published. The maps are more perfect and satisfactory than in 
any other school or students' history known to me. It is scholarly, interesting, and 
typographically excellent." 

Prof. W. C. Wilcox, University of Iowa: " It is the most complete history of the 
United States in one volume for high-school use. I shall recommend it to the high 
schools in this .State. It ought to be in all the preparatory schools either as a text- 
book or as a work of reference. It will serve equally well as either. The book- 
references, the topical studies, and the completeness of the treatment especially 
commend it to me." 

Prof. F. H. Hodder, University of Kansas: " Professor Channing's book is in 
every way admirable. I do not believe that any other work gives, in a single volume, 
so excellent a summary of the whole period of American history. It is a splendid 
text for high schools, university extension classes, and general readers." 

Prof. Jesse Macy, Iowa College: " It seems to me altogether the best planned 
and tb.e best executed work on tlie subject yet prepared for the use of high schools." 

Prof. Marshall S. Brown, New York University: " Professor Channing's name 
was a guarantee that this book would be what is needed in our higher grade of 
secondary schools. The book as completed is admirably adapted to the purpose for 
which it was written." 

Charles H. Keyes, Principal of High School, Holyoke Mass.: " We have at 
last a text suited for high-school use and one that will help put the subject into the 
important place it ought to occupy in the curriculum of the secondary school. It is 
manifestly the work of one who is both an historian and a teacher, and it ought to 
meet with unprecedented success." 

Reuben Post Halleck, Principal of Male High School, Louisville, Ky. : " The 

statements are clear, definite, and interesting. The list of books for consultation is 
very wisely selected." 

Prof. Edwin A. Grosvenor, Amherst College, Mass.: " One can hardly praise 
it too highly. It reads like a romance and pictures like a panorama, while at the same 
time accurate and impartial." 

Prof. Benjamin Gill, State College, Pa.: " The book goes far ahead of any of 
its predecessors. It deals with the subject more generously than such hand-books 
have been u.sed to do. Its method is entirely new, its illustrations, maps, and charts, 
are abundant and unlike anything that has preceded them; beaten tracks have not 
been followed; the author has folloued a self-made pattern; the authorities cited are 
most excellent; they are mostly American, and though quite recent are authoritative, 
such names as Fisk, Winsor, Hart, etc. 1 have been impressed with this fact in 
particular — that from whatever side the student or instructor may approach this 
book he will find intelligent guidance and stimulus." 

E. W. Wright, A.M. (Harvard), Examiner of Teachers for Essex County, Vt.: 
" Twenty-five years in secondary school-work leads me unhesitatingly to declare it 
the school history of our country In broad, philosophical treatment, in the just 
subordination of military details to the real progress of our people in the arts of peace, 
in its true perspective, and in its fearless ' calling a spade a spade,' it has no rival 
within sight. In following out political opinions from birth to maturity and in care- 
fully tracing causes to their effects it surpasses even more elaborate works." 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 

NEW YORK. BOSTON. CHICAGO. SAN FRANCISCO. 



The Growth of the French 
Nation. 



BY 



GEORGE BURTON ADAMS, 

Professor of History in Vale University. 

Cloth. i2mo. Price, $1.25. 



COMMENTS. 



Dominant 

influences carefully 

traced. 



Clear and 
to the point. 



Promise of title 
fulfilled. 



Strict fairness 

and clear, 

independent 

judgment. 



" The present work is a proof of how much that is 
new and striking may be said upon a trite subject. 
Many books have been written upon French history, 
but it would be difficult to specify any in which the 
dominant forces at work in that history have been so 
carefully traced." — Oxford Magazine. 

" Mr. Adams has dealt in a fascinating way with the 
chief features of the Middle Age, and his book is ren- 
dered the more attractive by some excellent illustra- 
tions. He traces the history of France from the 
Conquests of the Romans and Franks down to the 
presidency of M. Felix Faure, and has always some- 
thing to say that is clear and to the point ; Mr. Adams 
seems to us to have seized the salient features of the 
growth of the French nation, and to have fulfilled the 
promise of his title." — Ediicatio?ial Rf.view. 

" 'The History of Institutions,' writes Bishop Stubbs, 
'cannot be mastered, can scarcely be approached, 
without an effort: ' and in Mr. Adams's work we are 
glad to recognize many of the rare qualities needed. 
He shows strict fairness with clear and independent 
judgment, and he tells his story pleasantly. . . . The 
portraits and other illustrations, all apposite and inter- 
esting, lend grace and charm to the book." — London 
Academy. 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 

NEW YORK. BOSTON. CHICAGO. SAN FRANCISCO, 



American History 

TOLD BY CONTEMPORARIES. 

BY 

ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, 

Harvard University. 

Each Volume sold separately. Price, $2.00. 



Vol. I. Era of Colonization, 1493-1689. 

Ready. 

Vol. II. Building of the Nation, 1689-1783, 

Ready. 

Vol. III. National Expansion, 1783-1844. 

/// Preparation. 

Vol. IV. Welding of the Nation, 1845-1897. 

/;/ Preparation. 



Professor T. H. WOOD, of Worcester Academy, Worcester, Mass., says 
of Volume I. : — 

" The plan and the contents are alike admirable. The set will 
be a necessity for libraries and for teachers of American Hi story." 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 

NEW YORK. BOSTON. CHICAGO. SAN FRANCISCO. 

4 



